State Papers, 1656: October (1 of 5)

October (1 of 5)

An intercepted letter of Mr. Martin to Lister.

Vol. xliii. p. 13.

Mr. Reaves,
I Have writ once to you since your leaving us, and having no answer makes us fear you are not in health, which hath made choice this way to convey this by my true friend Mr. Wilson, whom I have desired to give me an account of yours and the good company, and to tell you, however you please your selves at London, yet we can remember you at Paris. The trust you lest with me I shall most faithfully discharge; and I doubt not but you be as just in my little concerns. If you can now send me those small parcels I spoke to you for, and deliver them to this bearer, I shall both receive them safe and in a seasonable time, to make a good hand and some advantage. Your friend de Mondexat is well, of which the bearer will assure you; pray let him know, what you hear from Cabildo. When I know by the answer to this, how and where you are, I will trouble you some times; and now in more then ordinary haste my service to all the good lads: farewel

Your affectionate freind and humble servant
H. Lope.

Paris 11^th October 1656. [N. S.]

An intercepted letter to the same.

Paris the 11^th of October 1656. [N. S.]

Vol. xliii. p. 15.

Sir,
I Have received yours, and the hopeful plants of the 25^th of September. My service to my neighbour Maide and Mr. Plant, and tell him, that I received a letter from Mr. Dixon since I writ to him concerning his unkindness to him, as he calls it; and I perceive it is about something Mr. Plant should tell monsieur du Grace, which Mr. Dixon should say of him, which he faith was rather said by Mr. Conyers then himself, and Conyers did little expect, that he would have sold it again; especially considering the information he himself had given to Conyers concerning him; but for all in the close, he prosesseth he will be ready to serve the hopeful Plant; and I will not reproach him with it but in my presence. I hope Thornton will be in town with you before this arrive to you, who hath promised to endeavour to supply you, and take further care at his return. In the mean time, give this inclosed with Nix. his service to Mr. John Reaves, Malaga merchant. You will hear of him at Mr. Reaves's house on Ludgate-hill, who is his brother. He promised to send Mr. Binns some gloves, which, if they be ready, you may tell him you have order to send them as soon as you can; because it will not be long ere he go home; and he desires you to get him an answer of this letter as soon as you can; and tell him, you will take care to send it. You need not say no more to him, except he be more particular with you. He hath writ, that the bearer Mr. Wilson would inform him of Mr. Conyers's health, who you may assure him is very well recovered, and doubts not but in a short time will be able to go abroad. We cannot find any way to supply you from hence till we have his answer; and then we shall find some way, that you may not lose his credit. Direct your answer to me, though I believe I shall be gone before it come; but Mr. Binns will receive it. I shall let you know where I am, which will be nearer you. Mr. Binns remembers him to the hopeful Plant and my daughter. I believe he will see Conyers and Dixon before me; and if he can do the Plant any service, he will faithfully endeavour it.

Durham, the 1st of October, 1656.

The examination of Henry Howard of Gray's-Inn, taken before Anthony Bayles, esq; mayor of the city of Durham, one of the justices of the peace of this county.

Vol. xliii. p. 11.

Being asked when he came from Gray's-Inn, and what business he hath in this county, faith he came from Gray's-Inn on monday the first day of September last; and his business here is to meet with one Mr. Stanley in Durham, who was born in Kent, and a student in Gray's-Inn. He faith he came on horseback to Chickley in Buckinghamshire to the house of Sir Anthony Chester of Chickley, within two miles of Newport-Pagnell, where he staid two days. And being asked, who came out of Gray's-Inn with him, faith one Mr. George Freeman, commonly called col. Freeman, who came with this examinate until they came to York together, which was the 20^th day of September. He this examinant came from Chickley to Skipton on horseback; and from thence he came in a coach to York, accompanied with the said Mr. Freeman, who rode on horseback to this examinate in the coach. He faith he had lain and staid in York a week, and lodged at Mr. Bryse's house at the sign of the George in Conny-street, and from thence he came on foot to Darneton on saturday night last, where he was staid and examined; and from thence he came to this city this day. This examinate faith, his father's name is William Howard, and dwelleth at Floyden, three miles distant from Norwich. He faith, he went into France in the year 1648, and staid in France, Italy, and other parts beyond the seas, near three years, and returned into England in the year 1651, and staid in England in Gray's-Inn and London almost one year, and returned into France and Holland again, where he staid about half a year, and then returned into London, where he hath remained in Norfolk and Gray's-Inn, for the most part. He faith he knows alderman Dethick, now lord mayor, and was school-fellow with his son sometime at Norwich; and the said mayor knows this examinate.

Henry Howard.

This is a true copy of the examination examined by
John Joplinn.

Mr. Henry Howard, as he calls himself, of a middle stature, ovel faced, full of pockholes, long bright brown hair, about twenty-four or twenty-five years of age, little or no hair on his face, a small white hand, a white grey loose coat, a leather doublet, with leather breeches trimm'd with black, and red ribbons, a broad lawn band, and great cuffs, and silk stockings.

To his most serene highness the lord protector of the common wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the dominions thereunto belonging.

Vol. xliii. p. 31.

The lords the states general of the united provinces having received on the 24^th of September last past the articles agreed and concluded at Elbing in Prussia on the 11^th day of the same month, betwixt the lords commissioners of his royal majesty of Sweden on the one part, and their extraordinary ambassadors on the other, have, as soon as the said articles were read in their assembly, sent a copy thereof to the subscribed extraordinary ambassador; as also a copy of the treaty established with the crown of Sweden in the year 1640, which is now again renewed and confirmed by the said articles of the said treaty at Elbing; ordering withall, that the said subscribed ambassador should in pursuance of the 15^th article of the late treaty of peace with his most serene highness, communicate the one and the other to his renowned highness. And whereas, it hath been expresly stipulated on the behalf of lords the states general, and at the instance of their before mentioned extraordinary ambassadors mutually agreed by both parties, that his most serene highness the lord protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with all the dominions, territories, and places thereto belonging, should be comprehended and included in the said treaty, and be received in the conditions therein received in the conditions therein comprehended (if it be his highness's will and desire to be so included and comprehended) and shall enjoy and participate all the conditions and advantages, which have been agreed and are expressed in the instrument of the said treaty between both the consederates, the said ambassador beseecheth most instantly in the name and by order of the lords his superiors, that he may know, whether his most serene highness desireth to be comprehended according to the faculty for him thereby reserved. Exhibited this 2/12 of October 1656.

William Nieupoort.

To his most serene highness the lord protector of the commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with dominions thereunto belonging.

Vol. xliii. p. 19.

The subscribed extraordinary ambassador of the lords of the states general of the united provinces is obliged to address himself to his most serene highness concerning a ship of Middlebrough in Zealand, called the Hope, the master Nicholas Block, belonging to John la Vilettee a merchant and inhabitant citizen in the said city, which ship did set sail from Zeeland aforesaid on the 27^th of the month of August last past, and about midnight passed by the English fleet before Dunkirk, the sea being very high, so that the master could not hoist out a boat to go to the commander of the said fleet, but kept his course towards Bourdeaux, being bound thither to seek a freight; but was followed by some small English frigats, which in the morning shooting at the said ship, the master struck to them, and gave an account to them, declaring to them there were no goods aboard but only ballast; that the ship did truly and really belong to the said John la Vilettee, a citizen of Middlebrough and a subject of the united provinces, and that he was ready and sincerely bound for Bourdeaux to seek a freight; all which appeareth by the examination and depositions of the said master and his company; yet the said ship was seized and brought into Dover-peer, where the same hath since been and is yet detained, not knowing any just cause or reason. Therefore doth the subscribed extraordinary ambassador beseech most instantly, that it may please his most ferene highness to order, that the said ship and appurtenances be forthwith released without charges. Exhibited this 2/12 October, 1656.

William Nieupoort.

Mr. Longland, agent at Leghorn, to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 39.

Right honourable,
In several of my former I advysed your honor, that Mr. Metham was retorned to Genoa from Lisbon in his way to Rome, wher he now lyes in a manner besieged, for the sicknes being ther no other neihbouring state wil admit of any comerce, or receiv thence so much as a letter, except soakt in vineger: and althoh Rom be more infected then Genoa, yet they wil not receive any man from on citty to the other; the Genowes would not receiv the queen of Sweden, althoh she desyred but to land in the skirts of theyr state. Thus Mr. Metham's endeavours ar made useles, til it pleas God to ceas the sicknes.

Since the rendering of Valenta to the French, no other action has followed, theyr army being gon into theyr winter quarters. The state of Milan is not passable for an army in the winter; it being a sat soil, the raines mak the wayes so diep, that the horse nor carryage cannot pas. The next spring, I believ, wil make hot work, for it much concerns the French to prossecut theyr victory; and the truth is, the piple of the state of Millan are extreamly weary of the Spanish yok, and 'tis believed, if the French bring a powerful army next spring, and go on vigorously, the whole state wil fal to theyr obedience. 'Tis observable, that wher the Spanyard has but a limitted or mixt power in the goverment, ther the piple ar in a resonable good condition for lyvlyhood, as it appears in Flanders; but in al other parts of the Spanish dominion, where the Spanyard is sole governor, the piple ar al beggared and ruined. 'Tis here reported, that about ten thousand soldiors ar com from the emperor into the state of Millan; but 'tis believed they arryv not to three regiments. Before this letter arryves your honour's hands, the parliment wil be met, which God grant may prov happy and prosperous to thos nations and government. So prayeth

Your moste faithful and moste obedient servant
Charles Longland.

Legh. 13 October, 1656. [N. S.]

A letter of intelligence.

Bruges, 13^th of October, 1656. [N. S.]

Vol. xliii. p. 41.

Sir,
Within these three days came orders for the enlargement of quarters for king Charles, which is very ample; and to receive of all sorts to make up the number, which I never did expect; but by appearance there is strange things to be done. The peace of France and Spain is not certain, although it is endeavoured. I dare not judge, but God hath a great hand in those things; but I wish you would have a greater care of yourself and your friends, than I see is, for I perceive much deceit by your tradesmen, that come here: there is one called the Drake frigat, may be, might do much ill; so may many others, for any thing I know; however be confident of my endeavours. I intreat you have a care, for we intend to have our own, as we term it. Your shipping comes to Flushing, and confides much in our people, and as I understand, some intend to deceive you. Therefore have a care: be confident our number is not a thousand.

Thursday, the 2^d of October, 1656.

Vol. xliii. p. 37.

Ordered by the parliament,
That a committee be appointed to attend his highness, to desire his highness's consent, to the appointing wednesday next for a day of thanksgiving within the cities of London and Westminster, and all places within the late lines of communication.

Lord Lambert
Lord Broghill
Sir Gilbert Pickering
Lord deputy of Ireland
Sir John Hobart
Col. Sydenham
Col. Jones
Gen. Disbrowe
Lord com. Fiennes
Lord Strickland
Col. Grosvenor
Maj. gen. Haynes
Mr. Secretary
Maj. gen. Goffe: to do it this afternoon.

Ordered,
That it be referred to the same committee to draw a narrative to be published, declaring the grounds and reasons of appointing this day, to bring it in to-morrow morning.

Henry Scobill, clerk of the parliament.

Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwell, major general of the forces in Ireland.

In the possession of Joseph Jekyll, esq;

My lord,
The enclosed will lett you see the goodnesse of God to us, in the successe we have lately had against Spayne before Cadiz. I shall not need to observe to you the seasonableness of this mercy, nor the great consequences, which depend thereupon. They are visible in every lyne of it. And besides what is in print, wee have a relation by some of the prisoners, that about six months since there happened a feareful earthquake in Peru, a kingdome, which lies upon the South Sea, and at the same tyme it rained fire from heaven, insomuch that Lyma the cheife citty of that kingdome is swallowed up; as also the island of Callao, in both which places there perished 11000 Spanyards and not above 100 Indyans. The mountaynes alsoe, where they had their gold and silver, are levelled with the playne, and their mines also spoyled and lost, with 100 millions of peices of 8/8 ready made up in barrs. This is affirmed by a marquesse, whose father was governor in those parts, and now slayne in this fight; and is also asserted by other prisoners, but because this is the first tyme wee have heard of it, it is thought necessary to have it seconded by other hands, before wee doe give full creditt thereto.

Before this newes came, which is very remarkable, the parliament had voted, that the warr with Spayne was undertaken upon just and necessary grounds, and for the good of the commonwealth, and that the parliament approved thereof, and would assist his highnes therein. This vote passed in the morneing upon wednesday, and in the afternoone came this newes altogether unexpected and unlooked for, which is a great wittnesse to the ingenuitie and integritie of the parliament in that voet. The truth is, the parliament is in a very good temper. The bill for the exclusion of the lyne of Charles Stewart is past, and that for a high court of justice is past to the engrossment, which I beleive will be a great terror upon designeinge men. The affaires in Flanders are somewhat altered. The French army, since the takeinge of La Capelle is master of the field, and the Spanish army moulders away. There are above 4000 of their men runn from them within these three weekes; and those who doe remeyne are in such necessity for money, that they are scarce kept from mutininge, and I believe the losse of their gallions will encrease that distemper much. There is a great quarrell likewise betweene don John and the prince of Condé, insoemuch that they parted from each other in much discontent, and Condé hath beene in a treatie with the cardinal for his returning into France; and its doubtfull what will become of that treaty.

In this disorder of affaires the busines of Charles Stewart doth not much advance, but is rather upon the declineing hand. The great consluence of those, who at first flocked to hym, is now proved his trouble. They are like to eate one another for want of meanes to subsist by; and the Spanyard sees himselfe noe whit bettered by him, haveinge sailed in all he promised to doe. He undertooke to bringe all the Irish out of France to hym; and to that end the duke of Yorke was sent for into Flanders, where he now is, but hath not brought 100 men with him. We must expect yet a little longer to see the issue of the treatie of peace betweene France and Spayne.

Mons. de Leon, who was at Madrid on the behalf of the French upon that negotiation, is returned back, and as is said, re infecta, and soe the cardinal pretends; but we may knowe more of this by the next post. In the meane tyme there are noe great symptoms of peace between them. The emperor dureinge this treatie hath sent an army into Millain, which the French expound to be a breach of the treatye at Munster. For the affaires of Poland, I can say nothinge, but that the Polander is gathering together a new army; but that, which troubles the Swede most, is the Muscovite, who hath invaded his countrye with a great army, and is now before Riga with 80,000 men, if he hath not taken it already. I begge your pardon for this prolixity, and rest

Your lordship's most humble and faithfull servant
Jo. Thurloe.

A letter of intelligence.

Vol.xliii. p. 45.

Sir,
I Desire much to heare from you, and so much the rather, that I want some assistance, of money towards my support, and to enable mee for to performe the better service for you. I might performe much, had I but some smale of moneys, for as formerly it was said of Rome (omnia venalia quæcunque possunt in cognitionem venire, aut possessionem) soe here in these countreys l'argent fait tout. If you intend to support mee upon these affaires, have it not longer in suppence, but fiat ad propositum, and you shall finde me sedulous and carefull in my undertakings, and to dischardg my trust pleniarily. I pray bee my friend soe as you promised, and I will not in the least deceave your expectations. I would wish you to bee carefull, and have reguarde to all letters sent out of England, to Henry Vander Daske, Hans Vander Campe, Henry Collier att Flushing, or any other parte of Flanders; and alsoe of a letter directed to one mons. Chappell att Antwerpe. Those are for great cavaliers from their agents in England. Therefore look out those, and when you write to me, include my letter in another paper with a superscription, A monsier monsieur Petrue Voorsluys un procurrateur a Middleburgh en Zeeland-port, and then I shall bee sure to have it. Thus with my humble service unto you, I rest,

Sir, your verry assured friend and servant,
Thomas George.

Flushing 14/4 Octobris, 1656.

And send mee some other private direction to send to you by another name, to bee sure. Adieu.

The superscription,
For his honoured friend Mr. Andrew Can alias Car, all the post-house in Thread-needle-street, London.

From the same to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 47.

Noble sir,
The king (as they here call him) is gone from Bridges to Gante, and so thence, as it is said, for Antwerpe. He lookes (they saie) something sad uppon the busines, for the overthrowe that was given to don John d'Austria, and that there are men a leavying in England, and that none of the shipps doe revolt unto him, according to his expectation. All those things falling out crosse (and the consining of some of his friends in England) makes him a little pensive; yett his endeavours goe on to liste some few beggerly Irish rebbells, and some runegado English; but all are not yet 400. Great contributions are promised him, for the compleating of his designe from all parts, or most at least, of Europe. The Hollanders and Zealanders are verry bitter against you, and ever rayle att his sacred highnes, ignominiously naming him by D. Cromewell, and cursing him and his ways. They are indeed unhandsomely outragious after the maners of Dutchmen; they bragge alsoe, how they will fitte our merchants shipps gone to the Easte Indias, by forestawling all comodities in India, giveing twice or three times as much as usuall; and if they cannot store it, they are resolved to throwe it over boarde, that the English may receave none thereof; and when they will come home to Europe, they will sell all at halfe the price that the English marchants are able to affoorde, and by that meanes to make the English weary of theire trade to the Indias. They are resolved to cast away two or three hundred thousand pounds, or make them weary there. They knowe where every ship was bounde unto, that went away from London. God grant that you may see and finde what is best for the glory of God and the advantage of the nations under you, and that which tends to your owne security and confirmation. Many enemys you have, God Allmighty desend you from theire fury. Thus with service, I rest,

Noble sir,
Your most devoted humble servant,
Tho. George.

Flushing, 14/4 Octobris, 1656.

Col. Tho. Cooper to secretary Thurloe,

In the possession of the right honourable Philip, lord Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great Britain.

Honourable sir,
Yestearday col. Moore's regiment for Jameica shippd at the porte with a great deale of cheerfulnes; and wee wear forced to dismisse about 60 souldyers, that wear more then the number contracted for, that the shipps wear to take in. It was not well contrived to send shipps to those places to take in men: had they been appoynted to Kingsale or Corke, it had saved them halfe their tyme in their voyage in all likelyhood, besides the avoydinge of the daingerous channel at this tyme of the year. It was desired, that all the shipps might have met either heere or at Kirkcubright, that soe they might goe in company togeather, but that may be veary longe before accomplished; and when they are met, it is forty to one but they are severred, before they get out of the channell; and therefore they must appoynt Corke or Kingsale for their late randevouse. And therefore with the advise of the captains I have thought sit to send capt. Veasie with the Nightingale friggot to help convoye lieutenant general Brayne, and desired the lieutenant general to make all haste to Corke, and there stay for these ships. And if these three shipps, whoe have capt. Eaton of the Faggon and capt. Elliot of the for their convoye, get theather before them, to stay till they come; and beinge gott theather all, I hope they are paste the greatest of their danger, which is longe and darke nights and narrow seas; and seting out of Corke harbour together, I hope they will not be severed throughout their voyage; and that is in their way. The wynde, that will carry them from Scotland, and those from hence out of their harbours, will carry them to Corke; and the wynde, that carries them from Corke, is faire for their voyage, so that I hope wee have contrived the safest and moste expeditious way to forward them in their way. Since I began to wright, capt. Farmer, one of the shipps appoynted for Kirkcubright, was parted from the other, and put into Lough Raine thirtyfour miles distant from thence, and haveinge taken in 100 men there, according to former orders, did set saile for the place, and is come in safe, and with the first wynde shall sayle with these for Corke, wheare I hope lieutenant general Brayne will meet them with the rest, whoe are aboarde the Two Sisters, and the Grantom friggott, as by letters of the 29^th of September I receaved from him expresse. The Grantom friggott, before shee got to her porte, was in much danger at the Isle of Man, beinge run aground, and strikeinge eleven tymes; but I hope hath receaved little hurt. I feare I have to much exceeded, but I did it to give you a perfect accompt of the business, and remayne, sir,

Your affectionat friend and servant,
Tho. Cooper.

Carrick-sergus, Octob. the 4^th, 1656.

Lord chief justice St. John to secretary Thurloe.

In the possession of the right honourable Philip, lord Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great Britain.

Sir,
I Returne my hartie thankes for the favour of your letter, which is soe much the greater, because that in this thronge of businesse, the time for writing it was taken from your personall accommodations. It is indeed a seasonable mercy, and a happy retreate of our navie, the season requiringe it. If the latter parte of your letter prove true, the West Indies begin to be a stage of miracles, in our miscarriage on man's parte, and in the other agaynst Spayne from heaven.

Give mee leave to trouble you with the businesse at Ely. Upon the 29^th instante the adventurers mett for setting up the government. There was a verry greate assembly, and of the most considerable adventurers, where the officers and members of the corporation weare chosen, the earle of Bedford governor, yourselfe deputy governor, Mr. Gorges and Sir W. St. John, bayliffs; and an addition to the former commonalty. The companie hath declared, that the government shall be according to the laws and customs of Romny Marsh, which are convenient and commended to all commissioners of sewers, and by our acte of drayning unto us, the officers are theire 23 lords of lands, one bayliffe, 24 jurates, an expenditer, clerke, and serjeants. In the great levell 23 lordships are set oute of 500 acres a peece, 9 in the south levell, 11 in the middle levell, and 3 in the north, whereof Doddington hath 3, and Wittlesea 2. Sir Gilbert Gerard's, and my 500 acres in Burrowmee are one, and yourselfe to be the lord. We have annexed one lordship to his highnes 200 acres. All the rest consiste of 500 acres. We have chosen all the officers, and given them instructions, and framed by-lawes for the government, and published them. Sir, pardon this trouble. Sir W. St. John and Franke weare att our meeting. Sir, I have noe newes more, then that I am

Your most affectionate and humble servant,
Ol. St. John.

4 Octob. 1656.

Major general Whally is one of the lords for the south levell, and major general Goffe for the north levell.

A letter of intelligence.

Turine, the 5^th of October, 1656. [N. S.]

Vol. lv. p. 49.

Sir,
Senc my last, which was of the 6^th currant, only the reception of the queen of Sweds by the duq of Savoy is only worthy of notice. Twelf in red livery were sent with a chaise to the Mont Darblet, and on the other seyd a great nomber of gentry, and the gardes of their heighness conducted her to Rivol, where shee was met by all the court in great pompe and ceremonie, and in the way was received by all the burgery, and soe led to the towne by the leight of torches and two triumphal arks, with several seyre works, that the towne, by the help of what leights each windowe afforded, seemed to be all in a feyre. The clergy in pontificalibus receaved her at the gats. I was forced by the could I receaved in passinge the montaine, to retyre myselfe for a few dayes, of which I am not as yet parfaitly recovered, but doe hope by the next to give a more ample and satisfactory accompt. Som days shee will stay here, and of all her conferences will advise soe soone as able, and will knowe her designe to the full, of which you shall have tymely notice. I desire you to let mee know your pleasure, if yow will have mee continue in lookinge to her actions in all her visits to these princes, or to repaire to Rome. Shee was already privat for two houres with the duches, and more then an houre with the duke. As soone as can possibly get abroade, yow shall not be frustrated of your hopes, and doc hope to procure yow satisfactory aprobation of the voiage, as well of her actions as of her more considerable transactions in the the place of Mr. Piercy's residence. There is very great matters a bruinge amongst them, of which I have some leight allready, and doe only stay to search both the treuth and depth of all their intriges. You may rest assured, that my labour shall not be lost, it beinge my sole desyre to prove myselfe in all occasions, that I am,
Sir.

The French armie is very inconsiderable, having don wonders with soe smale a nomber as eight thousand, havinge with all diligence finished the breaches made by them in the woorks of Valance, and now howerly expects the Spaniards and Germains to resiege them; but as yet nothinge resolved by them. M. de Mercure havinge care yesterdai attempted to pass the Po, was forced to make a speedy retreat. Seecknes amongst them, and but litle money. To morow I am to waite on the secretarie of state to their heighnes, havinge receaved a complement this day from him.

Your very humble and most faithfull servant,
Antony Ayllmour.

Postscript by col. Bampsylde.

The Spaniards have taken all the postes about Valance, which is come to mee by another way.

To monsieur de Bordeaux, the French ambassador in England.

Paris, 15 October, 1656. [N. S.]

Vol. xliii. p. 49.

The contagious disease, which doth still rage very much in Italy, causeth some disorder to happen to the posts, so that we hear not from them so often as we were wont: some officers of his holiness are dead of it, and his holiness is still shut up in Montecavallo without doing any publick function; but now the winter approacheth, it is hoped, that disease will cease.

The queen of Sweden went from Turin on the 28^th of the last month, after she had admired the fortifications of the citadel, which she observed, and went afoot round the city. She visited the magazines of arms and garrisons, and spoke very advantageously of the said place.

The king hath caused some domestics of the cardinal de Retz to be apprehended and sent to the bastille, who say that they were weary of the said cardinal's service, and not satisfied with him, which made them to leave him.

They have sent some troops to Angers, and given order to punish some of the ringleaders, that caused a tumult lately in that city.

The cardinal is about bringing the river of Rhine round about Brisac, which will make it inaccessible and impregnable: it is well fortified and victualled, and the marquis of St. Geniet hath purged the place of some suspected persons. They are making a ball for the wedding of the prince Eugene, and they staid only for the articles, which are sent to be signed in Savoy. The troops do receive all manner of satisfaction by the great care and order, which is taken to disperse them, and to make them subsist during the campaign, in case the war be continued between France and Spain.

The bad weather and the fog have caused their majesties to defer their journey to Vincennes.

An envoy extraordinary came here two days ago.

Col. D'oyley to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 59.

Sir,
I Wrote my last to you by the waye of New England, and acquainted you with our then condition, which is not now at all worse, only to us it appears soe, by our soe longe not heareinge from you. Now it is about eight months, and more, since the Wildman went hence, since which wee have had noe one letter from England; wee are almost afraid, wee are forgott. I shall be eased, and case you of much trouble, by the coming of colonel Humfrey, who having long laboured with continuall sicknes, is gon off. I have adventured to discharge him, haveinge heard nothinge in that perticular from his highnes, not being able any longer to resiste their reasonable impurtunities. Of him you will be informed what you desire of our states and condition. I must, while I am in this command, still impurtune, and that with earnestness, your assistance to us, and actinge for us. Wee are a desolate, and almoste an abandoned people, and deserve pitty at least, and helpe from our freinds, especially considering, that if wee had not had more sence of the nation's honour and our owne then others, wee had from Hispaniola sailed directly to England, and not exposed ourselves to the difficulties and diseases wee have had here. I shall adde noe more, but that wee are Englishmen, and I am

Your faithful servant,
Edward D'oyley.

Jamaica, 6th of October, 1656.

H. Cromwell to secretary Thurloe, major general of the army in Ireland.

Vol. xliii. p. 55.

Sir,
I Expected to have received by your laste letter some account of H. H's opinion and pleasure concerning the setlinge the militia in this nation, which I earnestly desired of you in my laste letters, having therein given you a large account of that affaire. You not expressing any thing in yours relateinge thereunto, makes me doubt leaste mine miscarried. I have received returnes frome the persons, whoe are intrusted with that business in the severall parts of this nation, whoe gave me ane account, that there is a very great willingness in the well affected people to put themselves in a posture to oppose the common enemy, which my last letters have more perticularly informed you; yet this beinge a business of very great importance, and knoweing myself and actions to have bin too liable to the censures and misinterpritations of others, I dare not proceed to a finall settlement of it without H. H's approbation, though I have received authoritie from the councill here for my proceedinge herein; and it is in my owne and the judgement of all that love H. H's interest, and the peace of their countrey, most advisable to be setled. Therefore give me leave to renew my desire, that you will speedily returne some answere to this business. There were some other thinges expressed in my letters both to H. H. and your selfe, of which your's makes noe mention. I should be glade to know whether they came to hand. As to the settlinge of the army, according to H. H's direction in three quarters, soe as they might be moste significant to answere any attempt either from abroade or at home (if my fourth letters, which gave H. H. any account of that business, have miscarried) sir John Reynoldes cane fully informe H. H. thereof. I am takeing the best care I cane to make provision for them in those wasted places, where now they lay, which I shall continue soe longe as it shall be necessarie to keep them together, which will be very difficult, unless wee are constantly supplyed with allowance from Englande. My intelligence, uppon the place, confirms more and more what you have formerly writt of the designes of Ch. St. upon this nation. Its verry certeyne, that theire priests and other emisereys have bin through the nation, to prepare bothe Scotch and Irish for a new rebellion. I believe, through the blessing of God, they are somewhat disappointed here, as well by secureinge the heads of them, as allsoe by the posture your forces and guarrisons her are putt in.

I shall give you ane account of one piece of intelligence I mett with from ane Irish gentleman, whoe hath formerly manifested good affection to the English: he sayth, that he hade it from one of the priests lately come over, that Ch. St. hade laied his designe to make an insurrection in all the three nations; and that he himself, with Ormond, with parte of the forces they hade gott, and were in hopes of procureing from Flanders, were resolved for Scotlande; Prince Rupert, with a Spanish Don to be his lieutenant general, to leade those for England; the duke of York and Inchiquine to commande in Ireland; and that they hade great assurance to finde consideing freinds, and assistance in each of the three nations, and that they were in a good forwardness in theire forces to make their severall attempts. What probabilitie there may be in this, you are better able to judge of then myself; however this will stirr us upp to a more then ordinary care and diligence. I will not trouble you with other noises and rumours of this kinde, which are amonge us. We shall be carefull to keep things quiett and peaceable at home, and I expecte forreign intelligence from you. To-morrowe I intend for Galloway, and shall keep the faste ordered by the councell here to be observed, on wednesday next throughout the nation, to seeke a blessinge from the Lord upon the councills and undertakings of H. H. and parliament, for carrying on the worke and settlement of those nations: we shall be likewise carefull to observe the day appointed by H. H. and parliament. I intend soe soone as I have taken a sufficient view of Gallway, to goe to Athlone, where I shall be necessitated to make some stay to setle that division of the army, and to consider other things relating to the further securitie and safety of this countrey.

I am glade you have soe good hopes of this parliament. Though your secludeing soe many members seemed to us at this distance to be a dangerous remedie, yet, if it shall please God to make use of the rest to doe any good for these poore nations, wee shall have cause to rejoyce therein.

Some of my letters have given me ane account that alderman Tighe, elected for Dublin citty, was with the rest excluded the house. I am not much acquainted with the gentleman, but forasmuch as I knowe or have heard of hime, I cannot but wonder at it. The onely fault that ever I heard by any objected against him, was his too much forwardeness in appeareing for his H. H. and gouvernment. I ame a little the more concerned to understande the reason of his stopp, because I have with the advice of the rest of the councill given him the command of the militia regiments for the citty of Dublin, he being a person approved of by all the good and sober people there, and recommended to that imployment, more especially by the moste eminent persons of Dr. Winter's church, * * * * * * * * * * * I heare recorder Byss and lieut. col. Benisforde are likewise secluded. I never heard any thinge butt well of them: if you knowe any thinge concerning them, I shall take it very kindly to receive it from you. I would not be to quicke to judge of an action of this nature, but ame well assured the councell have not bin rightly informed concerninge these gentlemen.

I am your moste effecinote freind and humble servant,
H. Crumwell.

Oct. 6. 1656.

Mr. J. Aldworth, consul at Marseilles, to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 61.

Right honourable,
My last unto you was of the 3^d currant, giving you notice, that general Blake with ten ships was met off the southward cape, and bound for England, having left the rest of the fleete before Cadiz. Att present I have to give you notice, that two dayes past I received letters from Barcelona, dated the 6^th currant, which mention, that part of the friggotts had mett with a plate ship, in which is seven millions convoyed by three gallions of Cadiz. In the fight two of them was sunck; the rest escaped into Cadiz; wheare reported had left the plate ship in fight with five of our gallies, who had already shott all her mastes downe, and conceaved to be absolutely taken; and although the Spainyards report thear is but seven millons aboard her, yett it's gennerally conceaved she have doble the quantity. This is one of the ships so long supposed to bee lost. Her confortt being the vice admirall, have sunck in the sea, having aboard her five millions. This being the needfull for present, I humbly take leave, and remayne

Your honnor's servant at command,
Jo. Aldworth.

Marseills, 17 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

Att this instant is arrived an English ship, who in fifteen dayes past mett our frigotts at Cadiz, towing the plate ship, and one of the gallions of thirty six gunns, whom they find to be worth at least twelve millions. They was conducting them to Lisbone to generall Blake. The plate ships, that is taken, report twelve sayle was to part in six weeks after them.

A letter of intelligence to resident Bradshaw.

Vol. xliii. p. 65.

Right honorabel,
I Heard from my friend at Dantzick, that the last Tuesday's post from Elbing came to Dantzick after the last post was gone for Hamburgh, and so all the letters were left behind; but with Friday's post they were sent away. I am sorry for it. I believe the bad and deep ways made the post come so late to Dantzick. As for news, I have from the duke of Brandenburg's army, that 15,000 Tartars are fallen in upon the borders or limits of Prussia, and have done great mischief to the duke's subjects, burnt and destroyed above threescore villages, and meeting with the duke's forces, the Tartars killed more than five or six regiments of the earl of Waldeck's troops, the best regiments of the duke's army. The earl himself and three more of his, with much ado retired themselves to a stronge castle called Luck. The suburbs round about this castle the Tartars burnt all down, and took away some of the duke's cannons. Yesterday there passed by, two miles from Elbing, a strong recruit of thirteen companies of horse, all very stout fellows, coming out of Westphalia. The general major Dorfling is gone with thirty companies of horse to assist their own troops against the Tartars; and the Swedish general Steinbock is broken up to march in haste, and to join with the duke's forces. The king of Sweden with the queen continue still at Frauenburg; but this week the queen goes for Sweden. The Swedish fleet is arrived now in the Pillaw for to convoy her into Sweden. Of the king's journey thither there is no certainty. One of the Dutch ambassadors, the chief of them called monsieur Slingeland, passed this city yesterday, and goes home again in the Low-countries: he is called from the States General to come home. The three others remain still at Frauenburg with the king of Sweden. Next week the same Dutch ambassador intended to go to the duke of Brandenburgh first of all, and from thence to the king of Poland. From Riga there are no other news come hither, but such as we had last week. The city is still hard besieged from the Muscovite; he does his best for to take it; he continues with shooting and throwing of fire-balls into the city, and doth offer to the city very fair conditions and great privileges, to render them up to him. There is some succours come lately into the city, but there came no more than this, it is feared the city will be forced to render them up to the Muscovite. This news brought a Holland ship to Dant zick coming from Riga, having brought from Amsterdam to Riga above 30,000 pounds of gunpowder. The river at Riga is yet free to bring in and out what they please. Thus having no more at the present for to impart to your honour, I remain

Your's to command.

From Elbing, 17 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

I wish this letter may come in due time to your honour's hands, not as the last of the 10^th current; and that I may hear from your honour, having been without his letter a great while.

The superscription,
A mons. mons. le resident t Bradshaw presentement à Hamburgh.

Mr. Bradshaw, resident at Hamburg, to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 67.

Right honourable,
Blessed be God, whoe hath removed that great and dangerous impediment in the way of settlement. I trust wee shall ere longe heare of good and great things done by the parliament, to the disappointinge of our enemies and the future comfort of God's people, though some of them may yet be unsatisfyed with the present proceedings: it could not be expected, that all men should concur in the carryinge on of that great worke.

By this post I understand from Mr. Dorislaus, that your honor had received my weekely letters, but he makes noe mention of the deliverie of my late address to his highness. I presume I shall heare of that from yourself ere longe, and what I may expect in that busines, though it be now noe tyme to truble you with it. The prevailinge partey heere seeinge nothinge done at Whitehall, have this last weeke agayne elected their martly deputie for this present quarter, and the wel affected findinge noe redress, and beinge pressed with theire owne affaires, were forced to submitt to them, in hopes that ere this quarter lapse, his highness will please to declare himselfe. Mr. Townley is confidently expected heere by his party to come over the ship now ready, whom they only want to compleat their conquest, as they thinke; but I presume your honor will take care, that he come not over without his censure, otherwise I muste goe off as he comes on. My servant Hudson writes me, that he cannot get the four hundred pound, nor the money from the commissioners of the admiralty. I pray, Sir, be pleased to interpose for the payment of both summs, in the want of which I suffer much heere, besides the great charge I am at in keepinge him there to wait on that busines, which men of business will not attend. To the inclosed papers of intelligence I have nothinge to ad, but shall expect your order in the busines my correspondent writes of from Elbinge, in case the treaty goe on 'twixt the kings of Sweden and Poland; which I believe wil not. I affectionatly remayne
Hamburg, 7^th Oct. 1656.

Your honour's very humble servant,
Ric. Bradshaw.

The company heere persist in their act of fininge the diffenters, notwithstandinge the inclosed paper sent them.

General Monck to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 67.

Honoured Sir,
I Have received two letters from you, one the 30^th of September, and the other of the 2^d instant, and am very glad to heare your business in the parliament goes on soe well. I thanke you for the Spanish newes you sent mee, which truly came very opportunely. God give us hearts to bee truly thankfull to him for itt. I hope this newes will coole the courage of the Spaniard, and breake Charles Stuart's new forces, which I heare are already like to breake for want of money. There are four regiments, whereof the four collonells are the titular duke of Yorke, Gloucester, Ormond, and Middelton. I doe not heare they are to raise more, and I thinke now these will come to nothing. I thank you for your care, that you were pleased to endeavour to get another regiment instead of colonel Salmon's, and some shippes to attend uppon those coasts; which truly if you can compasse, I shall not fear what Charles Stuart can doe with his eight thousand men, if they were landed; but I hope wee shall take course to meete them att their landing, in case they land any where betweene Invernesse and Berwick; and if they doe land beyond itt, I hope we shall finde a way to starve them in the hills; which is all att present from

Your most affectionat freind and humble servant,
George Monck.

Dalkeith, 7 Oct. 1656.

M. Reede Van Renswoude, the Dutch resident in Spain, to the States General.

18 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

Vol. xliii. p. 71.

My lords,
There being advice come from Cadiz, that six English frigots were come again upon the coast, his majesty and his council hath thereupon sent express order thither to equip wish all speed all the men of war they have there.

The treaty between this crown and France is quite broken off, and monsieur de Lionne hath sent back the present, which was courteously given him by this court; which is a sign his negotiation hath had no effect at all.

Henry Van Reede Van Renswoude.

Extract of the resolutions of the lords to the States General.

19 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

Vol. xliii. p. 77.

Received a letter from the lord Nieuport, extraordinary ambassador in England, written in Westminster the 13^th day of this instant month; as also a letter of the same date to our grieffier Ruysch, and therewith an authentic copy of the late treaty concluded betwixt England and Sweden. Upon deliberation it is thought good and ordered, that it shall be returned in answer to the said lord ambassador, that he will endeavour to get a complete authentic copy of the said treaty, with an insertion of the powers or commissions of both sides; and that also the preamble or introduction, and likewise the conclusion and the date thereof, all which is lest out, may be added thereunto.

J. De Merode.

Agreeth with the register.

N. Ruysch.

A letter of intelligence.

Vol. xliii. p. 79.

Sir,
I Received your's of the 15^th of October. Since I have written many, and desired you to send me a direction how to write to you by the way of France. If you have written to me since the 15^th of October, I fear Mr. Cittbe the merchant hath kept the letters. Therefore pray let me have only a note from you, whereby I may know, whether you have written or no, or whether mine are come to your hands; and if you come to Roan in France, how I may direct my letters to Roan; and till I know this, it is to no purpose for me to write. The Spanish merchants are engrossing all that commodity, and therefore you must hasten to let me hear from you; and I shall always to my power serve you, and rest your

servant to command,
Tho. Hanmer.

Breda, 19 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

Direct your's as you used.

Mr. Charles Longland, agent at Leghorn, to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 81.

Right Honorable,
Althoh I am confident, you hav the good advys of the succes of the frigats before Cales, yet I hope you wil pardon me in giving you what newes a small fish-ship brouht us four dayes since, who off Lagus nere the south cape spak with the Bridgwater, from whos listenant, that came aboard they understand, that seven frigats lying befor Cales on the 20/10 September in the morning, spyed six fail; whereupon they weyd ankor, and went out to them, and fynding them to be Spanish gallions and ships, fel to work and fouht them nine howers. Two they took, they sunk the vice admiral and another, and the two other escaped into Cales. The one of the ships taken is a gallion laden with plate, the other is a greate Flemish bottom laden with marchantdiz; both vallued at seven millions of crownes. I wish they prov worth the one half: the people her ar very unwilling to beleiv this newes, as not turning them to account.

I believ twil mak a strange alterration in the Spanish affaires, especially this blow being (as I dout not) wel folowed. It seems they had a fleet prepared redy in Cales to come out and succour thos ships, but had not the courage to do it, althouh this fyght was performed in the syht of Cales. I should infinitly rejois to receive som good newes from your honour's hands of this parliament's happy concorring with his hyhness in theyr jointly seeking the good of thos nations. The Spanish ambassador in Rome labours to sell som principallityes in the kingdom of Naples to prince Pamsilio, the late pope's nessew, to mak money to supply his master's wants. I suppose, when he heares of this los, he will endevor to sel the whol kingdom, if he can fynd buyers. The duke of Modena has put out a manisest, that his proceedings ar agreable to the treaty of Monster, and therfor, if the emperor invades him, he does him wrong. The sicknes is hot in Rom, and encreses in Genoa. If the approching cold wether does not clear it, next summer 'twil be raging hot. The Genowes fleet is retorned home without doing any thing, in a very sad condition. If in any thing I may serv your honnor, in al humbleness I offer myself,

Right honorable,
your most humble and faithful servant, Charles Longland.

Leg. 19 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

A letter of intelligence.

Madrid, 19 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

Vol. xliii. p. 85.

Sir,
I have written to you yesterday by another way. This is to let you know, that they are now preparing the fleet I advised you of before, that is in Cadiz, for very soon they exPect the Nova Hispania fleet, against which time this fleet in Cadiz are preparing. I advised you long since of the number and strength thereof. It is incredible how sensible all those of the council of state here are, that were always for keeping in with the protector, are now against him; for they have lost much of their credit by it, and all the nation is jeering of them for confiding so much in the protector, that he would be for Spain; and to fail them at long running. They long to hear, what the parliament will do; and they expect much from the king of Scots, though they be not so hot in advancing his business as before, till they see what the parliament doth. I admire much I hear not from you, having writ so often; besides it hindereth much.

Part of general Blake's fleet is now before Cadiz.

Mr. Jeffery Dare and Mr. Mark Harrison to secretary Thurloe.

Beare, the 10^th of Oct. 1656.

Vol. xliii. p. 111.

Sir,
Our last intelligence was by way of New England, a copy whereof we here send you; since which little of notice hath happened, the admiral being not yet arrived, neither have we had any intelligence from him. As for the affairs of the island, thus: those, that were formerly our disturbers, we are now become theirs, through God's blessing and the industry of the army, there being not any visible enemy, that doth now appear, except some few negroes. The other day we had some intelligence from Cuba, by the means that one of our brigantines had taken a boat, that came from thence to fetch off the remainder of the Spaniards here; which barque or boat had been twice at the island within these five months, and transported the number of about two hundred persons. They inform us of a very great mortality, that hath been and still is upon that island, the like hath not been known this many years; and that most of the Spaniards, that fled off the island, are dead, and that the great work of those, that survive, is in building forts, and casting of brass guns for the defence of that island; and that intelligence from Spain hath been very slack, the governor having not received any letters this half year, which puts them to a great strait. The condition of our land forces here we question not but col. Doyley will give you an account of; as to that of the fleet, it is something sickly. We have sent to the commissioners of the admiralty and navy a particular account of our state and condition at present. The fort and tower upon the point is now almost finished. We are hourly expecting ships from you, which God in mercy send; as also our three ships from Nevis with the governor and the rest of the people, that are to come with him. We find, that some persons of eminency in the army have inclinations homeward, and have attended their remove more since the admiral's departure than before; of which we shall give you a more particular account by the next, which we judge will be a more surer conveyance. Thus desiring your pardon, remain,

Sir, your faithful servants,
Jeffery Dare.
Mark Harrison.

Mr. R. Bennet and Mr. S. Mathew to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xliii. p. 87.

Sir,
Since our last application to your honour, we hear that the committee of trade have delivered in their report to his highness; but you may be pleased to take notice, that nothing is either said or done by them concerning the Virginia petition, which relates very materially to the business of Maryland, especially in that particular of the bounds by them claimed. And whereas something is offered by the committee, as the agreement of the lord Baltimore and us, it is true, that upon a motion of the committee something was proposed by us, and answered by him to that purpose, that if his highness should think fit to reestablish the lord Baltimore in the government, and to issue out all writs and processes in his own name, that then some provision to be made for the indemnity of the people there in relation to the reducement, that so the lives and estates of his highness's good subjects might not be left to the mercy of the lord Baltimore and his party there, merely for their submission and engagement to the parliament and to his highness.

But we humbly conceive and hope, that there is and will appear to be so much of reason and justice, and so much of his highness's interest recited and expressed in the paper inclosed, that there will be sufficient cause for his highness to dispose of the government of Maryland (in case it belong not to Virginia) otherwise than to put it into the hands of such a one, who, if once confirmed, will undoubtedly be as ready to flight and oppose the authority of his highness, as ever he was to slight and oppose the authority of the parliament, which he hath manifestly and boldly done, and that with a very high hand.

Sir, your former propenseness to take cognizance of this business makes us presume thus to trouble you, and it being such publick concernment in relation to his highness's interest, and the good of those prositable plantations, and dispatch of this long tedious dispute, that so those plantations may be settled under the present government, and that we may return to our relations and occasions, from which we have been so long detained.

October the 10^th, 1656.

Your honour's most humble servants,
Samuel Mathew.
Richard Bennet

Objections against the lord Baltimore's patent, and reasons why the government of Mary-land should not be put into his hands, viz.

Vol. xliii. p. 97.

1. By the patent he was to have no land, but such as was uncultivated and inhabited by Pagans only; but Maryland was inhabited, and part of it possessed and cultivated by the English in Virginia, viz. the isle of Kent, and that long before the name of Maryland was ever heard of.

2. By the patent it is provided, that he make laws with the advice and consent of the inhabitants and freemen; and by the practice of the lord Baltimore and his officers there the people have no law, but what he allows and consents unto.

3. He is enjoined to make laws agreeable to the laws of England; but several of the laws made there were different from and disagreeable to the laws here, as appears by the report of the committee of the navy.

4. By the patent it is provided, that no construction be made thereof, whereby God's holy and truly Christian religion, or the heirs and successors of the crown of England should receive any prejudice or diminution.

As to religion, the governor and all those of the council in Maryland are bound by oath to desend and maintain the Roman Catholic religion in the free exercise thereof. And as to the heirs and successors of the crown of England, it seems they have nothing to do there; for when the late council of state by authority of parliament required them to issue out writs in the name of the keepers of the liberty of England, and to put the laws of England in execution, they answered, they could not do it without breach of their trust and oaths to the lord Baltimore, in reference to his commission from the late king; therein preferring the king's authority, which died with him, and listing it up above that of the parliament, the only visible power at that time in being.

5. Upon this occasion the commissioners, in pursuance of their instructions from the late council of state by the authority of parliament, in March 1652, took away the government from my lord Baltimore and his officers there, and did actually reduce and settle the province of Maryland in the hands of the parliament, according to an act of parliament of the 3^d of October 1650; and then in 1654, upon their revolt, it was again reduced and settled in the name and under the authority of his highness the lord protector, and confirmed by a full and free assembly of that province October, 1654.

6. The government there being now no more in the lord Baltimore, but in the parliament first, and then in the hands of his highness, and the acting of the commissioners therein being owned and approved by the late council of state, and also by his highness in his letter of the 8^th of October, 1655, to the governor of Virginia; the said lord Baltimore, in opposition and contempt of the supreme authority of this nation, by his instructions caused capt. Stone and others, to the number of 200 or thereabouts, to rise up in arms against the government so settled there aforesaid; which said capt. Stone, and all the rest, after they had committed many and great outrages, in disarming, plundering, and imprisoning those that adhere to his highness's government, and to their engagement and duty in that behalf, were in a field battle overcome, some slain, and all the rest taken prisoners. And so the said lord Baltimore chusing rather to adventure his title that way, than to wait the determination of the supreme authority here, lost it upon that account, as well as by the reducement; in both which respects the government of that province is now in his highness the lord protector's disposal.

And it is humbly conceived, that his highness will not think fit to re-establish the lord Baltimore in such an absolute and unlimited power as he pretends there, for the considerations, and for these further reasons, viz.

1. In respect of the dissatissaction and malignancy of the said lord Baltimore and his governors from time to time against the parliament and their interest; namely, several commissions gotten from the late king at Oxford, taking capt. Ingle's ship, and tampering with the seamen, to carry her for Bristol, which was then in the king's hands, proclaiming Charles II. &c.

2. In respect of the many petitions and complaints of the inhabitants of Virginia and Maryland against a popish monarchical government, so contrary unto, and so inconsistent with his highness's interest and the liberty and freedom of his subjects; it being also contrary to the known laws of this land, and particularly of the instrument or platform of government.

3. In order to peace and the common good of those plantations, which mainly consist in uniting and keeping them under one government; whereby dissensions, quarrels, and cutting of throats, likely continually to arise between such near neighbouring plantations, will be prevented, his highness's authority and interest established, trade encouraged, the excessive planting of tobacco restrained, so making way for more staple commodities, as silk, &c. to be raised; the running away of delinquents and persons indebted from one place to another taken off, and the whole strength * the common enemy the Indian, or any other enemy, the more readily conjoined upon all occasions; besides that old, great, sad complaint of seducing of poor ignorant Protestants, and Papists to bear rule over the free-born subjects of this nation, will be likely hereby in some measure to be taken off, and yet those of the Popish persuasion not debarred of any lawful liberty and freedom, either in relation to civil things, or the exercise of their conscience.

Ric. Bennet.

Samuell Mathew.

A paper relating to Maryland.

Vol. xliii. p. 93.

As to those specious pretences of the lord Baltimore, of a protestant government being always well affected to the parliament, so much money expended upon that plantation;

We humbly conceive, that the contrary hath been showed and proved in divers and sundry particulars; but if it were so, yet it being before the reducement, and the consequences thereof as to government (which is that only wherein we are concerned) it belongs not to the matter in hand. For those objections against the report of the committee of the navy, we say, that the same was fully agreed on, and ordered by the committee; that it was accordingly read before the council of state the 26^th of November, 1653, by them approved and appointed to be drawn up for the parliament, which was accordingly done, as hath been proved by Mr. Blackburne, and is ready to be further satisfied by col. Mathews and Mr. Wakeman, who were present at all the passages thereof.

To that of the lord Baltimore's patent from the king there are these objections; viz. 1. That the same is surreptitious, king James having passed the same by patent to the adventurers and planters of Virginia, and they actually possessed of the isle of Kent long before, and the lord Baltimore's patent was only for uncultivated places, such as were not inhabited by any but Pagans.

2. As being an exorbitant grant to give away so great a part of the dominions to a private person, and one that never brought in any thing of profit at all, or not considerable, to the revenue here, by custom, excise, or any other way, especially since the change of government.

3. As being contrary to law to put the subjects of this commonwealth under the absolute and perpetual authority of a subject, and such a one, who as a Papist is not capable of any office or authority relating to government.

4. In respect of the mal-administration and exercise of the power there in nine several particulars, expressed in the report of the committee of the navy, to which we shall add these two; viz.

1. Here is allowed a power of making laws with the consent of the inhabitants and freemen of the said province; but this liberty hath been denied the people, and the lower house (as he calls it) cut short of that power and privilege, and the people in danger of severe punishment for addressing their petitions and complaints to the supreme authority here, proved by his own letters and their petitions, which have been produced. 2. Another clause in his patent is, that no construction be made thereof, whereby God's holy and truly Christian religion, or the heirs and successors of the crown of England shall receive any prejudice or diminution. As for the holy and truly Christian religion, if the Romish be it, that's indeed strongly provided for in the laws and officers oaths; and for the heirs and successors of the king, which undoubtedly must be the parliament and his highness the lord protector, what place their commands have taken in Maryland, and how their authority, and those that declare themselves for it, have sped from time to time, is evident by that of capt. Ingle, the proceedings of the parliament's commissioners in that place, and the people's petitions.

5. And lastly, in respect of the parliament's ordinance of the 3^d of October, 1650, by which all foreign plantations, as well as the rest of the three nations, were to be brought in and settled under the subjection and obedience of this commonwealth, and the present government thereof, notwithstanding any letters patents to the contrary; and Maryland was accordingly taken in, and the parliament actually possessed thereof by virtue of the said ordinance, as by an order of the parliament's commissioners, dated at St. Mary's in Maryland the 29th of March, 1652, renewed under his highness the lord protector, by an order to that purpose, dated at Patuxent in Maryland, the 22^d of July, 1654, and settled under his highness's authority by a free and full assembly of that province the 20^th of October, 1654.

Concerning the lord Baltimore's being at Oxford and Bristol with the king, and his excuse thereof to recover a debt, &c.

It hath been shewed and proved, that his work was to engage against the parliament, procuring a commission tending to the ruin of their interest, and of all those that were well affected, their ships, goods, debts, money, &c. the one half whereof the lord Baltimore was to have for his great charges expended in that service; his brother, who was then governor of Maryland, the other half; by which it seems Maryland was not always well affected to the parliament, as is alledged; besides another commission procured and contracted for by the lord Baltimore himself, in his own name, concerning the customs in Virginia, which he was to receive under the king; but how many, that never acted any thing in those places, were nevertheless sequestered and proceeded against as malignants.

Whereas, it is said, that the committee for petitions in the time of the little parliament rejected the petition of col. Mathews concerning the lord Baltimore, it is not so; they were so far from flighting the same, that they looked upon it as too high for them, and therefore ordered the business to be transmitted back again to the council of state, as more proper for their consideration, as by their order may appear.

Whereas the lord Baltimore alledges, that the council of state did not intend the reducing of Maryland, that the word Maryland was struck out of the commissions and instructions after it had been put in, and therefore the commissioners turned out his officers, and took away the government in Maryland without any lawsul authority for their so doing; we say,

That the parliament did intend the reducing of all islands and plantations, notwithstanding any letters patents to the contrary, appears by the ordinance, concerning Bermudas, Virginia, and Antigua, which hath been produced; and that all accordingly have been reduced, and are under the obedience and authority of this commonwealth, is apparent. And though it be not our work or duty to question or to dispute the parliament's intention, but to obey their commands, which we humbly conceive we have, yet that the council of state did intend the reducing of Maryland, we conceive hath been shewed and fully proved thus; viz.

1. Because they well knew it was within the bay of Chesapiack.

2. That they having received an account thereof from the commissioners, approved of what they had done, by sending over the same instructions under the seal the next year.

3. In the report drawn up for the parliament they plainly and expresly say the commissions were sent to Maryland.

4. His highness in his letter of the 8^th of October last declares his pleasure, that no obstructions be made to what hath been acted concerning the civil government in Maryland by the commissioners of the late council of state, in pursuance of their instructions. But if the parliament and council of state did indeed decline the reducing of Maryland, and several times express themselves to that purpose, as hath been often alledged; if they had been so clear in that particular, as hath been said, why then did they not declare themselves so? a line or two to that purpose in three years time surely might easily have been procured, which would have taken off further proceedings, nulled what had formerly past, and prevented all the many and dangerous disturbances, mischiess, and blood-shed, which hath been occasioned by lord Baltimore's listing up his own authority and particular interest, derived from the king, in opposition and defiance of the authority and interest of the parliament and his highness the lord protector.

That it might be argued and disputed concerning the word Maryland, putting in and putting out, as is usual in such cases, is very likely; but the commission and instructions, it seems, were at least drawn up thus, and came so to the commissioners, who lived in Virginia, viz. You shall see the engagement tendered, cause all writs and processes to issue forth in the name of the keepers, &c. and put the laws of England in execution: and this to be done in all the plantations in the bay of Chesapiake.

That the commissioners appointed for carrying on that service, as it doth not appear they expected or demanded more than what the parliament required, so they could do no less, the command being so positive, and the expression so plain and clear.

That the said commissioners coming to Maryland with the said commission and instructions, capt. Stone, governor under the lord Baltimore and his council, denied and refused to submit and to yield obedience to that authority, alledging the king's grant to the lord Baltimore, and their oaths to him, as by their letter of the 29^th of March, 1652.

Now besides all other former demonstrations and expressions of their disaffection and disobedience in divers particulars proved, viz. taking capt. Ingle's ship, proclaiming Charles II. practising with the king at Oxford and Bristol against the parliament, &c. whether this only, their refusal to comply, were not a plain denial of the parliament's power, and preferring the king's before it, and consequently a full and sufficient occasion and ground, according to the instructions, for the commissioners to take away the government, being also so ill managed and so much complained of by many, yea, most of the people, and to put it into such hands, as would own the parliament, and act according to their commands.

Hereupon the government being now taken away from the lord Baltimore, and settled in the hands of the parliament first, 1652, and then of his highness, 1654; capt. Stone and the rest having taken the engagement, and being thereby bound to be true and faithful to the commonwealth, as now established, and nothing appearing first or last from the supreme authority here to disengage him or any other there; how then could capt. Stone introduce the lord Baltimore's authority, as he did, and publish a proclamation in his name, 1653, enjoining all within three months to take an oath to maintain his power, dominion, &c. upon the penalty and forseiture of their lands, which were to be entered upon and seized upon to his use? and how could the people take the same, being so inconsistent with, so contrary to their oath to the parliament, under whose authority they then actually were? and then whether those who kept to their engagement, and declared themselves for that against all other authority whatsoever, or else those, who salfely and persidiously resolved from it, and deserted their duty and the trust committed to them, be in an error, and are justly to be blamed?

Concerning the late insurrection and blood spilt on the 25^th of March, 1655, it appears, and hath been proved, that capt. Stone being reproved by the lord Baltimore for resigning without striking a stroke, having so many men in arms, and the commission given to capt. Barber to reduce the people to the lord Baltimore, in case capt. Stone would not, the said capt. Stone was hereby stirred up and induced to attempt the said insurrection and rebellion; in prosecution whereof, he the said capt William Stone did levy war, and to that end forced his highness's subjects to take arms one against another, seized the records of the province, armed Papists and others, plundered, disarmed, and imprisoned all those that refused to join with him, chased capt. Gookins's vessel, and fired several guns at her, broke into their houses in the night, so terrifying and affrighting the people, that many of them left their houses, and took to the woods for safety; threatened to fire the ship Golden Lyon, and to take away the lives of the chief in authority, who declared themselves for his highness's government according to their engagement and duty; this being acted in such a time, when the country was in peace and in a quiet settled condition, and carried on so fiercely, barbarously, and bloodily, refusing all offers of accommodation and messages to that purpose; shooting several guns at Mr. Richard Gott, railing at and reviling the people, calling them round-heads, rogues, dogs, &c. setting up the lord Baltimore's colours against the colours of the commonwealth, firing upon capt. Fuller and his party several guns without any parley, and killing Mr. William Ayres before any shot made on that side.

Lastly, that capt. William Fuller, &c. the country being in such a sad, distressed, distracted condition, and so deeply and desperately engaged, endangered, and likely to be ruined through such a wicked and bloody insurrection and rebellion, having used all means that in them lay for the stopping thereof (the Indians also attending their motion, and falling on at or about the same time) having a lawful power, and being authorized and required to provide for conservation of the peace and administration of justice, and it being in his power, God having given those bloody people into their hands, whether it were not a duty incumbent upon them to do something in order to the peace of the country, by taking away some of the chief and most dangerous incendiaries, who otherwise were very likely to attempt the like another time; and in order to justice, that so many, who where sound guilty of insurrection, rebellion, robbery, burglary, and murder, should not all of them be suffered to escape, but some few of those many and great delinquents should suffer and be made examples. And for the manner of their proceedings by a council of war, being there in arms, and in a military posture and condition, and being enabled by the commissioners instructions from the council of state to raise an army, and use all acts of hostility to enforce obedience and conformity, there being no indifferent jury to be had, whether wise men and better lawyers, than can be supposed to be there, might not be likely to fall into such an error, if it were an error, all things well weighed and considered.

A breviat of the proceedings of the lord Baltimore and his officers and compliers in Maryland against the authority of the parliament of the commonwealth of England, and against his highness the lord protector's authority, laws, and government.

Vol. xliii.p. 107.

The province of Maryland, in that state wherein it stood under the lord Baltimore's government, had more need of reducing than any English plantation in America, for these reasons; viz.

1. The covenant, laws, and platform of government established in England, declare the suppression and extirpation of popery, to which his highness oath tends; but the lord Baltimore's government declares and swears the upholding and countenancing thereof, both by the officers and people.

2. The lord Baltimore exercised an arbitrary and tyrannical government, undertook a princely jurisdiction, stiles himself absolute lord and proprietor, constituted a privy council, most of Papists, and the rest sworn thereto. This privy council must be the legislative power, that is to put in execution such laws, the laws which the lord Baltimore himself makes and imposeth; and he makes what laws he pleaseth. The people are indeed called to assemblies, but have neither legislative power nor of judicature, that being appropriated to the privy council or upper-house; so that what is determined by them, admits of no reference or appeal.

3. The lord Baltimore's grants of land are made, to the end that the grantees might be the better enabled to do him and his heirs all acceptable service; for the tenure is for all service, to which they must all swear, before they have any grants, without any relation to, or mention of the supreme authority of England, either in this or any thing else that passeth there.

4. That the lord Baltimore issued writs and all other process whatsoever in his own name.

5. Charles Stewart, son to the late king, was in Maryland proclaimed king of England, &c. against which no act, order, or proclamation hath been published by the lord Baltimore or his officers; for although Mr. Greene, who made the said proclamation, was put out of the government, yet that action was not mentioned to be the cause, but other matters against the lord Baltimore.

6. That there was a notable practice and compliance of the lord Baltimore, and his party with the late king's party in Virginia, against the parliament and their ships, the said lord Baltimore having gotten commission from the king at Oxford to seize and take the ships and goods of all such as would not pay the customs there, which the lord Baltimore was to receive, and undertook to put in execution, but sailed thereof through the country's non-compliance; which, had it took effect as he designed, would have engaged the country in a war against the parliament, to the apparent ruin and destruction of that plantation, besides the exceeding great damage and loss to the state here, in point of revenue by custom, excise, &c. the hindering of trade and navigation, loss of ships and goods to the merchants, and strengthening of the king's party.

Since the reducement of the province under the obedience of the commonwealth of England:

1. That the lord Baltimore hath utterly disowned and contradicted the said reducement (though acted by commission and instructions from the council of state by authority of parliament, by the commissioners appointed, and the ships sent over for that purpose) terming it rebellion against himself and his government there, scandalizing and abusing the commissioners of the commonwealth of England with the opprobrious names of sactions, seditious, malicious, and rebellious persons, that they should stir up people to sedition and rebellion, and were the abettors thereof.

2. That the lord Baltimore hath from time to time instigated and animated his officers to oppose and act contrary to the said reducement, as well by force of arms as otherwise, commanding them to apprehend the state's commissioners and their complices, as rebels to him, and deal with them accordingly; requiring his officers to proceed in his own way of government, and to carry all in his name as before, notwithstanding any thing done by the said commissioners; and to undertake to justify them in such their proceedings, and to bear them out in it.

3. The lord Baltimore in his last letters to capt. Stone doth blame him for resigning up his government into the hands of the lord protector and commonwealth of England, without striking one stroke; taxing him in effect with cowardice, that having so many men in arms, he would not oppose; saying, that Bennet and Claiborn durst as well have been hanged as have opposed him; or to that effect.

4. That in the last rebellion against his highness the lord protector and commonwealth of England, and the government established in Maryland by their authority, the said lord Baltimore and his officers have in high measure abused the name of lord protector, and under that notion, have committed many notorious robberies and murders against peaceable and loyal subjects of the commonwealth of England and his highness the lord protector; and to this end raised men in arms, conserring honours upon base and bloody-minded people, as well Papists as others, and employed them in a violent and formidable manner in battle array, with lord Baltimore's colours displayed, to fight against the lord protector's government and people, yea to shoot against his highness's colours, killing the ensign-bearer; by which means much blood hath been shed, many made widows and fatherless, and great damage, danger, and distress brought upon the whole province. The Indians likewise taking occasion and advantage hereby to fall upon the frontier plantations, have killed two men and taken some prisoners.

Before the alteration of the government here in England.

The lord Baltimore obtained a patent from the king for a tract of land in the Bay of Chesapiak in Virginia, pretending the same to be unplanted; by this means takes away the lands from the Virginians, to whom the same of right belongs, and not only so, but takes away the trade with the nations, which they had many years enjoyed; and not being able to manage the trade himself, left it to the Swedes and Dutch, who furnished the Indians with powder, shot, and guns, to the great damage and danger of those plantations and of his highness's subjects; and further most unjustly and cruelly disseized capt. Claiborn and others of the island called Kent, though seated and peopled under the Virginian government three or four years before the king's grant to him; and not the land only, but the estates and lives too of such as opposed him or his officers, hanging some, and killing others, who sought the preservation of their rights and interests from Popish violence. Such a beginning had that poor unhappy plantation, being founded upon the rights and labours of other men, and begun in bloodshed, robbery, and all manner of cruelty.

Mr. Roger Manley to Mr. Anthony Rogers.

Vol. xliil. p. 9.

Deare Ant.
I Have wrotte to yow severall times from hence, but your returnes are very seldome; for I have had yet but one from yow. I sent yow a cypher: I would gladly know whether it came safe to your hands; if so, you may say what you will. The admirall of Holland is returned home, but lest twelve shipps under the command of Tromp, beeing the smalest behind, and also all the foot aboard, saving three hundred, who are put into this town under the command of one capt. Manly, an Englishman, and three other Dutch officers with him, doe duty in the towne, as the rest of the guarrison. Severall letters from court assure us, that the king wil be here suddenly with his armey, and that hee of Sweden is to returne into his countrey, to prevent the disorders of the Dale Boores, one of their states. In the meane time the Muscoviter thunders at the walls of Riga, which holds out still. There is nothing of action passed of late, only much labouring on all sides to a peace betweene the two crownes, which cannot bee without the surrender of all the places in Prussia and Polland to their right master. The elector of Brandenburg is so terrisyed by the threats of the Muskovits, that he dare not joyne further of the Swede, and has pretended lately to be sick, to prevent another enterview with that king. When ther is any thing worthy your knowledge, you shall be sure of it from
Dantzick, 11 Oct. 1656. [N. S.]

Your's eternally.

The superscription, For Mr. Antonie Rogers, att the post-office, London.