Cecil Papers: March 1606 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1940.

Citation:

'Cecil Papers: March 1606', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606, ed. M S Giuseppi( London, 1940), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol18/pp69-92 [accessed 17 November 2024].

March 1606



	Proceedings in Parliament.
1605–6, Mar. 5.	1. Mr. Hare against the composition [for purveyance], he would never hear the name of it more. That if we return without effecting our bill the country's griefs will be doubled and the purveyors' abuses ten times trebled. Instead of composition he would give the King a donation.
	2. Sir Tho. Ridgeway; not to spurn with our feet at the ball which was cast amongst us by your lo[rdships] at our last conference.
	3. Sir Willm. Maurice; to give the King 4 subsidies and 6 fifteenths.
	4. Mr. Bond; to give 3 subsidies and 5 fifteenths.
	5. Mr. Diet ript up again the point of prerogative saying that in buying and matter of that kind it was nothing but preemption, which word though we found not in the law yet the substance was there.
	6. Sir William Stroude to make the question either for another conference with the Lords, or whether we shall yield to a composition or no.
	7. Sir Maurice Barkly to let the bill have his course.
	8. Mr. Hide, that he heard not yet reason enough to make him consent to composition though we could have security. To have the bill go on. For the King's relief subsidy already granted but not to be augmented; releasing of the King's debt on privy seals; resumption of gifts given to unworthy persons.
	9. Mr. Martin, that the composition was reprieved yesterday, strangled now, and he would not give it new life. Moved we might hear the Judges before the Lord [sic], and that if prerogative could be proved and security could be made he saw no reason not to yield to composition. 1 p. (110. 22.)
	[See Commons Journals, i, p. 278, where this debate is given under date 6 March, 1605.]
	The Earl of Salisbury to Monsieur de Beaumont.
[1605–6, Mar. 5.]	The intermission for some time of our correspondence in the service of our masters cannot be imputed to any change in our friendship. Nevertheless, I will not be stayed now by any formalities but will come to the point of this letter. The Baron du Tour amongst other conversations with his Majesty touched in so lively a manner on the matter which was before in debate between us (although he did not name you in particular) that his Majesty would not let it pass without making his intentions clear, if he did not wish to display an open nonchalance of the matter or a particular diffidence of the Baron's person. For his Majesty always thought him to be instructed at large in the business and for his particular holds him in good esteem both from his long acquaintance with him and also from his very discreet and wise conduct in his last charge, when he showed everywhere great zeal for the preservation of the intimate friendship between our masters. In this consideration his Majesty, discoursing freely with the Baron of many things of common interest to our two Princes, communicated to him also the substance of our affair as a matter upon which he would linger very precisely, not being of a mind to go contrary to his peace without being first provoked thereto and rejecting every artifice to palliate the affair in keeping it secret, seeing that the accusation of his own conscience would be a thousand witnesses to it. His Majesty judges it little fitting for a small sum of money to risk in advance a rupture whereby he would perhaps draw upon himself consequences not worth the money. This is the object of his intentions by which your prudence will easily be able to judge of his other proceedings to the advantage of the Estates of the Low Countries so far as they are not directly opposed to the articles of his treaty with Spain. For, if princes must take account of the works of supererogation which they do either on one side or the other, I will not deny that there are many very visible acts by which the King of Spain and the Archdukes can judge but we know well the difference between simple friendship and the ordinary results of the affections of a people more inclined to one side than the other. But as to common assistance of the Estates by money I think that before our Parliament here you had sufficiently understood that the times would not serve such plans, so that his Majesty had the more reason to represent to his Most Christian Majesty how he had reason to think that his good brother would hold himself in honour bound to advance some part of his debt since his own necessities were only too well known to the world. In this his Majesty promises himself that on your part you will do all the good offices which he expects of you in regard of your experience in his own affairs.
	For the rest which concerns his Majesty's judgment of you and your actions I will tell you freely that he makes no difficulty in acquitting you as a minister of judgment and discretion and one very zealous for the common friendship of our Princes. And how his Majesty has been served in this I will give ample testimony to the Baron by reason of my place and of the extraordinary proofs I have received from you.
	Touching certain other occurrences of our State which are not so fit to be put in writing I have imparted them to Mons. du Jardin, who will satisfy you about our little world within whose circle you were formerly included. I persuade myself that you who are now living where peace and wealth abound will contemplate sometimes with intention the horizon of a country where on the contrary our State (being subject to such vile and barbarous practices) is less at rest than we have been from the time of war.
	In conclusion I beg you to do me the favour of your convenience to recommend to your great and wise King the name of a private gentleman and to assure him on my part how much I esteem the honour he has done me in graciously deigning to tell my nephew Ross that he holds me for a man of good intent (homme de bien). This gives me very great content and I regret my unhappiness in not being able to show by results the obligation I am under to him above all other princes of the world who are not my sovereigns. I desire only to live to retain this good reputation both in general and in particular.—Undated.
	French. Draft corrected by Salisbury [in answer to a letter from de Beaumont dated Paris, 17 Feb., 1606. See P.R.O. State Papers, France, 53]. Endorsed: "5 March. 1605. To Monsr. de Beaumont." 5 pp. (110. 25.)
	Draft in English of the first portion of the above. ½ p. (110. 23.)
	Cardinal Bandini to Girolamo Merli.
1606, March 5/15.	I will not fail to assist you if necessary in the matter of your sister's dowry.—Rome, 15 March, 1606. PS. (in the handwriting of the Cardinal).—I hear that there is no vacancy, so you must wait, or augment the dowry.
	Signed. Italian. Endorsed: "Cardinal Bandini's reply as to my sister's becoming a nun." Addressed: to Girolamo Merli, at Monte Santo. ½ p. (192. 82.)
	Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, March 7.	Because the Archduke desired to be informed about James Blont he has advertised him of his undutiful carriage, which he professed to mislike very much. Blont remains as yet unsuspended of his company but fears to resort to it and lurks secretly about this town giving it out that, if he cannot be permitted to live here, the air of Milan or of Naples will be as good to him as that of England, where he is not resolved to hazard himself. Understands he has written to some of his friends in England to learn how he stands charged.
	Since the receipt of Salisbury's letters has acquainted the Archduke with the King's answer to the motion of the Spanish Ambassador for licence to make some new levies of his subjects for the Archduke's service; that the King desires to be excused for a time pending the answer out of Spain touching the delivery of Owen and Baldwin, as also that the Parliament was assembled, which represented the realm to be very sensible of the corruption of his Majesty's subjects by the practising Jesuits and ill affected members on this side. Informed the Archduke also that the King no otherwise restrained the granting of new levies to him than he did at this time also to the States. The Archduke was sorry his rebellious subjects must upon all occasions be put into the balance of equity with him; that it was promised at the time of the Treaty that so great numbers should not be suffered to pass to their service but, contrariwise, the inclination has appeared rather to favour their levies than his. If he were now disappointed of his levies they could not arrive in time to serve his turn, neither would the Captains undertake hereafter in calmer weather to transport their soldiers because of the great danger by the ships of Holland. Edmondes informed him that the late accidents and the little satisfaction his Majesty had received about the same had wrought no small alterations both in men's affections to this service and in the consideration of state concerning the licensing of more men to come hither. The delay in the answer from Spain has bred a suspicion that it would not satisfy the King, who was not therefore to be accused of suspending the courtesies expected from him. The Archduke's expostulations about the matter were with more heat and in a much more unusual manner than ever before he had been accustomed to treat with Edmondes.
	Those which come hither out of England report that men daily pass to the service of the States, notwithstanding the pretended restraint.
	Lastly, moved the Archduke concerning Sir Henry Carey and that order should be taken for his return to this town [Brussels] or to Antwerp. Don Louis de Velasco stands upon so high demands for his ransom that he is not able to satisfy the same without his ruin. The Archduke was nothing willing to intermeddle about the ransom and there is little hope of winning Don Louis to be more flexible but by a commandment out of Spain, which is supposed to be his drift that thereupon he may have pretence to sue for other recompense.
	Sends the information of Capt. Orme against Sir Wm. Windsor, whereby it will be seen that he was one of the Sacramentaries. Understands by Sir Edw. Parham that when Catesby intended to have procured the regiment for Sir Charles Percie and to have made himself Lieutenant Colonel he designed conferring the place of Sergeant Major upon Windsor, for they were not at that time so well conceited of Studder for having been a follower of Sir Francis Veere's. Finds that Orme is able to make some further discoveries of importance (supposedly against Studder and some others) but desires first to free himself from the service of this place, which he is in hand to do if he can get leave to make over his company to his Lieutenant.—7 March, 1605. Copy. 4¾ pp. (227. p. 190.) [Original in P.R.O. State Papers, Foreign, Flanders, 8.]
	Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Mar.7.	The daily feeling which your lordship makes me to have of your special favour towards me in giving me so particular direction in all things concerning my charge makes me renew my most thankful acknowledgment for the same; wishing that I were able to return you fruits of better worth and acceptance: but because I know you chiefly respect those of an honest and serviceable affection, I am the more emboldened to discharge my duty according to the means which I am able to perform. And I must confess that besides the private obligation which I owe you for remaining ever your poor bounden creature, you do no less for public respects bind the hearts of all honest men to your service for declaring yourself such a patronus patriœ and opposing yourself so worthily to the practices against true religion: which I hope shall purchase you as much happiness as the wicked imprecations are malicious against you and your dependants for the same.
	I humbly thank you for imparting unto me the good news of your recovery from your late indisposition and for the further joy that has accompanied the same in increase of honour in your house by the son which it has pleased God to send my Lady of Derby; and I wish by all other ways the multiplying of your happiness and contentment.—7 March, 1605. Copy. 1 p. (227. p. 195.)
	Henry Garnet to the Lords of the Council.
[1605–6], March 8.	The declaration of his relations with Catesby and other conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot.—From the Tower, this 8 of March.
	Holograph. Endorsed: "9 (sic) March 1605. Declaration of Henry Garnet, Superior of the Jesuits in England, all of his own hand": and by Salisbury: "This was forbydden by the K[ing] to be given in evidence." 9 pp. (110. 30.) [Printed in extenso in Eng. Hist. Review, Vol. III (July 1888), pp. 510–517.]
1605–6, March 8.	Copy of the foregoing. In Levinus Munck's hand. Incomplete. 8 pp., each page signed by Garnett. (140. 193.)
	The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
1605–6, March 8.	Although I have already by my last letters written unto you concerning Sir Henry Carey now prisoner in those parts, and recommended it as a matter which his Majesty would have [you] earnestly to deal in with the Archdukes, both in respect that the gentleman is his servant, and that the proceeding held against him in transferring him from place to place and keeping him from the speech of any of his friends that came purposely unto him to compound for his ransom is so strange and beyond all example in such cases as his Majesty cannot but be very sensible of it, according as himself has already declared to the Spanish and Archdukes' Ambassadors: yet this opportunity serving again by this bearer who is sent again by Sir Henry's friends about it, I could not but reiterate my former recommendation again, and desire you to make instance with the Archdukes that they will interpose their authority with those to whom he is prisoner that he may be brought to some convenient place near hand where his friends may have access unto him; and that for the price of his ransom such a moderation may be imposed as his Majesty's recommendation may not prove frustrate unto him, and the rather because this disaster fell but casually upon him, being not otherwise engaged to their enemy but as a traveller, who out of a desire to see some service lighted unfortunately in their army.
	You may confidently affirm that F. Walley is guilty ex ore proprio this day confessed of the gunpowder treason; but he saith he devised it not, only he concealed it when F. Greenway alias Tesmond imparted to him all particulars, and Catesby only the general. Thus do you see that Greenway is now by the superintendent as guilty as we have averred him. He confesses also that Greenway told him that Owen was privy to all. More will come after this.—8 March, 1605. Copy. 1¼ pp. (227. p. 198.)
	Henry Garnet to the Lords of the Council.
[1605–6], March 10.	Further declaration as to his acquaintance with the conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot.—10 March. Holograph. Endorsed: "10 March 1605. Answer of Henry Garnet to certain Interrogatories." 3 pp. (110. 35.) [Printed in extenso in Eng. Hist. Review, Vol. III (July 1888), pp. 517–519.]
	Sir William Lane to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, March 12.]	My desire to omit no duty of love and respect to you made me seem peradventure more curious than advised. I doubt not but Mr. Lieutenant and myself shall hold that correspondency for his Majesty's best service as we shall not need hereafter with trifles to trouble you. I have sent you herewithal a letter from my Lord of Northumberland.—Undated. PS.—I most humbly thank you for your favour to my son. Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "12 March 1605." ½ p. (110. 38.)
	The Earl of Northumberland to the Same.
[1605–6], March 12.	You sent me to Essex House, Davison, Percy's man, because heretofore at my Lord of Canterbury's I desired he should be found out. The occasions and my request then was proper enough. Now time has made them not so available or of force. Two were the reasons for me: the one to have recovered some part of my money lost (whilst things were new) by some intelligence; the other that at that time his letting you understand whether he was sent by his master's command to seek him at my lodging at Court or no might have somewhat cleared the point whether Percy came to Syon because he found himself discovered to be in town. But these things are now old and I hope clear enough: therefore I will say no more, but that I thank you for giving me thus far satisfaction. Let the rest of the Lords Commissioners know that I entreat that Wycliffe may have one day's or two conference with me before his going down. He has been here these ten days about my audit; now it is almost ended and my disordered state in those parts requires some directions by word.—From the Tower, this 12 March. Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (190. 51.)
	Thomas Wingfeld, feodary, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, March 15.	According to your appointment I have assigned to Mark Moate, your tenant of Sudbury Mills, with the advice of a millwright and other your tenants there, three-score small timber trees (your lands there affording very small choice) to repair one watermill partly sunk, as also for the reedifying of one windmill wholly decayed.—15 March, 1605. Signed. ½ p. (110. 39.)
	Henry Garnet and Gunpowder Plot.
[1605–6, March 15.]	February 1601[–2]. About that time Thomas Winter's negotiation was into Spain touching the invasion, with assures [assurances] of the Catholics assists her [sic] of 2,000 or 1,500 horse.
	About that time also were sent unto Garnet and the Archpriest the Pope's brief to exclude any successor that would not advance the Romish religion, without respect of nearness of blood.
	March 1603. Garnet immediately upon the late Queen's death advertised to Rome with what celerity and applause of all the people the King's Majesty came to the possession of the kingdom, which prevented the pretences of the briefs.
	Near about that time was Wright sent out of England, and Faux out of the Low Countries, to solicit the invasion with Spain of new.
	July 1603. The Pope's briefs of new received that Catholics upon pain of censures should yield temporal obedience to the King, seeing it was not yet time to oppose it without their danger, which would weaken that party.
	April 1604. About this time (the peace being formerly concluded) the Gunpowder Plot was set on foot as the only means to relieve that party, wherein such combination was for secrecy by others, sacraments and such like, as the like devilish device was never written or heard of.
	May 1605. Upon the broils set on foot in Wales, Garnet presently advertised the Pope to have censures to prevent the like attempts, lest it might prejudice the Gunpowder Plot.
	June 1605. Garnet conferred with Catesby and others and desired to know if the Catholics were of strength to oppose against the [sic], whereby he might advertise the Pope of it, and answered it was then or never, and reasons showed for it.
	July 1605. The reasons not satisfying Garnet (as it seems) he wrote again to Rome that for any general plot he could stay it, but for particulars he could not without power to use particular censures, as himself sayeth, and that the Pope should answer the general was a sufficient one.
	Garnet knew of the Gunpowder Plot when he wrote this to the Pope: if he had had any purpose to have stayed it he might then have written of it.
	September 1605. Parsons wrote to Garnet to be advertised of the particular plot the Catholics had in hand for the Catholic cause, but he never answered that letter, as himself sayeth, but it seemeth he deferred that for respects until it were acted.
	That Garnet was a principal part and actor in the Gunpowder Treason, and most of the Jesuits, if not all.
	1. Garnet was a dealer in Thomas Winter's negotiation in the late Queen's time. It is manifest, for he wrote to Cresswell, and suffered Tesmond to go in that negotiation.
	2. He was acquainted with Wright's pursuit of the same negotiation, for it is proved that at that time he with other Jesuits laboured the Catholics to furnish themselves with horse and arms in respect of their plot then afoot.
	3. He was the principal man on whom Catesby relied, and was seldom out of his company then, Catesby affirming he had put the case touching the Gunpowder Treason and was assured of the lawfulness of it. From whom could it then be that he had that assurance but from Garnet ?
	4. Garnet commended Thomas Winter to Father Baldwin when he went over into Flanders about the Gunpowder Treason and bought [brought] over Faux as fit to be the principal actor therein.
	5. Garnet also about Easter last commended Faux to Father Baldwin, which could not be in respect of any other service than this, for he was well known there for other service before, and was before employed by him to Spain.
	6. Garnet caused Catesby to employ Baynham to Rome, and wrote to Baldwin of his behalf, and confesseth Baynham was to have the Pope's Nuncio's commendation from Flanders to Rome, being to be employed about this business.
	7. Garnet, upon the blow given, was to write of it to Baynham, to be imparted over.
	8. Garnet knew of the Gunpowder Treason as himself saith about Whitsuntide 1605, and yet never acquainted the State with it whereby it might be prevented.
	9. Though he saith he then dissuaded it, yet confesseth he was then inquisitive to know if the Catholics were then of force sufficient to oppose against the King, whereby he might advertise the Pope of it: ergo. he did not dissuade them in the other plot.
	10. Garnett's continual following the traitors over to their place when they held themselves to have been best backed, with Catesby's and Dygby's then writing to him to assist them in Wales, seeing that place to fail, then proveth all grew from Garnet.
	11. Garnet's and Tesmond's speeches then that the secret[s] of the Jesuits were undone, with Tesmond's present dispatch away to the traitors, and Tesmond's labouring to raise the countries, proves the Jesuits' hands were in it. ["Appeareth by Hall's confession," added by Salisbury.]
	12. Garnet confesseth Tesmond then told him at Cawton [Coughton] he would never give them over, and his not commanding him to surcease, which he had power to do, prove also his allowance thereof.
	14. Litleton's demand of Hall whether the act intended were lawful, as doubting of it in respect God permitted it not: with Hall's answer and examples that actions were not to be censured by the event, prove the Jesuits' guiltiness.—Undated.
	In Popham's hand. Endorsed: "15 March 1605. A brief touching Garnett's and other the Jesuits' privity to the Gunpowder Treason." 3 pp. (115. 19.)
	William Squier, factor for John Eldred, and Thomas Tiler, factor for Mr. Cromblie, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, March 19/29.	I advertised you of the miseries which I and other English merchants, taken in the Indies by Don Lewis Lajardo, General of the King's armado, have sustained; also of the taking of a ship of Mr. Eldred's of London, whose commander has now arrived. We beg that our cases may be heard by his Majesty, lest we be condemned before we have liberty to answer; for we doubt not the General, whose hatred is notorious against our nation, may suggest false information against us. We are poor merchants, neither rebels nor pirates, and went forth before my Lord Admiral's return from Spain with the conclusion of peace; and have committed no disobedience against the King of Spain's subjects. Being required by the General to yield ourselves to the "standart reall," we readily obeyed. They promised, notwithstanding they found us in a place prohibited by their King, to treat us as friends in league; nevertheless we have been prisoners aboard their ships 5 months. Arrived at Lisbon, where we hoped to find deliverance, our miseries are increased, we still detained close prisoners, and our men committed to the galleys, chained and shaved, and some of them forced to serve against the Hollander. The difference of offenders finds no distinction of punishment with them; for the Flemings taken in the Indies, their open enemies, and the French taken there also, with commissions of war from the Admiral of France, are all equally put in the galleys. The humour of the General is so extraordinary that the Consul nor none of our nation may presume to move him in any causes; so all our hope depends on you. We know not what to think of these Spanish proceedings in time of peace. If we yield and depend on their promises, we lose our goods, and are made slaves; if we resist, we are all thrown overboard, as they did this voyage to a ship of Mr. Edwards of London, which they took at Margarita. As to the cruelty to the Hollanders, the armado came to the saltpans of Opunta de Raya very secretly, where they found 8 Holland ships, the masters, pilots and men all ashore making salt, except a boy or two. They burned and spoiled the ships, hanged 12 masters and pilots, and condemned the rest to the galleys. We have written to the Ambassador, but hope for little relief but only from the Court of England. There is a young gentleman, Captain Catalini, who depends on you, whose case is as desperate as any man's; he went captain in Sir Oliver Lee's ship to people Guiana, and is now prisoner in a galleon which is not yet arrived, of whom we thought good to advertise you.
	Since writing the former, there has been an English Jesuit to visit us and sift our minds, who gave us little comfort, assuring us that the General might hang us if he would, without any delay; and if we should escape with our lives, yet we shall be forced to serve in this great preparation against the Hollander; into whose hands whatsoever Englishman serving the King of Spain falls, they are thrown overboard without any redemption. Thus we despair of ourselves unless you afford us comfort.—From Lisbon aboard the Vice-Admiral, prisoners, 29 March 1606, stilo noro. Signed. 1½ pp. (115. 148.)
	Sir William Selby, Ro. de Lavale, Sir Wilfrid Lawson, Joseph Pennington and Edward Gray, Commissioners for the Middle Shires of Britain, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, March 20.	To your letter of 24 Feb., wherein a certificate was required from 3 or 4 of the Commissioners at least of the state of the Grames and the middle shires, Sir William Selby dwelling far from the rest of the Commissioners and having newly received advertisement from Sir William Cranston, made such answer as he could for the present, to the end his Majesty and your lordship might receive some satisfaction: referring the more exact certificate to Sir Wilfrid Lawson whose dwelling is in those parts, and for that end dispatched to him your letter with all haste. Upon interchange of letters among us Sir Wilfrid Lawson after perusal of your letter thought it not fit the certificate should come from him alone nor from Mr. Pennington and him, seeing it was required from 3 at the least. Upon receiving his letters to that effect we concluded a meeting at Hexham, to the end we might all join to give his Majesty satisfaction, according to that is particularly required. For which purpose we have had before us there Mr. Henry Leigh, son to Sir Henry Leigh (for himself is not in those parts) and some of his principal soldiers who have since Feb. 18 till March 13 garrisoned in Esk. Their certificate of the numbers and qualities of the Grames we send herewith. And yet not willing to give credit to their reports only, Sir Wilfrid Lawson and Mr. Pennington brought to Hexham the certificate of such the Earl of Cumberland's officers as are resident in Esk for his service and profit, who they thought, moved with their own particulars, would be diligent to learn what the Grames did or intended, which is likewise [sent] herewith. Concerning their present state by the report of Mr. Leigh we understand that many of the Grames returned from the Cautionary Towns, fugitives of that name and of other broken clans, and divers of them that broke out of Carlisle Castle remained dispersed in Esk and in the countries of Scotland next adjoining, viz. in Liddesdale, Ewesdale, Esdale and Annerdale, yet used very little stealing or other violence, lurking among their friends with desire rather to hide from apprehension than to do much hurt: and that after Sir Henry Leigh and Sir Wm. Cranston with 30 of his Majesty's soldiers were come to garrison on Esk, few of them remained there, withdrew among the Carlisles, Johnstons and other surnames, to divers of whom they are near both by blood and alliance; and that many of them were fled as far as Galloway and Niddesdale. After Sir Wm. Cranston had retired out of Esk to his own house 20 miles thence, many of them are returned again, yet hitherto have attempted nothing; but as appears by the certificate of the Earl of Cumberland's officers they begin to threaten some hurt to them, whereby they are brought in fear, and the people of Cumberland besides much dislike their return and so near neighbourhood. Which considerations together with the directions of the Privy Council moved us, after consultation at the last gaol delivery, to appoint the provost marshals to garrison in Esk, as is before remembered, furnishing them with such warrants and orders, by way of article, as we thought fittest, either for their apprehension or banishment out of the middle shires: whereof such effect followed as we expected, some 13 apprehended and the rest, forced to leave Esk, and many of them the middle shires, as we by the provost marshals are informed. Finding by this little experience the benefit this course brings, as well to satisfy your directions of the Privy Council as to content the people of Cumberland, who abhor the name of Grame, as also to yield all the safety we can to the Earl of Cumberland's servants, we have of new by letters of this date required Sir Wm. Cranston to return to his place of garrison, and given the like order to Mr. Leigh in his father's absence, not knowing how the King's soldiers can be more profitably employed; leaving a competent number of them, to wit 10 of Sir Wm. Cranston's, and Sir William Selby's 10, to the late East and Middle marches for apprehension there, so that no place is unprovided for. If such as fly into Scotland may be apprehended and their resetters punished, they will in our opinions be shortly compelled to avoid the land or to submit.
	2. By the paper enclosed you may understand how many Grames are in prison, how many lie yet out in the country, which have passports and which not, how many of them are condemned to die and for what cause, how many are apprehended by the provost marshals and how disposed of. The Grames have not much infested that country since the time of our service, and at this time do not hurt. We have thought good to commit to Carlisle Castle divers of the heads of the Grames not being offenders of late years, nor yet of the number sent to the Cautionary Towns, knowing that their restraint will not a little bridle their friends that are out, of whose reset of late they have not been innocent. The state of Cumberland and Northumberland has from time to time grown better since the granting of the commission, and is especially since the last gaol delivery in January become so peaceable that there is no stealing but of trifles, and those as rare as in some other shires of England. We have been so slow in our answer through the far distance of the commissions, and the time spent in informing ourselves that we might give his Majesty the further satisfaction.
	3. We have written to the Earl of Cumberland advising him to order his officers that his grounds be farmed rather to any others than to the wives and friends of the Grames, for so long as they remain on his lands their husbands, brothers and kinsmen now fugitives will find with them reset and comfort, whereby the service will be much hindered and his officers at one time or other brought in danger, and yet no fault in us.
	4. We have thought good in like manner to lay down the names of so many of the 29 condemned persons as are apprehended, which broke the Castle of Carlisle, with their qualities, praying order how they shall be proceeded withal because they have lain long in prison, which is little and straight and very much pestered. The principal of those 29 are Scottish men, most of them Armstrongs of Kinemont, exceeding great thieves, but none of them as yet taken, albeit we are informed they are openly in their own houses.
	5. Such of the ill disposed men as live in these parts and are through their wicked facts in danger of law begin to grow very bold and full of hope, presuming that their faults past will in the end of this Parliament be pardoned; which surely in our opinions will encourage them to offend again, and increase their number through hope of impunity by future Parliaments, which will greatly hinder the service. Therefore we under favour think it necessary, as we have written before, that felonies committed in the middle shires be exempted by special proviso. Some pardons have been granted lately to as ill doers as any are in these parts, and others now laboured for as we are informed.
	6. As we have not many prisoners in gaol to be tried and the Justice Courts on the Scottish side hold much about the same time, we have, partly to satisfy those Commissioners and partly for the ease of the country, deferred them, that of Carlisle to 24 April, the other of Newcastle to the 30th of the same, which we hope will be no hindrance to the service.—20 March, 1605, from Hexham. Signed by the Commissioners abovenamed. 3 pp.
	The Enclosure:—Notes of the following people: (1) Grames committed to Carlisle Castle on suspicion of giving reset to their friends: (2) Grames and other fugitives apprehended by Sir H. Leigh and now in Carlisle Castle: (3) the like taken by Sir Wm. Cranston and not sent by him to Carlisle according to the Commissioners' direction to the great hindrance of the service: (4) names of 3 condemned prisoners which would not go forth when the rest broke Carlisle Castle: (5) condemned prisoners which broke, since apprehended and now in prison: (6) Grames returned from the Cautionary Towns without licence, with good passports, those dead since their return, etc. Signed as above. 4 pp. (110. 40.)
	The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
1605–6, March 21.	I have thought good to acquaint you that this day the Baron of Hoboque was with me, who repeated with many circumstances the Archduke's apprehension upon your last conference with him, not so much for the stay of our men upon the reasons of satisfaction of our Parliament, but because you so coupled with it the consideration of the protraction used in the matter of Owen and Baldwin as he conceived by the form that you were content to mention it more like a letter of reprisal than delivered like an accidental argument: which particular he said the Archdukes did not expect to be a subject so to be urged, as if for that cause the King would profess to deny such a matter. To this I made answer, that I had understood from you that you had alleged in this point of the levies the ill affections of the [Parliament as the] main ground in whose opinions those troops were so far scandalised which serve the Archdukes because they find what use should have been made of them, as they did not only press that no more troops should go thither but that even those that are there should be revoked. To which I told him if you did add the representation of the long delay of any answer concerning Owen, the Archduke was not to take that as the substance of the answer, but that his Majesty's stay was only out of the great inconveniency which his Majesty should suffer in being so hasty in this time of the Parliament, according to which sense I remember that in my dispatch of 12 Feb. (which was the first that touched that matter) I added these words expressly, "not that his Majesty's resolution in this point of the levies depended upon the answer which he should receive out of Spain, but that by forbearing a little time his Majesty might the better satisfy his subjects' humours which are now so bitterly bended against that service." And in my letter of 27 Feb. I also expressed, that his Majesty besought the Ambassador to have yet patience for a while until his Majesty might see the issue of this Parliament, and in the meantime he hoped that some good occasion or other would be offered by some good answer which he is to receive out of Spain, by which occasion his subjects might be better edified than now they are, etc. The Ambassador, upon my earnest reply and avowing you in the substance, seemed to put off the matter, alleging that the Archdukes being peradventure transported in passion upon the stay of the levies (which concerned him so much) did not so punctually take hold of your reason of the Parliament as of the matter of Owen; and therefore at some conference with Ricardot you may clear it.
	From this discourse the Ambassador descended to the opening of the ports and maintained that yielding to them the passage of the river of Thames was in effect as much as if we had yielded them nothing, for they could make no use of that passage in respect of the interruption of those of Holland; and therefore urged that either we ought to shut up all the ports both to the States and to them, or give them as convenient a port for them as the States had by the river of Thames.
	I told him that particular reason of state had moved us to shut up the ports abroad; that the passage of Thames was in the eye of the state and therefore could be better observed what persons passed there; that the Archdukes ought not to make so sinister an interpretation without greater cause, but that they were to consider that our own respects were more forcible to us than others, which were but accidentary, and as one or other would construe them, and therewith we directed to other purposes.
	Concerning Capt. James Blont, his Majesty has caused the Archdukes' Ambassador to be made acquainted with the refusal to obey his Majesty's commandments; not that his Majesty demands him at the Archdukes' hand to be sent over hither, but that his Majesty leaves it to the Archdukes' own discretion, whether such a person standing accused as Blont does and thereupon refusing to come into England, ought to be cherished and entertained by them.
	Sir Wm. Windsor stands upon his justification, and before the receipt of your last letter was upon bail of 1000l. for his appearance confined to his own house in the country. In the meantime we will forbear further to proceed against him until we may hear of Capt. Orme's repair unto England.
	If any letters be brought unto you from an unknown person directed A Monsr. Monsr. du Pré. let them be sent with the first ordinary post unto me.
	When the Ambassador urged to have the port of Dover opened for them I alleged that his Majesty thought it inconvenient now during the Parliament to suffer troops to pass along the country by land, which could not but give great occasion of discontentment.—21 March, 1605. Copy. 2½ pp. (227. p. 203.)
	Gio. Battista. Borghese to Girolamo Merli at Monte Santo.
1606, March 22/April 1	Thanking him for a present of oysters, and promising to remember him when the Pope chooses an AssistantChamberlain (Ajutante di Camera).—Rome, 1 April, 1606, Signed. Italian. ½ p. (192. 84.)
	Marcantonio Vittorio to Girolamo Merli, at Monte Santo near Macerata.
1606, March 22/April 1.	In reply to a letter of condolence on the death of his kinsman Father Gaspare, a Cardinal.—Rome, 1 April, 1606. Signed. Italian. Endorsed in English: "Merely Complement." ½ p. (192. 85.)
	N. W. to Monsieur Levinus [Munck].
1605–6, March 23.	Let me entreat you to seal when you have read the enclosed letter, and that it may be safely delivered at one Burcot's house, a shoemaker in Holborne, over against the new gate of Gray's Inn, and he will convey it to the party it belongs to. It concerns the contents of my letter which I write at this time to our good friend Monsieur du Pré; but your discretion is sufficient to foresee that it appear not it passes by your hands. There is a secret rumour here of a disaster should have happened of late to a great personage, but by Sir Thomas Vane's discretion, who seems to have been certainly informed of the contrary, it is much appeased.—Dover, 23 March, 1605. Endorsed: "Du Pré." 1 p. (116. 61.)
	Duke of Devonshire to the Earl of Salisbury.
[? 1605–6, before March 25.]	On the death of Jhonson's son, who was joined with his father in the office of the Clerkship of the Deliveries of the Ordnance, he wished to recommend to the same Roger Hartley, who was clerk to the Lord Chief Justice and a dependant of his. He understands the Queen has given the place to Captain Lyndly, who is neither clerk nor good captain. Salisbury knows how strait an account the King expects in these kind of trusts; and he (Devonshire) has already entered into a course to give him an exact reckoning of his charge and to continue the like care: which he protests he will not be able to do if such men as these be put in places so unfit for them. He begs that stay may be made of this till he has endeavoured to give her Majesty satisfaction.—Undated. Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 169.) [See Cal. of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 318.]
	Anonymous to the Same.
[? 1605–6, before March 25.]	I heard of a great suit that Sir Thomas Sherley had got touching secret alienations, and chancing to come near a room where he and the man that brought the suit had conference, I learned it was worth hundreds of thousands. The man would not reveal to Sir Thomas the chief point, and that was how to find out the alienations without spies or moving the people, which he protested he could do and yet stoutly denied to do it. Because I repine that so great a revenue of the crown should come to so proud a man's hand, who will disperse it to his, more prodigal than himself, I learned his name and dwelling with whom Sir Thomas had this speech to be Mere, his house late Mr. Brooke's in the Friars. I inform you, that the depth of the business may be drawn out by him. I conceal my own name because I deal unmannerly, yet I love the King. This is no gnat, but a great camel, and will not be swallowed.—Undated. Unsigned. Endorsed: "1605. Advertisement touching the greatness of Sir Thomas Sherlie's suit." ½ p. (192. 47.)
	Sir Walter Cope to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, before March 25.]	My Lord Chief Justice, foreseeing in the experience of his place the infinite numbers of cashiered captains and soldiers, of poor artizans that would and cannot work, and of idle vagrants that may and will not work, whose increase threatens the State, is affectionately bent to the plantation of Virginia, (fn. 1) in which he has already taken great pains, and means to disburse 500l. per ann. for 5 years, if the action prosper. He desires for his better expedition two lines from you in particular, or from the Lords in general, by virtue whereof he may call the undertakers, gentlemen merchants, etc., unto him, and by their advices set down the best manner of project; which being agreed upon, shall be speedily returned to your lordships, because the best season for the journey approaches; and after receive such further direction as to your wisdoms may be thought fit.—Undated. Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." ½ p. (191. 120.)
	N.W. to Monsieur du Pre.
1606, March 25.	I have written to you from Dover and Calais, and desire earnestly your answer, for I stay here at Calais to know whether I shall endeavour to meet with the two Cavalcanti which are coming over; or go forward in my intended business. Though I have heard they are already come over, I cannot learn the certainty; but I shall know when I come a day's journey more forward, when I shall meet with many of their and my friends: whither I would have gone before this, but for keeping company with a gentleman who is this day deported for Roane, the keeping whose company has made me to be thought an enemy to you and your businesses. But all the better ; for it will much avail for the effecting of my business. For although I have very good credit and acquaintance already, yet I have gotten his letters to some of them which will be to good purpose. Captain T. will tell you many tales of me, but the worst he can say is that he heard me earnestly defend religion, which I was more willing to do because it was in his company, and for other respects which you know. All the English in the town know that he has great matters to propose to you, but how he will effect them I doubt, for all sorts of men suspect him, and what is in him I do not know, but he is generally held here to be a man of a most idle head and a most vain tongue. Believe nothing he says, unless you know it by other means to be true. Your wisdom may judge of him by his former courses. Pauca sufficiunt sapienti. Send me some more of that powder which I received (?) at the table in your great chamber in a white paper. When you write to me whilst I am in Calais, address to me at the White Rose at Mathew Bersin's house.—Calais, 25 March, 1606. Endorsed: "From Mr. du Pre." 1½ pp. (116. 115.)
	Sir Thomas Sherley to the King.
[1606, March 26.]	The King granted him certain impropriations, for which he gave assurance for the payment of 1,000l. yearly. He chose the parsonage of Long Benyngton, Lincoln, but is stayed by the Lord Treasurer from passing it, at the suit of Mr. Roger Manners. He begs that it may not be taken from him, the rather because last year there was taken from him the parsonage of St. Saviour's, Southwark, being the best he had, and no recompense for the same; and he also upon request relinquished the parsonage of Effingham, Surrey. He begs the King not to take Long Benyngton from him to satisfy the humour of a man that can make no other pretence but his service to the late Queen, from whom he received many extraordinary rewards.—Undated.
	Note at foot by Lennox: "The King requires the Lord Treasurer to call the parties before him to hear the cause and report to him.—Whitehall, March 26, 1606." Endorsed: "A copy of Sir Thomas Sherley's petition." 1 p. (193. 50.)
	Statements by Henry Garnet.
[1606], March 27.	Mr. Tresham saw the breves [briefs] about the time that the going into Spain was treating; that is about Candlemas the year before the Queen died. Mr. Percy saw them immediately before his going into Scotland the last time before the death of the Queen.
	As far as I remember Mr. Catesby did show them to my Lord Monteagle at the same time when Mr. Tresham was with him at Whitewebbs.—27 March. Henry Garnet. Holograph. ½ p. (110. 50.)
[1606], March 27.	I do not remember that ever my Lord Montegle saw the breves.
	Mr. Tressam saw them about the time that the going into Spain was treating; that is, about Candlemas the year before the Queen died. Mr. Percy saw them immediately before his going into Scotland the last time before the death of the Queen.— 27 March. Henry Garnet. Holograph. 1 p. (116. 27.)
	Thomas Palmer and William Alcock to Lord Wotton, Lord Lieutenant of Kent.
1606, March 28.	The enclosed letter was delivered to them as they journeyed from Canterbury towards Sir James Cromer's, by 2 poor men, Michael Pickle and John Robinson, dwelling in Westgate without Canterbury. They said it was delivered to them by 2 poor men of the Hospital of Harldbaldowne, who found it on the highway, and supposed the waggoner of Canterbury had lost it by the way. It was found unsealed, and contains matters of import to the State. On inquiry, they find the waggoner had lost no letter; and at the postmaster's at Sittingborne they understand that in the morning there arrived from Canterbury 4 strangers who had ridden post with a guide, one being named Mapleston, a brother to one of Maidstone that lately arrived at Dover, and came out of Spain as a purser of a ship.— From Tunstall, Sir James Cromer's house, 28 March, 1606.
	Signed. Note at foot by James Crowmer: I hold myself so far interested in this business only at this time as I am the first commissioner therewithal acquainted. 1 p. (115. 149.)
	Henry Garnet.
1606, March 31–April 24.	Special things contained in Garnet's letter the 4 April to Greenwell [Greenway], written with his own hand. When he was with the Spanish Ambassador. To observe to whom he give any handkerchers.
	His direction to his keeper to speak with my Lord Montague and to tell him that he had been asked questions of the Lords, and made answer he could not say anything of them.
	Garnet advertiseth Greenwell that he had confessed that Greenwell gave him leave to reveal his knowledge if ever he came in question here or beyond the seas. Greenwell was by in Thames Street when Catesby propounded the matter of the powder. Garnet saith he was sorry it was his chance to touch no creature but Greenwell, etc. Confesseth that a pension should be procured for them.
	He directed Greenwell to take notice of no noblemen to be acquainted with the matter of the horses, but only Winter and Catesby.
	He teacheth him how to deny his own speech, that the Jesuits were undone; saying that he himself confessed only that Greenwell should say "All Catholics were undone."
	He directeth Greenwell to answer to that point wherewith he had been charged for giving him direction to exhort them that Mr. Abington should take arms. [Marginal note: he was never so charged.] His direction is to Greenwell how to answer in the case of the Protector.
	3 April. Garnet's letter to Mrs. Vaux (fn. 2) to be published after his death. The reason why he thought it necessary to confess the Breves. He saith he sought to hinder the practice of the Treason, as the Pope can tell. Though the conspirators had used his name freely yet he hurt nobody. He speaketh of order given to remove his books and directs her to challenge whatsoever is found. Garnet. 4 April, in a confession.
	Another of the same dated as before.
	That Greenwell was present with Mr. Catesby when he moved the action of the Powder, etc.
	Answer of the last of March, 1606.
	Another of the 11th of April.
	Showing directly his falsehood concerning Greenwell's acquainting him with the Powder treason in confession. A letter written to the Jesuits intituled: Dilectis Patribus et Fratribus, etc.
	In this giveth his reason that insurrection against the K[ing] was unlawful because there wanted the Pope's declaration. Yet durst he not by this opinion condemn the opinion of others, because most divines give greater liberty to Catholics. He confesseth that he procured Sir Ed. Baynham to be sent to Rome.
	He was glad that he and Hall had made their general confessions in the hole at Mr. Abington's, otherwise he saith that the two witnesses should have been new ghostly fathers that overheard them.
	He saith he must have called his wits together to have made another formal tale, if he had not confessed Greenwell, and the rather because he must not seem to derive his knowledge from any of the conspirators, having made a contrary protestation in writing to the Catholics. In that likewise appeareth that all his protestations of conspiring to hinder it were but devices.
	He confesseth therein, That he was overseen in reporting that one of the wives of the traitors asked one of his company where they would bestow themselves till the brunt were past; meaning the Parliament. This he saith he would not have done but that he thought the gentlewomen were past examination.
	He saith he was forced to acknowledge the Breves because Mr. Catesby built all his intentions upon them, and that he saith solved the matter of the 'Greate' in which before he could not satisfy us.
	Contents of a letter to Fullwood, 24 April, from Garnet.
	Directeth him what to confess. Endorsed: "4 Apr. 1605 [sic]. Memorial." 3¼ pp. (110. 66.)
	Purveyance.
[1606, March.]	Whereas there passed lately a conference between a selected Committee of both Houses concerning matter of purveyance, in which by consent of both parties (and the better to reconcile all difficulties) the debate was reduced to certain principal heads, as namely what right his Majesty hath in that prerogative, next with what security and conveniency and in what proportion some composition may be made with the King, for which he may bind himself to prohibit all purveyors or others to use purveyance, which being once concluded all grievances incident or rather inseparable from the same may be prevented and extinguished; as all that day was only spent in dispute of the right without any such examination of any of the other points as might then give any satisfaction, his Majesty hath commanded us in his name to move you to be contented before there be any resolution taken in that House to appoint another meeting, because it may appear unto you what security and satisfaction his Majesty meant to offer unto you in these things; wherein as in all other causes it was so far from his thought, much less from his desire, to make any double bargain either for himself or to leave any foundation for any that shall succeed him to encroach upon those loving subjects of his who shall deal with him with single hearts, as he shall take himself dishonoured to have this matter of purveyance or composition for it or anything concerning that question further disputed until it may appear one way or other whether such a course might be taken as might give mutual satisfaction, especially in that particular point of security, wherein his Majesty moved principally out of these two considerations: first, if you should yield to the composition upon the conditional offer to be safe from any future burthen from the abuse of purveyance, all the time that is spent in it would prove lost time if in that case there should appear impossibility to make you such an assurance as should not extinguish one as long as the other continueth; secondly, because so many abroad are possessed with that conceit, besides those that speak in a Parliament and have disputed the doubt and danger thereof all this while, as it may be conceived until it be cleared that his Majesty did not forethink himself of that point in any sort when he propounded this motion because his eye was only upon his own profit and meant to leave the rest to adventure if the cares and doubts had not moved from themselves. Thus much his Majesty is pleased that they shall understand, assuring himself that it shall never be unwelcome to this House to give him opportunity to disperse any scandals raised by those that know him not so well as they do, and to express himself and his care of them that handle this point to themselves, which cannot be so well done as by hastening the conference where somewhat may be said of every one of these particulars and so that conference take his leave; and after it every man in his particular left to the rule of his own conscience and understanding, beyond which his Majesty goeth not about to press any, though in these cases he thinks it fit for you to have all things thoroughly understood before any resolution and just for him to require, for preventing any misunderstanding of his sincere and royal intentions in any his Majesty's propositions. Draft, largely corrected by Salisbury. Endorsed: "Minute concerning purveyance in Parliament." 3 pp. (129. 20.) [Cf. Commons Journals I, 280.]
	The King to the Lower House of Parliament.
[1605–6, March ?].	His Majesty being informed of your proceedings yesterday, has once again done me the honour to make me the messenger of his mind, from his own mouth, which office I must confess, though it be a charge of great importance, to carry the voice of Princes, yet must it be of great comfort to me and you, because I shall deliver you the gracious thanks of so just and so well understanding a King, the greatest blessing that God can give his people. You shall therefore understand that as his Majesty hath ever had this property, ever since he was of any years, to make so great a difference between the value of gifts and the minds of the givers, as his thoughts were ever in pain when any necessities pressed him to make any exposition whereby his people might conceive that he did covet any other treasure than the treasure of their hearts; even so where he was pleased by his first message to acknowledge an extraordinary feeling and acceptation of your first voluntary and timely gratuity (when from himself there was no motion made, either in the general or in the particular, but such as was born and bred within the walls of your own house); his Majesty being now informed that you have yesterday declared so great a readiness to give him the satisfaction which he required by me, which was only to draw to some conclusion all those disputes concerning his further support which the particular knowledge of his inward necessities (not so well known before your former grant) had kept on foot amongst you: I am now commanded particularly and punctually to touch that string of your desert, as from his Majesty; who notwithstanding the extraordinary respect and reverence which he may challenge in the form, yet in all such matters as offer themselves to your good wills or judgments at any time, that Prince never lived nor shall live amongst you from whose heart it is farther to prejudge your intentions, or to go about to abridge your lawful freedom, which you can be no more jealous to lose than he is just and ready to preserve. And now therefore his Majesty, having had this further proof even in the conclusion of the main point of some helps to his estate, that when he pressed rather an end any way, than obtruded any particular end or augmentation in any proportion, such and so many demonstrations have appeared in the eye of the world of your cares to support his Majesty's estate, as notwithstanding any questions or divisions which arise about the form of doing, the matter hath been so well concluded, without any neglect of his Majesty's person, or any aversion in the general point of his support, as he hath commanded me, as you have redoubled your former merit, so to redouble now again unto you his former thanks; and withal to tell you that whensoever he shall find that either this, which was your own, or that, which is his, be as necessary to be expended for the good of religion or the commonweal, as this supply was for him, there is nothing that nature or fortune hath given him which he shall not possess you of with a free and willing mind, in requital of your honest merits towards him; to which I am commanded to add this one further circumstance, that it is one part of his contentment to be made assured by these means to preserve his princely word to so many honest men as stuck not upon his single missive to accommodate him with loans of round sums, when his occasion could not attend the fruits of this Assembly.—Undated. Draft, with corrections by Salisbury. Endorsed: "1605. Minute of a letter from the K. to the Lower House of Parliament." 3½ pp. (192. 24.)
	Noel de Caron to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1606, March.]	With respect to the ship from Brazil, now at Poole, although the Spaniard exclaims to the contrary, the Council's order for her unloading has been obeyed, as the "chevaliers et justiciers" who have been deputed for the matter will testify. The latter also say the master and the crew have a right to claim freight. The ship having now been at Poole 17 weeks, the master and crew have incurred debts of from 200l. to 300l.; and would be in danger of imprisonment if the goods left their hands without their claim being satisfied. He begs Salisbury to read the enclosed true account of the matter. Let the Spaniard cry as loud as he will, the States have a thousand times more reason to cry against him, for nothing that comes into his hands can be recovered. Since he has been in this country, he (Caron) has never been able to obtain the smallest redress against him; and he has injured them to the extent of 800,000 crowns, besides the goods he has abstracted from them.— Undated. Holograph. French. Endorsed: "March, 1606. Sir Noel Caron." 1 p. (192. 83.)
	The Earl of Northampton to Lord —.
[? 1606, March.]	If I had any cause to doubt of your clear knowledge of our courses as they are carried and qualified according to the measure which your instruments do ordinarily play touching those things which concern your charge, or were not particularly assured by the report of all my senses how directly you are dealt withal by him that reigneth in that element by a favourable offer of your discreet deserts to the test of sovereign capacity, your lordship should more often hear from me your mindful and professed friend a sounding echo of your own due praise and their approbations to whom it appertains to value your industry. To say that I am apt to second any good report wherein your credit shares were an idle begging of a thank upon an ordinary cause, when the work is only valuable for the tincture of itself and no further bound by obligation in respect of secondary furtherances than my silence upon such an offer could be warrant able at any time to whom of duty it belongs to give encouragement to true labourers. I will therefore only let you know that as your letters of advertisement deserve to be perused by more than an ordinary or a vulgar eye, so the best eye in this element doth often read them over from the first line to the last; and question doth sometime arise whether we should more commend the nimbleness of your pen, the pure method of your discourse, or the drift of your industry. How little or how much I further this good work I will not vaunt, but hereof you may assure yourself that though I were in Barbary, the stroke which my Lord of Salisbury keeps still in bringing forward the report of your best endeavours were sufficient in due time to draw you to the reward of your own industry.
	I have been earnestly entreated to require your furtherance in the behalf of Henry Carey, who by too great forwardness hath plunged himself into a gulf of shrewd perplexities; for though no doubt be made of your own good inclination to ease a gentleman of so good quality in such a cause, yet friends presume, and I think with great reason, that the earnest instance of some persons whom you value in your own kind love will add a spur to your affection. Upon this confidence I fear not to put in my friendly mite into this peace offering, with assurance that I shall reckon all those favours done unto myself which shall be bestowed by your tender care upon this good labour. The time did never serve more aptly for this purpose (as I think) than now, when the Marquis coming of humanity and jollity to congratulate the late delivery of our dear master from the gulf of ruin, may be drawn upon the way to make his embassy more gracious both in the King's eye and the State's by working some abatement of the misery of a poor gentleman in his passage hither, that is rather to be pitied in respect of his worthy affection than afflicted for that he was opposite. It is not improbable that the Marquis will be glad to raise the seal of his reputation at his arrival in these parts; and therefore [I] crave this aid of you that in case you find him capable of such a thought you will improve your own endeavour and credit to set him through. This work is charitable in itself, pleasing to his Majesty in respect of the gentleman, and grateful to many that do much esteem of him. Our Jesuits in this place I fear will fall into sequence with some there, for latet aliquid quod patebit, and you need not doubt but a matter of this moment Prince and State and posterity in this Luciferian degree never sampled in any age or precedent, if it be not that should be sought and searched ad minutissimum.
	We marvel much at the slow proceedings towards satisfaction of the King's demand of Owen, but I do assure you that our suspense of liberty for soldiers to pass into those parts that make the case so dainty to deliver up a traitor of this height, doth cause a strong and a sharp corrosive on the other side.
	The winking course which I am forced to take daily in the ports to make a difference between the "convayes" [convoys?] of desires and drifts so contrary, and my watchful care to secure the party most favoured in some nice points, which happen by the whisking of our Holland barques in every port, hath almost overlaid and tired me with struggling between both parts, and in those narrow straits which would sometime put a wit of greater weight than mine own to their highest proof when matters come to be pleaded in Courts of equity.
	The King our master with all his sweet plants are in good estate and as likely, when time comes to give life and comfort to this State as his own virtues cum bono genio have given sureties to both Monarchies.
	The Lower House like to their antecessors like young coursers are sometimes apt to bound and play upon the back; but as their first attempts are for the greatest part more fierce, so doubt I not but by that time that [they have] looked with discretion into the grounds of strife and withal considered how ill this humour suits with the circumstances of the present time, both at home and abroad, they will sound the retreat and rather seek to serve the State which must continue than to please those humours which are only constant in levity.
	The catching of our long concealed Jesuits even at the very time when some of the Lords should have been called to the Star Chamber, was the cause of putting off the day, that according to the circumstances that happen in the meantime matters may be both managed and tempered.
	Because my leisure serves me not to write often I have been content to clog your stomach at one swallow with a mass of crude and indigested lumps, as for a good while after you will take no delight to eat anything that comes out of my cookery. To your lordship I wish what I doubt not others will assist and further, that is the reward of your own merit; and assure you that so far as the credit of my talent may be engaged for your good it shall never rest in a concavity.—Undated. Copy. 3¾ pp. (227. p. 200.)