Cecil Papers: February 1606

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1940.

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'Cecil Papers: February 1606', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606, ed. M S Giuseppi( London, 1940), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol18/pp40-69 [accessed 17 November 2024].

'Cecil Papers: February 1606', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606. Edited by M S Giuseppi( London, 1940), British History Online, accessed November 17, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol18/pp40-69.

"Cecil Papers: February 1606". Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 18, 1606. Ed. M S Giuseppi(London, 1940), , British History Online. Web. 17 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol18/pp40-69.

February 1606

Capt. Tomkyns to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6], Feb. 1. Behold my wrongs with compassion. If the law of nations, of nature, or my adversaries' information can prove anything worthy of death or imprisonment I am ready to suffer the punishment. Upon my return out of the Levant Seas in Aug. 1603 the Lord High Admiral's officers pillaged me of more than 4,000l. in money, and other goods; next I and all my company were proclaimed pirates in every city and haven town of England; then six of my mariners were hanged at Southampton for the sins of the people—all these extremities passed against us upon my enemy's report only. My men were condemned of murder upon no proof nor witness against them. In regard we went into the Straits and took the Barbyana of Venice, myself unwilling to endure the cruelty of the time went to Spainge to my best refuge against oppression, and from thence returned to my native country upon the warrant of his Majesty's pardon and my own innocency, being most willing to justify myself an honest man, and to answer whatsoever the Venetians can charge me with. I understand that two knights, Sir Robert Mansfeild and Sir John Trever, have authority to apprehend me. I crave this much favour, that I may have liberty to answer for myself. Extend your relief unto my present oppressed fortunes, only that I may have liberty to follow my troubles urged against me by the Venetian Ambassador.—Westminster, 1 Feb.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1605." 1½ pp. (109. 153.)
Sir Anthony Ashley to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 1. I have supplied with good success Mr. Topcliffe's office, and have apprehended John Digbie at a house where he meant to sup this evening about 8 o'clock, but his counterfeit name is mistaken in the note I delivered your lordship, for he is known by the name of John Browne. I should unseasonably trouble you with him before to-morrow morning, till which time I mean to take charge of him in mine own house. I have likewise made stay of one Harcourt his companion, who as it seems has kept company with him ever since his landing here in England. By very good chance I came to knowledge of his certain repair to the place where he was apprehended, as you would little think probable when the particulars are known.— From my poor house in Holborn, this Saturday night, 1 Feb., 1605.
Signed. Fragment of seal. ½ p. (109. 154.)
Commission for Shooting.
[1605–6, Feb. 1.] Commission to the Lord Mayor of London, the Council and others.
The profitable exercise of shooting in the fields has been hindered by enclosures, hedges and banks. The above are appointed Commissioners to survey all grounds within 2 miles round London as before have been used to have marks therein for archers to shoot at, and to reduce them to order as they were in the beginning of Henry the 8th; and are given power to order the farmers and occupiers of the premises to reform the obstructions.
Draft. The date 1 Feb. 3 James I is in the margin. 2 pp. (115. 86(1).)
Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 1. I have perused my papers, and all that I can find very material tending to this last most wicked purpose I send you in a note here enclosed. The originals of the first two articles contained in the note I presently sent unto you, and kept but the copy of it with myself: the last I have still remaining with me. They so concur with the matter and the time of the first plotting thereof as in all probability it was the very foundation of this late plot. Wherefore it were fit that Strange and some others most like to be acquainted therewith were thoroughly followed by some of his Majesty's counsel learned in a more strict manner, the matter being of that nature that it falls out to be, for if ever in any case a strict course of examination has been requisite, it is most needful in this, but not fit to trouble your lordship in that kind. I have in like manner returned unto you herein enclosed Sir Thomas Challynor's letter: but for the book delivered Sir Thomas Challynor I never had it. But this much I remember, that upon Ratclyff's return out of the Low Countries he sent me word by one that he used that he had set down a discourse of his whole journey at that time, but understanding that he carried over one Greneway with him (of whom I had been well informed before), that he had discovered Ratclyff to many Romish Catholics to be a spy upon them. I told the party, doubting he had been misled by Greneway, that I was not acquainted with his sending over, and therefore willed him in any wise to acquaint such as were privy thereto with that discourse; and this morning I sent for the party that came to me to understand what was become of that discourse. He tells me he verily thinks that Sir Thomas Challoner had it, and that Mr. Wryght carried it unto him. But this he tells me withal, that there was another draft thereof, which he verily thinks, by occasion of a search in which Ratclyff was taken, was showed to the Recorder, who kept it. But Mr. Recorder being gone to the hall, I could not be satisfied thereof by him, but will as soon as I can speak with him.—Serjeants' Inn, 1 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 2 pp. (190. 35.)
Sir Edward Coke, Attorney-General, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 2. Understanding that his Majesty goes from Whitehall to-morrow, I thought it my duty to inform you for the administration of justice how the case now stands concerning the office of the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and that before any petition should be made by others. First, no man that is grieved by any erroneous proceeding or judgment in that Court can have any writ of error until there be a Chief Justice, for the writ of error is to be directed to the Chief Justice only, and cannot be to any other. 2. There have no issues by nisi prius been tried in London all this term, nor shall be till there be a Chief Justice. 3. The circuits are now presently to be appointed, and for many other causes it is of necessity that there be a Chief Justice this term. I am bold also to inform you what course I must take. First, I must be made Serjeant, which may be on Saturday next, and the Chief Justice on Monday. There must be a writ (for which my Lord Chancellor must have warrant), returnable on Saturday, to call me to be a Serjeant, and a warrant for the patent of the office of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. Hereof I presume to inform you, lest if others should complain blame might be imputed to me. This bearer has the seal, which remains with the Chief Justice for sealing of processes for execution of justice, which all this term have stayed. There was never a term passed (for the causes aforesaid) without a Chief Justice.— 2 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (109. 155.)
Lamoral, Prince de Ligne et du Saint Empyre, to the Earl of Headfort.
1605–6, Feb. 2/12. Since Headfort's departure from this country the writer has been 6 months in Spain, and therefore unable to offer his services. He sent Headfort a petition to the King of Great Britain, praying him to use his authority with the States of Holland to allow to his son, during his absence abroad from thence, 2000 to 3000 crowns a year out of his property at Wassenaer. He has asked the Ambassador Edmondes's assistance in the matter, and begs Headfort to let him know the result. Bruxelles, 12 Feb., 1606.
Holograph. French. 1 p. (115. 104.)
Dr. John Rainolds to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6], Feb. 3. The peril wherein their whole College stands, as their learned counsel informs him, unless they be relieved by an Act of Parliament, enforces him to beg Salisbury's help. His godly compassionate affection will lovingly consider that the conservation of their College is of greater weight to them than was the recovery of Babylon to Darius. Doubts not his furtherance of a conscionable suit.—Corpus Christi College in Oxford, Feb. 3.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1605. Dr. Raynolds." 1 p. (190. 36.)
Lady Remington to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain.
1605–6, Feb. 4. Such are my distresses by reason of my husband's absence, that I am compelled to crave your favour. Whereas it pleased his Majesty to sign a commission of review, now it is stayed at the Privy Seal upon some information made to the Earl of Salisbury. I am assured if his Honour knew the injuries and oppressions offered by Sir Pexall Brockas, he would not believe his false suggestions. Therefore move my Lord of Salisbury that he will be pleased not to make any further stay thereof, being a thing usual and ordinary justice.—Bewreper, 4 Feb., 1605.
Signed. Seal. ½ p. (109. 156.)
Doctor Robert Soame to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 5. Your care for the religion is an argument of God's great favour to your lordship. If the popish sort curse you, it is but Goliath's curse. The positions of the Popish church concerning the deposing of princes are very false and dangerous; false, for they have no ground to stand upon in God's book or ancient father; dangerous, for they arm subjects against their sovereigns. God's late extraordinary favour to our gracious sovereign and his royal issue have appeared in great letters; they are not benefits but miracles. For your favour to myself I thank you and crave your mediation to his Highness for my preferment.— From Cambridge, 5 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (109. 159.)
Sir Thomas Chaloner to the Same.
[1605–6], Feb. 5. After a long search amongst many papers, I have found the most part of those letters and advertisements, which Ratcliff sent me: the last only I cannot find, which he sent me immediately after his return out of the Low Countries, but if my memory fail me not, I left it either in your hands or with my Lord Chief Justice. On Tuesday as I was coming out of Westminster Hall Ratcliff overtook me at the very door, so that we had the opportunity to walk aside and pass a few words together. He complained much of the small credit given heretofore to his informations, and found himself much aggrieved that he was discovered and disabled to serve the State. He affirmed that he had two men of great sufficiency, who could effectually supply his defect; which I could the more easily credit, if Ratcliff undertook to assist them with his counsel.—Richmond, 5 Feb.
Holograph. Seal. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (109. 160.)
William Morton to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 5. I have presumed to offer to your lordship a sudden intelligence lately come to my hand. In these parts beyond all others lie continual false bruits, laboured by the popish faction to breed a wavering in the people's mind and so a revolt from religion and in the end a rebellion; what I have long marked here in Newcastle, where I reside, and in Northumberland and the bishopric, by reason of my office of archdeacon, I once enjoyed in that, and now do in this. Now they convene in every corner, spread rumours and rail on me and others that resist them, whereof this enclosed rebellious libel bears sufficient witness. At the first sight as I got it I thought fit to send it without communicating to any.—From my house at Newcastle upon Tine, 5 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (109. 161.)
The Clerks of the Chancery to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Feb. 5. Whereas we are entreated to give testimony of the behaviour, honesty and sufficiency of this bearer, Mr. Daniel Powell, who not long since exercised the place of a clerk in one of our offices in Chancery we assure your lordships, that during all the time of his 5 or 6 years above in the said office his behaviour was ever honest and blameless, and his ability to discharge the businesses to his place belonging every way sufficient.—From our office in Chancery Lane, 5 Feb., 1605.
Signed: Jo. Evelyn: Edm. Kedermister: Wm. Tothill: Richard Wilkinson: Stephen Powle: Jo. Clapham. Seal. ½ p. (109. 162.)
Lord Gerard to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 5. I presented here enclosed my brother Houghton's letter sealed up as your lordship saw it. I hope this will be a warning unto him. Ever resting most bound to you and ready to deserve the same by the best service I shall be able.— 5 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (109. 163.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Lord Dirleton.
[1605–6, Feb. 6.] Being newly come home from a long and late session in Parliament, and being close by my chimney's end, a place proper for Beagles, I was in dispute whether I should trouble his Majesty with this day's journal, having heard a report of his purpose to return to-morrow. Nevertheless conceiving it will not be unpleasing to his Majesty to hear as well the truth from my pen as from others' report, I have thought good to entreat you to acquaint him as follows. This afternoon 40 of my Lords met with 4 score of the Lower House, to whom that was delivered in general, as the cause of our meeting, wherewith his Majesty was acquainted by me before his going. The first part whereof was concerning the priests and papists, wherein they came prepared with divers articles. So did we, and by that means it appeared that both Houses had one end, and wanted only the assurance to attain it by one and the same way: a matter though rather formal than essential, yet of such necessity in passing of bills as, being left unreconciled, much time would be expended. Of which point I will say no more at this time, but that we are very like to concur: having in a manner sympathised in all things, as well appeared to both our contentments when the articles of each side were compared. After which dispute in pleno Concilio, I took out a writing and used this speech (as near as I can remember), that as that people was happy which either lived under philosophers, or had kings that were philsophers, so might I speak of our felicity, whose Sovereign was not only rich in wisdom, but in zeal, without which wisdom were folly. That for proof of the zeal and the wisdom thereof, I was able to show them fair and clear records, wherein because I daily discerned how great an advantage we had that lived at the feet of Gamaliel in respect of others more removed; and found so good cause to wish them part of our contentments, I would encroach upon his Majesty's future interpretation, rather than to deprive them of that joy and consolation which I conceived they would gather from the excellent composition of his Majesty's private meditations: not doubting but they would join with a Secretary so far as to free him by their suit a poena. though not a culpa, if I had strained too far upon the liberty to make use of his Majesty's papers: adding thereunto that I had suffered all men to use the liberty of their own sense before I would produce this, lest any man might have conceived I had sought thereby to lead or bind up any man's judgment by the weight and authority of princes' propositions. And so, after an earnest calling for it to be read and general attention, it was read, and received with infinite applause and acclamation, being, I protest unto you, different in nothing from their projects, but in that which is only the attribute of a king, that is full of mercy. Much more passed of him that I will write: for I love not to praise him, where his eyes shall look upon me or upon my words. Only this I will say, that whilst my worn body holds my mind, it shall serve him till by serving him I shall trouble him: for my love to his person hath no dimension, nor will I ever put it to the hazard whether faith once broken can ever be well "sodered." For the rest which we intended should be only accidental, and rather remembrances that such things must have their turn than as now intending to propound them, they were pertinently touched and sufficiently conceived, being two things in general: the one to supply the necessities of the Crown for the good of the same: the other to remember that the work of our commission, by which the differences in laws and customs were reconciled, and all things duly and carefully ordered which were necessary for the common good of both kingdoms, must not longer lie asleep than mere necessity required. To conclude, all this will be reported, and we intend to-morrow some of us to consult, who shall now amongst them set those things awork, without attending further circumstance. Thus have you in effect the true state of Parliament causes, to which I will only make this addition, that we are sure of Hall and Walley in the Gatehouse, to which place we have this night committed them, themselves not sticking now to acknowledge their dignities.—Undated.
Draft in hand of Cecil's secretary. Endorsed: "Minute to the L. Dirlton from my Lord. 6 Feb., 1605." 6 pp. (190. 37.)
Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 6. As yet there is no kind of order out of Spain in answer to his Majesty's demand, although within these two days a courier thence has brought the enclosed letters from Sir Charles Cornwallis. By the same messenger the Marquis of Spinola certified his arrival at Valladolid but that he had not yet spoken with the King by reason of his absence. In the meantime till further news comes from him concerning the new levies order is given for levying supplies of all nations to re-inforce the old companies and the Count of Buquoy is appointed to go into Artois to raise some new companies of Walloons.
Baldwin is looked for shortly to return from St. Omers. He makes these perambulations under colour of employing himself in the business of the seminaries which he never vouchsafed before to attend in this manner, but it is that his liberty may serve him for a pretence to justify him abroad against the matters laid to his charge.
One Chambers, a priest preaching of late in the English nunnery, made a very lewd invective against the deceased Queen and her Council, whereof Edmondes intends to inform the Archduke.
Some English captains are going to England to fetch supplies for the companies here and amongst them Sir Wm. Windsor, who by this means may be dealt with touching the matters informed against him by Sir Griffin Markam. He is extremely superstitious and has been a passionate follower of the Jesuits, not withstanding his professions to the contrary.—Bruxelles, 6 Feb., 1605.
Copy. 1¼ pp. (227. p. 178.)
[Portion of the original letter which is in the P.R.O. State Papers, Foreign, Flanders, 8.]
Mary, Lady Digby, to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Feb. 7. Pleaseth your lordships to receive the petition of a poor distressed widow, who being informed that some of her late goods are as yet unsold doth beseech you to give order that I may buy them for my money before others as they are or shall be reasonably praised; and that you will so commiserate my poor infants' hard case, as that which by law is due to them may be preserved to their use, which, if you have any doubt, I will cause some learned lawyer to wait upon you to inform you. And that also all writings and evidences now in the sheriff's possession or delivered by him into the Exchequer, which any way appertain to me and mine, may be re-delivered to me, or the true copies thereof.—7 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (109. 164.)
Sir Henry Guldeford to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 8. Sickness preventing my ability to attend you myself makes me bold to offer these few lines to your view, humbly craving you to endorse the same, with reference to the Attorney of the Wards (the petition here enclosed approving itself reasonable to your justice) wherein you shall increase your favours upon me.—Worcester House, 8 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (97. 168.)
Henry Darby, Mayor, and others of Gloucester to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 8. According to your direction received by Mr. Overbury, our recorder, and Mr. Robins, our town clerk, we have re-examined Valentine Palmes, stayed here upon suspicion of him conceived by his Majesty's proclamation; whose examination we send you enclosed. Further we certify that he did voluntarily before us take the oath of supremacy and did offer to take his oath that he is no priest: yet notwithstanding we detain him until we shall receive further direction from you.—From Gloucester, 8 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (110. 1.)
Dr. Dupont, Deputy Vice Chancellor of Cambridge, to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 9. Being deputed for supply of the ViceChancellor's office in his absence this Parliament time, there was brought before me the 7th of this present one Southwicke, a gentleman as he says, not for any other misdemeanour that I can yet find but only that he has lurked, being a stranger, in a poor house in the town, very suspiciously these three weeks, upon pretence that he is enforced to flee from his creditors in London. who seek by all means to lay him up. Being examined, though he make profession of sincerity in religion, yet he confesses that he has been beyond the seas and conversed much with Dr. Bagshawe and Dr. Stevens and other priests and Jesuits in Paris and other places; affirming that he has been employed by the Ambassador of France in certain intelligences unto your lordship, and that you have accepted well of his service and gave him 15l. I shall most willingly attend your good pleasure whether you will have any further stay or inquiry made of him. Having rather commiseration of his poor estate than any great cause to use exemplary justice upon him, till I know more, I have been contented to take him for the while in fair terms for some attendance about me until further order from you.—Jesus College in Cambridge, 9 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (136. 129.)
Sir David Foulis to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 10. This afternoon there is one buried in this town after five days sickness. Upon knowledge of his sudden death (which gave me some cause of suspicion) I caused a search to be made, and it is found that he is dead of the plague. The house is shut up, none in it but the father, the mother, and the daughter, very poor folks all. This much I thought fit to signify, although I hope the danger be not great.—Richmond, this afternoon, 10 Feb., 1605.
Signed. ½ p. (110. 3.)
The Earl of Derby to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 10. I have received your letters concerning Sir Richard Houghton and perceive your care of my honour and quietness in this country. The gentlemen's names that I commend unto you are Robert Hesketh, John Ireland and Hugh Hesketh, esqres., all justices of peace. These are perfectly acquainted with these occasions, and my nearest neighbours. Mr. Robert Hesketh has been my deputy vice-admiral in this business and is acquainted with what several parcels of goods (besides the wines) he detains. The 27th of this month or the 6th of March next are our market days at Ormeschurch town, through the which the carriages are to pass, and one of those days I think it convenient for them to be here at this my house at Knowsely. Your little nephew my son I thank God battens well and my wife commends her kindly to you.—Knowsely my house. 10 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. ½ p. (110. 4.)
Francis Bernard to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 11. There was brought before me this Tuesday morning one George Butcher, whose behaviour has been ever bad, and one that goes and rides about the country and is seldom at his own house. I have also sent Butcher's examination, but he would confess very little. I have sent the party himself that charges Butcher "to warrant there are four hundred traitors and papists in Essex," and further charges him for conveying letters between papists. For their further ordering they attend your pleasure.—Written at Margaretting. 11 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. ½ p. (110. 6.)
Two Enclosures:—
(1) Examination of George Butcher, of Sudmuster (sic), before Francis Bernard, a J.P. in co. Essex, 11 Feb., 1605.
Examinate saith he came from Sudmuster on Thursday last to Chelmsford to the spiritual court, and from thence to Widford on Friday following, which is but one mile, and there stayed until Monday next following. That day he came to Ingerstone which is from thence four miles, and there he fell into the company of divers, amongst which was one Philip Jurden. He further saith there was one Richard Weldon alias Cocke of Burntwood, who said that most of the chief inhabitants where he did dwell were papists: upon which words examinate asked how he escaped being one of them? but he answered him nothing. This examinate doth further warrant there are four hundred papists in Essex, but denieth that he said or named any traitors.
½ p. (110. 5(1).)
(2) The like examination of Philip Jurden, of Fryaninge.
On Monday last being 10 Feb. he was in company of one George Butcher and some others in a house in Ingerstone, where they fell in talk about the execution and arraignment of the late traitors. Whereupon examinate saith there was few or none of these traitors in Essex. But George Butcher confidently affirmed that there were four hundred traitors and papists in Essex. Examinate doth further say that he doth suspect him to be one that doth carry letters to and fro between divers papists: whereupon examinate willed the rest of the company to bear witness of his words of warranties and presently caused him to be apprehended.
½ p. (110. 5(2).)
Dr. John Duport to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 11. According to your commandment I have sent up poor Southaik by his Majesty's messenger, of whom I must needs give this testimony, that during these few days he has been with me, not above 5 or 6 at the most, he has carried himself very honestly and religiously; and in the many discourses I have had with him of his travails abroad has ever showed an utter detestation of all popery and popish practices, with a most dutiful commemoration of your lordship and the whole estate, as occasion was offered.—Jesus College in Cambridge, 11 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. ½ p. (110. 7.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
[1605–6, Feb. 12.] Because I doubt not you have long before this time received my letter of 22 Jan. and so remain sufficiently informed of the present state of his Majesty's affairs, yet I think fit in one thing to "preoccupate" any suggestion which may be made unto you and you only driven to resort to the strength of your own judgment for lack of particular direction, namely touching the suspicion which is conceived there, that his Majesty hath forbidden any more of his subjects to pass into Flanders for the Archduke's service. Wherein for truth this you shall understand, that since the late discovery of that horrible conspiracy which had digged a pit for our destruction, his Majesty's people in general (but above all in particular the Lower House of Parliament) are uncapable almost of any other belief than a mere condemnation of those English troops which serve the Archdukes to have been destined for the seconders of this treason: and in that respect they earnestly press, that not only none should be suffered any more to go thither but also to revoke those that are there in service already considering how dangerous it might prove to this State to have so many ill affected in religion enabled in means, and trained up in martial services, which might one day convert their swords to the prejudice of this established government, and that even all the seminaries breed treasonable spirits. Notwithstanding all which his Majesty being dealt with by the Spanish Ambassador (who taketh now upon him all the business of the Low Countries) concerning a new levy which he is desirous to make of 10 or 12 companies in England and as many in Ireland, hath made no other answer to the Ambassador but that he must desire him to forbear it a while, the rather because his Majesty expecteth to receive some answer out of Spain upon his former request of delivering into his hands those two unnatural subjects of his, Owen and Baldwin: not that his Majesty's resolution in that point of the levies depended upon such answer as he should receive out of Spain, but that by forbearing a little time his Majesty might the better satisfy his subjects' humours, which are now so bitterly bended against that service. More than this provident and gentle answer there hath not passed anything concerning any further stay of soldiers. And for the interdict of the Scots passing along which is alleged unto you, that you may protest is a mere surmise without foundation, for there never was commandment to stay any; only a great while since direction was given to all the ports of England, and signification thereof also sent into Scotland, that none of the soldiers to be levied there for any foreign services should be suffered to land in troops in England and to march over land; but that they were to take their course by sea for such places as they were bound unto. And this was done only to avoid the pestering of this country with many wandering and idle people, the freeing of highways from robberies and such like inconveniences which do commonly accompany the passing of such people, and whereat his Majesty's good subjects are much grieved. Upon which occasion I pray you let fall to him and others, that Princes must not neglect the very colours of grieving their subjects, as well as the effects, if they have anything to procure of them, so as in truth the true friendship of Princes is to be reputed when they have some feeling of their neighbour's interest and conveniency as well as their own occasions.
This direction surely ought not to grieve the Archdukes seeing it extends to all in general, as well to those that go to the States' service as to the Archdukes', for having any warrants: for you may affirm it that Mons. Caron is denied to levy any new companies, and the Archdukes may better bear with delay, for they have the more ready and less chargeable way open to receive forces than the States have, who get men by means of transportation. Now concerning the information which you have received against Sir Wm. Windsor, which implieth so great a probability that he had foreknowledge of this late treason, his Majesty is pleased that you take the same course with him that you were directed to do with Capt. James Blont, by summoning him upon his allegiance to his Majesty forthwith to repair into England to answer to such things as he standeth accused of for dangerous practices against this State; and thereof to advertise the Archduke (as I have done already to his Ambassador) without further intimating them either the particularities of the accusation or the proofs we have thereof. And if Sir Wm. Windsor or Capt. Blont shall refuse to come, then to advertise us with all convenient speed of the manner of their denial, that his Majesty being certified thereof may take such further course with them as shall be expedient.
As for the particular depositions against Owen and Baldwin which the Archdukes desire to have a sight of, you may let them know that it is a matter which can make but little to the purpose, considering that his Majesty already upon his royal word hath certified the Archdukes of their guilt; and that his own Ambassador and all the world else can inform them out of the depositions of the late prisoners which were publicly read at their arraignment how far those two persons stand engaged in it.
Concerning Thomas Philips it is true that both before from the Lord Arundel before his coming over, and since from you, and now lately from Barnes I have been informed of his continuing correspondency with Owen, ever since Owen was committed prisoner, and thereupon hath been brought in question and his house suddenly searched. In his examination he hath not denied his correspondency, but protesteth it was not with any evil purpose but only to draw on thereby some reward for his former troubles. He is committed close prisoner, and what course shall be further taken you shall be advertised.
For Barnes he is now returning again into Flanders with many vows and promises to continue to do good service. As he was at Dover with my pass, carrying a letter from Philips to Owen (of Barnes's own handwriting, wherewith I was before acquainted) he was suddenly stayed by order from the Lord Warden upon suspicion that he was one Acton, a traitor of the late conspiracy, who is yet untaken; the description of Acton agreeing almost in all parts with Barnes's person. Whereupon his papers and letters being sent to my Lord of Northampton, I thought fit not to defer any longer the calling of Philips into question, which till then I had forborne, hoping by Barnes's means to have discovered some further matter than before I could do. You may have an eye of Barnes's proceeding there, and as you see cause advertise me of it.
For our occurrences here, 8 of the principal traitors, Sir Everard Digby, Robert Winter, John Graunt, Tho. Bates, Thos. Winter, Ambrose Rookewood, Robert Kaies and Guy Faukes, have been arraigned, condemned and executed; the 4 first on the west end of Paul's Churchyard, the others at the Old Palace at Westminster. Most of them confessed their offence against God and this State; some few, and especially Graunt, did obstinately hold that this late action was no sin against God; but all died true Roman Catholics. Since their execution Garnet, the provincial Jesuit, with some other Jesuits is taken at Mr. Abington's house in Worcestershire and brought to London.
The Parliament still continueth and is very busy to make some strict laws against recusants, and especially against Jesuits and priests.—Undated.
Copy. 4⅓ pp. (227. p. 179.)
Henry Wright to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 12. There be some papers of import concerning Strange alias Hungerford now "entowred," which I hope long before this are come to your hands; but doubting lest they might be forgotten, and considering what I have lately heard of the like negligences, I thought it my duty to come and know: for howsoever hitherto I have been slightly regarded or rewarded, yet by God's leave I will never fail in my duty, come life, come death—to which last since I first engaged in these actions I have been very near the papers you may easily know, for they are written in a ragged hand for the most part, being Strange's own hand, and one of them, in which are these words caute et expedite omnia, is written with the juice of lemons or oranges. Touching the E[arl] of Northumberland I think there be not above three or four persons which can say much against him now that Percy is gone, but I presume (upon some good grounds) that those three or four can say something to the purpose. This Strange is one, part of whose examination I desire that I may institute, because I have been thoroughly acquainted with his own letters in the country and find them to have great coherence with a great many intelligences [that] have passed through my hands, all which are fresh in my memory.—Clertonwell [sic: Clerkenwell ?], 12 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (110. 8.)
Sir William Cooke to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 12. Give me leave to remember you of my late suit to you to speak to the Dean of Westminster in my behalf, that whereas the Dean and Chapter are to grant a lease of the parsonage of Godmanchester to Sir Robert Osburne for 21 years after the old lease in being expired, that the Dean in whose power it is chiefly now would grant it for 3 lives; Sir Robert Osburne only desiring it in his love to me for the good of my child, being content that one of my sons shall be with himself and Lady [Osburne] the three lives. For the good of them be my means to Mr. Dean as a thing he may lawfully do, to procure it; craving one suit more that when by any occasion you shall speak with Sir Robert Osburne you would take notice of this his kindness; for Sir Robert has promised to do a great deal more for my children than this comes unto.—12 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1 p. (110. 9.)
Lord Chief Justice Popham to the Earls of Suffolk and Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 12. Robert Kyng, who was now brought to me by the pursuivant, is a man well known to me, for he has served my brother Mr. Baron Clerke above ten years and wasever of a very honest carriage for anything I ever saw in him. But about some year past he fell sick and since that as I have learned this day he has grown into some kind of lunacy; for being brought to me out of Essex this afternoon suspected for one fit to be stayed in respect of uncertain answers which he made, I knowing the man and finding he was not sound of his wits willed him to go to his friends, which he said he meant to have done into Suffolk. But seeing he is so lightheaded as he is it were fit he were sent to Bedlam to be recovered.—At Serjeants' Inn, 12 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (110. 10.)
Earl of Essex.
1605–6, Feb. 12. Copy of an Order of the Court of Exchequer directing the customers or farmers of the Port of London to pay an annuity of 20l. out of the customs of that port, and the Sheriff of Herefordshire to pay an annuity of twenty marks out of the issues of his county, to Robert Earl of Essex, together with all arrears of the same due to the Earl since his restoration to the title. The annuities were formerly allowed to Robert, late Earl of Essex, deceased, as creation money for the maintenance of the honours and dignities of the said Earl as Earl of Essex and Viscount Hereford respectively.
Note at foot: "There was the like order for the Earl of Arrundell this last Trinity term."
1 p. (118. 152.)
Dr. John Cowell to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 13. My very loving friend Mr. Hawkesworth has requested me to certify you my opinion of Mr. Chapman's religion, who is likely to be presently employed into Spain. I assure you that I hold him not only a sound Protestant for the present, but also a man of a very sad wit and a judgment so settled as will remain most constant against the subtlest charms of the most wily Jesuit. The grounds of this my persuasion I have more particularly delivered to Mr. Hawkesworth of whom, for avoiding tediousness, you may require them.—The Doctors Commons in London, 13 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (110. 11.)
The Earl of Derby to his uncle, the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, before Feb. 14.] Birth of his son and heir. He and his wife beg Salisbury to pray the King to be their Royal gossip, and beseech him that the child may be held worthy of his own name. His wife challenges Salisbury's promise to be the other godfather.—Undated.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 161.)
[See Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 289.]
[The Earl of Salisbury] to Lord [Darcy?].
1605–6, Feb. 14. Although this letter from his Majesty which I enclose need no other circumstance than the delivery, yet because I must confess myself partly guilty of the election, I cannot forbear to acknowledge that you shall have that petty surplusage of my particular obligation over and above his Majesty's gracious acceptation. In this case therefore it only remains for you to expect when my Lord of Derby shall send to you, without putting yourself to any other trouble; for having advertised him of his Majesty's choice I have likewise written to him that he shall give your lordship convenient warning. And for all things that are to be done in respect of his Majesty's service, you shall find one of his Majesty's gentlemen ushers at Kously [? Knowsley], and wardropers to attend you there and inform you concerning the ceremonies. His Majesty's pleasure is that you shall honour the young Lord with his own name.—Undated.
Draft in hand of Salisbury's secretary. Endorsed: "1605 Feb. 14. To the Earl of Derby [sic]." 1½ pp. (190. 41.)
Sir Edward Coke to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 15. At length I have finished the long bill of annexation, which I think were best to be first preferred in the Upper House; but I leave it to your consideration. This morning came Mr. Kirton, my Lord of Hertford's solicitor, for a case of the Duke of Suffolk's lands, which I (fearing they would suddenly press it) was ready for him, and he had it with him. He demanded two questions of me, first whether his Majesty's favour towards my Lord in the speedy finding of an office was altered. I answered him, as there was no cause of alteration given on my Lord's part, so for his Majesty his pleasure was, I assured myself, that justice should evenly and speedily proceed between them. But this question was moved and ordered in Trinity Term last, without his Majesty's or your privity that any such motion should be made; and therein the opinion of the reverend judges openly in Court satisfied each party. The second question was whether I thought the law to be for the King, not as King's attorney, but as I thought ex animo; to whom I answered that my opinion was that the grant to the Duke was void, not by mistaking of names or error of the writer, but that the King was really deceived in matters of great value. Then, said Mr. Kirton, my Lord cannot proceed in this course of finding of an office. I advised him that his counsel learned might consider of the case, and I would be ready to confer with any of them to give the cause all the expedition I could.—15 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 42.)
Lord Carew to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, Feb. 15.] He sends a letter from his cousin the Ambassador, that he may tell his own tale. His cousin desired him to present to Salisbury these two books. The French pamphlet he has read, but will gladly read the other when Salisbury has done so, because the discourse is of a good subject. He also sends the Popish Festicalis, which is a record of their "hollye lies."—Undated.
Holograph. Endorsed: "15 Feb 1605." ½ p. (190. 43.)
Sir Robert Johnson to the Same.
1605–6, Feb. 17. Touching the common evil of purveyance, wherein it pleased you the first session of this Parliament to demand my private opinion, I would divide this grievance, for brevity's sake, into three chief heads, and endeavour to prove that it lies in the power of his Majesty and his Council very fully to ease the subjects by due execution of the laws that be without further accumulation of more, and that only by a grave moderation and prevention of their misdoings, by a course very easy to be done if approved.
First, his Majesty's officers give warrant of purveyance for 3 or 4 to one that his Majesty either uses or wants. Secondly, their ministers make purveyance for 5, 6, 10, sometimes 20 to one that they have warrant for. Thirdly, the commissions are often made without form of law, and more often also directly repugnant to law. If question be made of the reason of the first error the answer is this, that for any particular whatsoever [that] is wanting they will send forth divers persons, each for the self same things, under colour that not knowing how they shall speed they so do to be sure of the provision, and those purveyors and their deputies do not fail sunderly to purvey for the most part ten to one as it is conceived; which error is not discoverable by any law or order yet established. If it be demanded how the excessive purveyances be made and not discovered, the commission or warrant carrying still one constant form still gives colour to demand the whole quantity; there being no certain course for the subjects to know what is formerly purveyed thereby, except in some few natures touching which by the statute of 2 and 3 Ph. and M. it is limited that competent blanks shall be annexed to the purveyor's commission, for the entering of such things as be purveyed of the subject. But as that statute is not strict enough in that point so it extends but to very few matters of the multitude that be taken for his Majesty's service.
These two chief evils being sufficiently prevented there will be no cause to talk in the time of grief or sorrow which I must ingenuously confess it grieved me to hear, knowing well enough how it lies in his Majesty's power to help, if way may be given to the means: without which as all laws have been idle, so all endeavours by laws or otherwise will prove fruitless. For the first I suppose under your favour that such a compendious course may be set down that even in the small time of an hour or two in a quarter of a year, a full view may be taken of the doings of the Officers of the Greencloth or any other under whose direction purveyances be made; if order be first taken that all warrants for purveyance or takings may issue from one certain officer to that end to be appointed; and the same commission also to be returned into the same place and the things thereby purveyed to be recorded there. By which will easily be discerned how the purveyances exceed the King's wants. I will not now trouble you with the course to be holden, only I dare affirm it may be plain, short and very certain. For the misdoings of the purveyors (without further laws) they may be prevented by the very form of their commissions, to all which I would have blanks annexed and subscribed by the clerk of those warrants, and in the commission as well to be mentioned the things intended to be taken, as also the number of the blank schedules annexed.
And lest the purveyors abuse the ignorant it would be very fit that his Majesty by proclamation should signify the new form of those commissions, and what course his subjects may hold if they be offered purveyance against his gracious will.
The third error being the form of the commissions, as either not warrantable by law or directly against law, will hold no dispute, for it is easy to be made neither repugnant nor unwarrantable. In these courses the whole mischief may be easily prevented if it will be consented to, without any further laws than now be, as I verily think I could easily satisfy you. There is no doubt to be made but of the second part, and to help that I have offered an Act into the Lower House intituled "an Act to restrain purveyors that they exceed not the limits of their commissions," which is in few words. The purpose is to have competent blanks to all manner of commissions or warrants for purveyances; that all commissions wanting them be void; to make it felony to refuse or neglect to endorse in those blanks what is taken by any commission, or to take in the night, or highway where competent praisers are not; that no man shall be impeached to disobey a commission wanting blanks. This is the sum of the whole Act, it is twice read and committed, but I forbear to call further upon it till I see an end of the other which is so much loved and laboured in.
I speak not without many and mature considerations had of this business since you first asked me that question, how to meet with the evils that are so grievous by short and easy courses.— 17 Feb., 1605.
Signed. Seal. 2½ pp. (110. 13.)
George Cotton to Thomas Wilson.
1605–6, Feb. 17/27. Mr. Richard Cocks and myself are from our childhood so firmly joined together that in what my poor ability may serve him he shall not want it; and under this friendship I have made bold to write you this letter.
I am a poor member of the Spanish company, the setter-forward whereof it has pleased you to be a chief means, for which we are all bound to you. It has pleased them at home by means of two or three rich men to appoint James Wych for consul here, whose business is so great in particular that it gives not him any time to occupy himself one hour in matters that concern such a charge and his ambitious and covetous nature is such that yet never in his life he carried the face to do 2d. good to any poor countryman, and it should now be a great change for him to prove a good commonwealth's man. His chief care is by having this hand of consul to have all the trade of this place into his hands, and by intermixing the Muscovy and Stoad merchants with the Spanish merchants to have their goods brought immediately from thence to these parts without paying the customs in England, to eat out the rest of the company that shall go the plain way to work, and bring such a confusion that it were better for the poor members to have no company. And for a beginning already this year have come directly thence 2 ships for him, one from Stoad, another from Muscovy, who never came into the Thames to pay his Majesty's custom; and to stop the Vedor's mouth he having good friends in the Custom house may bring a slight certificate. Besides the place of consul is not fit for a man of his business that will not make two steps further than his private interest; nor for his nature that is not conversable with any of his country or others that his entrance is small if it were in any matter of importance, and for his sake should we not have fewer contraries. His diligence is to recover in his duty and to make profit particular of the place, that under the colour that such masters of ships and others not free of the company will give him their goods 15 or 20 per cent. under the price, he permits all men to trade with more liberty than one of the company. At home they are not throughly informed of these matters except 2 or 3 rich men that bear sway, otherwise they would not give their consent to have a consul will eat them out of trade. Better were it for them to give 100l. to a tractable and commonwealth's man than to him 40l. a year that will do nothing for it, but indirectly to the detriment of the company make 500l. a year thereof, converting the good orders of the company to his own particular benefit. The man is of nature very proud and little conversable with any of the country nor others of his own nation, neither does he acquaint them with any matter; but when occasions are offered to speak of such matters and reasons to be given, his answer is "that if we will not believe him we may write to Sir Robert Cecil to be informed." His years should teach him better and not at every turn to speak so unreverently of such grave personages. But of the abundance of his ambition proceed these words, for he has been at the Spanish court and has brought it away in his belly, and his common language is preferring it and dispraising our own.
Consider these inconveniences, which if they go forward it were better for us to have no company; and I pray you again pardon my boldness. I know your affection so great towards our good friend that it little imports I write therein. What I know is that if you persist you shall obtain, such obligation has the company to you. This province is a government somewhat free and privileged, yet if our friend had the place he is so beloved both of the Justice and gente de guerra he should go through with it; whereas this other will never be able to go through with it so well is he beloved, and before long he will grow weary thereof, for already the place is weary of him. And to bring him in question in a matter of importance, procure letters from the Spanish Ambassador to the Vedor of the 30 per cent. in this town, who is called Martin Darestequy, with complaints as from our King's officers that notwithstanding the provision in the articles of peace of such goods of Germany as are transported hither, which not paying in England his Majesty's custom come immediately hither, are to pay 30 per cent., and for lack of due execution his Majesty loses much of his customs, and for better conserving thereof that he should with rigour demand reason and the 30 per cent. of 2 ships which this winter came to James Wych; which if he be forced to pay others will not attempt the like matter. I am assured otherwise that every year it will grow more and more in use, under pretext of some slight agreement or dispatches (the ships attending in the Downs) they may bring from London. And that this matter might be the better effected, if also the advice came to the Vedor from this Court, it were not amiss, and advice to our King's Ambassador not to affect much any such matter if it should be spoken of; for better one or two to pay than his Majesty defrauded and the members of the company eaten out of trade.
The enclosed I entreat you to deliver to a gentleman that is attending upon my Lord of Canterbury, and if he be not returned out of Italy return the letter.—St. Sebastians, 27 Feb., 1606.
Addressed: "To the worshipful Thomas Wylsone at my Lord of Salsburyes place neare Ivy bridge."
Holograph. 2¼ pp. (110. 18.)
Lord Cobham to his brother-in-law, the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 20. You best know that for this half year I have not troubled you with my letters, which grew in respect of the progress, for then I knew was no time for suits; since, the discovery of these horrible treasons, in which time I held it unseasonable to importune you; for greater causes must precede the lesser. And if now the cause had not been extraordinary my resolution was not to have troubled you till the final end of these last treasons had been past: but the time and present proceedings make me alter my purpose; for otherwise my silence might give away to that which being known though it noway concern me—for I am not ignorant how my state stands and according to my fortune my desires be, for I desire my liberty and hold myself capable of nothing else, for my folly hath lost all: yet I am not unnatural to the issue descended from my father, and would be sorry his intent should any way be frustrated. Now, my Lord, plainly I deal with you; such an entail concerning the western lands made by my father is extant, wherein the names of my Lord Wotton, William Lambert, Windham, steward of those manors, and Richard Williams with others are used. The land is tied to my father for life without impeachment of waste, and then to the heirs of the body of him, and the lady Frances my mother; which are your children, my sister Stourton's, and my sister Sonds. This Act of Parliament bars them all, neither can any general saving preserve their rights, except their names precisely be set down in this Act. I engage myself unto you that if you will undertake this just cause for yours and them, this deed shall be delivered to you and you shall know where it is. Touching the land which Duke Brooke hath passed in his grant, being no part of the entail, this from himself I understand spoken to this bearer my servant, that now this land he is to repurchase, and to pay for the same another valuation, which I had hoped by your father should have been kept in the King's hands and not otherwise disposed of. The same suit I still make to you that it may be so, for oftentimes this bearer hath told me that therein your assured favour hath been towards me; and that from you I will take for so great a favour as if my whole estate had been preserved.—From the Tower, 20 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 12/3 pp. (110. 15.)
[The Privy Council] to [Robert Hesketh, John Ireland and Hugh Hesketh].
[1605–6, Feb. 20.] Of the disorderly course taken by Sir Richard Houghton in carrying away certain wines, whereof there has been lawful seizure made by the Earl of Derby's authority, as Vice-Admiral of that county. Houghton has been called up, has acknowledged his offence and has used extraordinary mediation to the Earl for his favour, offering not only to make good the wines or their value, but to return them to his lordship's house or such place as he may direct, and has sent his servant to receive the Earl's directions. [The Council] approves the good discretion of the Earl's officers in forbearing any breach of the peace in resistance of Houghton's attempt; and desires that when the Earl signifies his pleasure as to the conveyance of the wine, some of the addressees will be present to see it done in convenient form. Houghton has good cause to thank the Earl, by whose mediation the further prosecution has been suspended.— Undated.
Draft in the hand of Salisbury's secretary. Endorsed: "20 Feb. 1605." 3 pp. (190. 44.)
Sir Ferdinando Gorges to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 24. He prays the Earl's consideration of the enclosed notes, referring to the reform of abuses and errors of the law. If this shall be acceptable, he will set down how the law in that case ought to be executed, for avoiding of partiality: whence shall arise utility to the commonwealth, and general content of all; and his Majesty's service be the more effectually performed. If the Earl accepts thereof, he shall reap the means to pleasure some of his particular friends, and also receive an acknowledgment for his kindness. He addresses himself to the Earl, rather than to those of the Council who have professed the exercise of arms, because he knows none more fit, in respect of nearness to his Majesty, than the Earl; and also as an acknowledgment of favours received.—His Majesty's Fort by Plymouth, 24 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 46.)
Henry Garnett to Thomas Sayer alias Rookwood.
[1605–6], Feb. 26. I have received the linen you sent, that is, 2 pair of sheets, 2 pillowbears and one handkerchief. God reward all our benefactors. I would gladly you sent me direction how to send to some good friend in the Clink for such things as I shall chance to want, for the Gatehouse is too far off. I pray you try if any there will or may undertake to help me.
I want a pair or two of socks, also a black nightcap, and I will send out this to be new lined. I think I shall shortly send for some money, for we have not yet paid our fees and I would gladly have all things even. The spectacles will not serve me; I only want spectacles to see afar off, for to read I need not. Thus with my most hearty commendations to all our friends, notifying to them all that I am very well I thank God and my friends here, I cease. Yours for ever, H.G.—This Wednesday 26 February.
Underwritten: "W. Waad, locumten' Turris."
The following is in invisible ink or lemon juice: P. Br . . . . pum constituo pro procuratore temporalium; ipse et P. Anthonius scribunt saepe Romam. Precipua habeatur cura Patris Straungii pro temporalibus. I have passed this day my last examination as I suppose, for they say I am obstinate, and indeed they have nothing against me but presumptions. I have indeed acknowledged Winks's journey into Spain, but so that I cannot have hurt thereby. I acknowledged I was at Whitewebs but one or two nights this twelve month. The house [? horse] is none of mine, though this day they will have me to be Mr. Meafy and brought James to my face, who said nothing, neither have I confessed any particular but of Mrs. Parkins, and the meeting of Catesby and Winter in Q. Eliz. time. Yet they know all the persons, and so I wish all be wary till their malice be wrought on me: necesse est ut unus moriatur hoc pro populo. More at large hereof. Pro P. Antonio Hoskino. Constituo donec R.P.N. Generalis disponat. P. Jones . . . . Suthffolk (?) plenam potestatem [pro?] confessionibus faciendis renorationibus rotorum (?) ita tamen ut ipsa renorationem faciat in Missa . . . . duorum nominatorum.
Over top of letter: My very loving sister Alice . . . . more hereafter: do not endanger yourself, but if you have any to bring you to [me ?] by the Cradells you may.
Holograph. Endorsed by Garnet: "This is the letter which I sent by the woman, Thomas Sayer alias Rookewoode. Henry Garnett." 1 p. (110. 16.)
Chief Justice Popham to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605–6, Feb. 26. Yesternight as soon as I had supped I was informed of a servant of Sir Edward Bayneham who came to London but that evening from Rome, for whom I presently used such means as by 11 of the clock this night I had him brought to me. He confesses his name to be Nicholas Burte and that he sometimes served your father and was his master cook, and came from his master from Rome towards the end of December last; and having a packet of letters says he brought them to Sir George Carew, now Lord Ambassador in France, who as he says perused the packet and detained such as he thought fit, and delivered unto him such as he found to be of no moment. How far forth this is true I doubt not but that the Ambassador has signified unto you. It seems by his speech, he had letters from his master unto Father Baldwin: if those letters be sent over haply they may serve to some use. He confesses also his master was feasted in the college at Rome by Father Parsons, at which Fitzherbert, Sir Robert Bassett, Sir Thomas Matthew and other English were. As he heard he says Owen was often with his master whiles he was at Brussels; and that he stayed there but 8 days and rode post from thence to Rome. But more than this in effect I cannot get as yet and have for the time committed him to the King's Bench. But if it fall out true that he delivered all his letters to Sir George Carew at his coming into France to be perused by him, there will then fall out the less blame in him.—At Serjeants' Inn, 26 Feb., 1605.
Holograph. Seal. 1½ pp. (110. 17.)
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
1605–6, Feb. 27. By my last letters of the 12th of this present February I have advertised you both of the propositions of the Spanish Ambassador for licence to make new levies of English and Irish, and of his Majesty's answer thereunto. Since which time the Ambassador having been silent a while hath now renewed again his former proposition and desired his Majesty's definitive answer in the same, because the season of the year is now far advanced to make those levies and if they cannot be made here it is high time for the King's Majesty to provide himself elsewhere, seeing the States have had already the advantage to make their supplies here. He used many inducements to draw his Majesty to afford at his mediation the same courtesies to the King's Majesty as were granted the last year at the mediation of his predecessor the Count of Villa Mediana, as well that thereby the King of Spain might know that his Majesty's affection was no ways relented; as also that it should not light upon this Ambassador's negligence and insufficiency in managing those affairs as well as his predecessor did: adding thereunto a request for opening the ports abroad and giving free passage to all such as would voluntarily depart unto that service. To all which his Majesty hath made this answer that for levying new companies here in England his Majesty had already denied it to the States who had moved him by their minister in that behalf; and for any supplies the States had made, it was more than his Majesty knew of, who had yet denied them by his Council so much as to give them such placards for passage as they had the last year. And therefore his Majesty was again to restore [sic: return ?] to the same reasons for answer to Spain as he formerly used to the Ambassador upon his first motion, that it was now a time of Parliament and that the Lower House had conceived such a deep impression that those soldiers which served the Archdukes would have been made the sword for England's destruction, as they were now about to make laws for the general restraint of any that should offer to go to serve any Prince or State that is different from them in religion but under good caution that they shall continue loyal, as well in the points of conscience as of civil obedience. In which consideration, although his Majesty knows well enough how far fit it is for him to yield to any such desires of his subjects and wherein to deny them, yet it is not a fit time now to put him to the exigent of a direct opposition in that point, by which course all other his Majesty's desires that are to be effected by the Parliament might receive interruption. But [he] besought the Ambassador to have yet patience for a while until his Majesty might see the issue of the Parliament, and in the meantime he hoped that some occasion or other would be offered by some good answer which he is to receive out of Spain about the delivery of the two traitors, by which his subjects might be better edified than now they are, and so his Majesty might be better able to give the Ambassador satisfaction with less discontentment to his own subjects. For the Irish his Majesty alleged that now Ireland being in peace was scarce able to afford men enough for manuring of the country; and therefore it was good policy in him to contain them within the island and not to suffer them to be transported in troops to foreign services. Besides it is a people, though for the most part ignorant, yet generally addicted to superstition, which by means of these foreign services as they would be more and more misled in it, so his Majesty had reason to prevent it as much as he could, and to be as careful for the preservation of their souls as of their bodies.
Concerning the opening of the ports abroad, his Majesty finds it not expedient in respect of the present state of his affairs, when divers most pernicious traitors are yet unapprehended, which otherwise might easily subtract themselves out of his power. Of these things I have thought fit to write unto you particularly that you might be prepared to carry yourself conformably, if anything might be mistaken there or more hardly construed than it deserves. All other things are in the same state here as I wrote to you before, expecting still to hear from you what we are to look for concerning the coming over of Capt. James Blont and Sir Wm. Windsor.— 27 Feb., 1605.
Copy. 2½ pp. (227. p. 196.)
Douay College.
1605–6. Feb. 28/Mar. 10. Letters commendatory of Thomas Wortington, president of Douay College, to the Archbishop of Cambray, presenting Thomas Sommer, John Gravener and Robert Jeanes, sub-deacons (without letters dimissory or title to orders) to be ordained deacons.—Douay, 10 March, 1606.
Signed.
[On the same sheet]: Certificate of the ordination of the persons named by the Archbishop of Cambray.—Cambray, 11 March, 1606. (115. 134.)
Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, ? Feb.] Reasons for not executing Salisbury's commandment touching Capt. James Blont till yesterday when he sent for him and let him know that his Majesty straightly commanded him to repair to England and there put himself before the Council. He asked for a sight of the commission which Edmondes refused. He alleged other prevarications and was told he could not show a better argument of his innocency than by ready conforming himself to his Majesty's pleasure. Could get no other resolution from him than that he would go as soon as he could having many businesses to dispatch concerning his company and being unprovided of money which would stay him 15 or 16 days. Was desirous to have offered to be a means for favour to be showed him but he showed to be so confounded in his spirits out of a guilty conscience and to make such haste to take his leave that Edmondes had no means to work anything with him upon that ground.
Immediately after ending with Blont went to the Archduke and acquainted him with the commandment delivered to Blont. He acknowledged it to be reasonable and said he did not desire to be served by any of his Majesty's subjects who did not carry a dutiful respect to the King.
Salisbury will receive herewith Sir Griffin Marckam's information against Blont. That of Capt. Orme against Sir Wm. Windsor shall be procured shortly but Orme is as yet absent at his garrison. Windsor made his apology before his departure. The enmity he bears to Sir Griffin concerning the place of lieutenant-colonel made him range himself with Studder and the two Blonts brethren and that crew, but sympathy of disposition did much work therein as Capt. Tristeine, who is a very civil and well disposed gentleman, can inform Salisbury.
Doubts whether Windsor were acquainted with the course of the late treason before his coming over, for his inwardness with the Jesuits grew chiefly since his coming hither. But for Blont it is very probable that he was acquainted with Catesby's and Sir Edmond Bainham's designs.
They be no trivial matters which the spirits of this good society affect for one Rugely, an ancient fugitive in these parts and a passionate depender upon Owen and Sir Wm. Stanley, propounded no less than the breaking of the peace, whereof he said his Majesty stood in more need than these Princes and the time now offered good opportunity in that there was like to be a rebellion of the presbytery in Scotland.
Demanded of the Archduke whether he had not received answer out of Spain touching Owen. He said a messenger newly come from thence had brought only letters from Spinola. The King was upon his remove to Madrid which made him think that he would respite the sending of his resolution till the coming of the Marquis of St. Germain whom he sends to congratulate with his Majesty.
Monsr. de Villeroy wrote of late to the French Ambassador here that the King was advertised by his Ambassador in Spain that the Council of Spain were of opinion that Owen's delivery ought not to be refused if thoroughly urged but that all delays were to be used to seek to avoid it if possible. Agreeable also in some sort to this Edmondes has been informed that the Pope's Nuncio told a friend of his that the Archduke had lately bemoaned himself to him for that mislike was conceived against him in Spain for having yielded to the imprisonment of Owen and asked the Nuncio whether he thought he was not bound in justice to do as he had done. This without doubt grew out of Manciscidor's advertisements into Spain who became so passionate when he heard what course had been taken with Owen by private order in the night as he forbore his meat all the next day. Ricardott has often told Edmondes that he has endured many a reproach for that night's work.
Made it known upon the receipt of the proclamation sent him by Salisbury how it appeared the other three Jesuits mentioned therein were also interested in the treason, which was here found very strange, their holy brethren alleging that the express order of their priesthood forbade them to deal in any action of blood. Besides Sir Everard Digby at his execution clearly discharged the Jesuits from partaking in their conspiracy, and Garnett, their superior, had by his letters to the King protested to the like effect. Edmondes has answered that whatever the rules of their religion it was apparent by invincible proofs which would not be washed away by feigned protestations. Understands that at Antwerpe there are set forth some pictures of the late executions of the traitors, whereof, if there be cause, he will speak to the Archduke or his Ministers.
Reports a further interview with Blont who after various excuses against going to England gave the true cause that he was unwilling to expose himself to the hazard of the suspicions against him and would not go, but desired, seeing he was here in the King of Spain's service, the informations against him might be sent hither that he might be here tried upon them. This is the counsel that Owen and the rest have given him.—Undated.
Copy. 62/3 pp. (227. p. 184.)
[Original in P.R.O. State Papers, Foreign, Flanders, 8.]
Sir Henry Wallop to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, Feb.] Stand my good lord so far as to free me from being sheriff of this county of Salop this year. You last term gave me great hope thereof by your promises to remember me therein. I have formerly signified my unfitness for that room at this time, besides that I was sheriff of Hampshire but the last year. Mr. Brereton will put you in mind of me, and so to your nobleness I leave this matter. For your countenance toward this bearer Richard Hopper I must acknowledge myself bound, seeing you accepted him, somewhat the rather at my commendation. Your continued countenance toward me gives me hope that you do not altogether neglect my letter sent you last summer, whereof if you take liking and have me in remembrance I will not be found an idle or fruitless follower. Concerning the question whether the jurisdiction of this Council [of the Marches of Wales] shall be continued in the four shires or no, if it were put here to voices the greater part would undoubtedly desire to have the jurisdiction continued, howsoever some few out of humour oppose it.—At Hopton Castle in Shropshire.—Undated.
Holograph. Seal broken. Endorsed: "1605 February." 1½ pp. (110. 20.)
Lord Harington to the Same.
[1605–6, Feb.] I am not willing to trouble you with suits, and yet in consideration that this gentleman Mr. Henry Lovingston, who has attended on the Lady Elizabeth her grace as her gentleman usher since her coming into England has not hitherto received any reward from his Majesty, nor has other means for his maintenance but the wages allowed for his service, which is not sufficient to maintain him in the place he holds as befits the same, I commend him to your favour, that you will further a small suit he intends to make to the King for a little wool and some other goods that belonged to Sir Everard Digby in Rutlandshire. Which suit though it be small may for the present relieve his wants and encourage him to go on in his service till he may attain some better suit for his better preferment.—Undated.
Signed. Seal. Endorsed: "Feb. 1605." ½ p. (110. 21.)
[See Cal. of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 325.]
Thomas Strange alias Hungerford.
[? 1605–6, c. Feb.] "Interrogatories to be ministered to Tho. Strange, alias Hungerford."
Who first moved you to become one of the Jesuits' Society, and where and when were you thereto so moved?
Who first moved you to sell your land in Gloucestershire: what money received you for it: and what is become of it? [In margin: 2,000l. thereof is in the Jesuits' bank. T[este] Davies.]
Whether were you at any time agent for the body of the Jesuits, and how long time dealt you for them? [In margin: It seems he was agent, for he had the dispose of 20,000l. for them. T[este] Davies.]
What conferences or letters during the time of your agency have passed betwixt yourself, Joseph Davies, John Chapperlyn and Alexander Wy?
Whether did you not write any letters to Chapperlyn and Wy, wishing them to come oversea to you, providing them of money, passage and other necessaries; and when writ you that letter? [In margin: This letter bears date the 12 of August (the year not set down as I take it), and the latter part thereof is written with the juice of lemons or oranges.]
Whether did you not send a messenger of purpose to the said Chapperlin, wishing him to send you intelligence out of England: what was he you sent: and what intelligence did he send you? [In margin: See the said letter.]
What meant you by using these words in that letter: "caute et expedite omnia": and what should Chapperlin have done hereupon for you? [In margin: See the said letter.]
Whether did you not write a book directly against his Majesty's title to the crowns of England, Scotland and Ireland? Who were your compartners in the compiling of it?
Whether did not Davies and you, with Chapperlin and Wye, specially meet at divers places in Gloucestershire about the compiling: and when and where? [In margin: They met at Doddes-myll; T[este] examination of Wye. Further, Strange and Chapperlin had speech of this matter in the Gatehouse; T[este] Udall. Further, Chapperlin's letter to Davies requiring him to come to Ciceter and meet him to consult of the project (lest one of them should meddle with another's part) shows that after the undertaking of the matter by the persuasion chiefly of Strange, there was not only divers meetings, but this business was seriously handled and earnestly followed.]
Whether did you not affirm that search had been made at Rome if any dispensation had been had thence for the marriage between the King's father and mother, affirming further that none such could be found there: and what meant you to use such kind of speech?
Whether you are not, or have not been, inwardly acquainted with one Hugh Owen and Father Baldwyn, residentiaries in the Archdukes' Court: and by what means grew the acquaintance?
Whether were you not made acquainted with the oath of secrecy lately taken against the King by the Jesuits and their adherents for the effecting of the late horrible treason by gunpowder? Where, when, and by whom were you therewith made acquainted?
Whether did you not take the same oath yourself: where and when did you take it: and who ministered it unto you? [In margin: This oath was taken by Tesmond and others a little before the 17 of May, 1604. and notice was further given that the villainy of the Jesuits and their adherents against his Majesty would take effect, if not timeously prevented, about the beginning of the Parliament intended to have been held in Michaelmas term last.]
How many persons did you know who took the like oath and are yet undiscovered: where do they dwell, and what be their names?
Whether did not you, together with the chief plotters of the Jesuits, make certain account that the E. of Northumberland would stand surely for the Catholic cause when time served: and what moved you and your adherents to ground such a certainty upon him? [In margin: T[este] intelligence from Brussels about Christmas was twelvemonth, out of Owen's and Baldwyn's own mouth.]
Whether did you not deal with the said E. yourself about any such purpose; and if not, whether did you know of any other person or persons which did, where do they dwell, and what be their names?
Whether did you not know of any letters sent from Father Parsons or others to the body of the Jesuits, when were they sent, and what did those letters purport? [In margin: Newcome the monk brought over these letters about May 1604; and they imported the calling of an assembly of their superior heads for the safest compassing of their designments, without danger of the loss of blood of good men, and further that there should be such close conveyance and cleanly carriage in the bringing of these designs to pass, that if by casualty some should incur suspicion by the State, or be called in question: the main point (notwithstanding) nor the principal dealers should ever come in question for the great cause sake.]
Whether did you not write a letter to Joseph Davies, advising him to get acquaintance with all the best and stirring spirits he could, and what moved you so to write? [In margin: This letter was written from St. Omers to Davies in May 1604.]— Undated.
3½ pp. (113. 34.)
[Cf. Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 291.]
Dudley Carleton to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605–6, Feb.] He begs to be restored to his attendance in Parliament, where, though his service can be of no great use, his absence is of much note. He would gladly be out of the mouth of the multitude. His endeavours shall be employed to be as serviceable to Salisbury as this unhappy occasion has made him troublesome.—Undated.
Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 141.)
[Cf. Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 287.]
Udall's information.
[? 1605–6, Feb.] Henry Kiene, a tall man with a black head and a long red beard, in a cloth green jerkin laced in a pair of buff hose, lies with his company betwixt Lie [Leigh] and Tilberry. There are with him divers passengers; amongst the rest one Sadler and his wife. This Sadler looks asquint very much, with a very white flaxen head; his wife a very proper gentlewoman. These three may discover the rest. All are to be taken.
There go away now at one of the clock the Italian Ambassador's trunks. There goes with him a Jesuit. Where he is taken in I know not as yet, but past all question he follows or is gone before to be taken in, and so conveyed into the ship where the Italian Ambassador goes; under that colour this morning I understand this much.—Undated.
Endorsed: "1605 Udal's information." 1 p. (115. 3.)
[See Cal. of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 289.]
Ralph Dobbinson to the Privy Council.
1605–6, Feb. Prays for payment of 5l. 10s. for the diet, fire, lodging and attendance of Mr. Dudley Carleton and his servant, committed to his custody, where he remained 11 days and nights.—Feb. 1605.
Also for the payment of 23s. 9d. "expended for iron work in setting up the heads of Thomas Pearcye and Robert Catesbey upon the Parliament House, Feb. 1605."
Holograph. 1 p. (190. 47.)
Sir William Dethick, Principal King of Arms of England, to the King and Lords of Parliament, assembled Feb. 1605.
1605–6, Feb. After more than 40 years' faithful service, he has been put from his office and profits, to the utter undoing of himself and family; and William Seagar has been created into the same by the Lords Marshals, contrary to the power of the Great Seal. He appeals for justice, giving quotations from Magna Charta and various statutes in support of his case.— Undated.
Holograph. 1 p. (191. 127.)
Sir John Norris.
[? 1605–6. Feb.] Warrant granting lands to the value of 300l. yearly to Sir John Norris.—Undated.
2 copies, one endorsed: "Copy of Sir John Norris's grant 1605." 2 pp. (206. 25/26.)
[Cf. Calendar of S.P. Dom., 1603–1610, p. 285.]
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