Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1923.
This free content was digitised by double rekeying. All rights reserved.
Citation:
'Cecil Papers: November 1602', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda, ed. E Salisbury( London, 1923), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol14/pp238-247 [accessed 17 November 2024].
'Cecil Papers: November 1602', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda. Edited by E Salisbury( London, 1923), British History Online, accessed November 17, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol14/pp238-247.
"Cecil Papers: November 1602". Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda. Ed. E Salisbury(London, 1923), , British History Online. Web. 17 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol14/pp238-247.
November 1602
| The States General to Stephen le Sieur and John Herbert. | |
| 1602, Nov. 25. |
They enclose a packet from M. Caron, who
advises them that her Majesty has written to Le Sieur and
Herbert touching the settlement of the affairs of Embden, and
also another letter to Embden. The States have written to
their deputies in that town for particular information, and
will communicate the reply, with their own opinion of what
will be best for the town and the common cause.—La Haye.
22 November, 1602. French. Contemporary copy. 1 p. (96. 67.) |
| —to— | |
| [1602] Nov. 28. | Your letter of the 9th Nov. I have received and perceived that your chief desire is to be informed of those things which concern the overtures of treaty between the Archduke's provinces and the Provinces United. Though I doubt not but Monsieur Caron is thereof informed at large from Mr. Barnevelt; yet because it may be it is but in genere, and that sometimes many things are concealed that are not impertinent to be known, I will diligently hearken after it. |
| Since my last letter we have heard nothing of this matter, and it may be because the Archduke's States have received no other answer from the States United, but are referred wholly to their general admonition which they published in print a little before the States' army went into Liege, that the matter is yonder at a stay. Yet because they will not cut off all hope from those people of peace, the Archdukes are contented to suffer these bruits to be spread, that there is a placard a framing, to grant free liberty of conscience through his provinces to all people, and to restore such into their goods and estates as for religion's sake are now retired into the Provinces United; their intent being by these means to draw many of those inhabitants homewards, and so to make a rupture in the trade and estate of the United Provinces. But it is too late; for men will not trust to these means, that come so "straynably" from them; and their affairs are run on such a course, as they cannot be so easily redressed; besides, there is so small trade in those countries, and such a miserable confusion of all things as people will not be so led to draw themselves thither, who are now by long experience grown so wise, as they know that all these overtures do but tend to spy out some advantage for the Archdukes to insist upon. It seems that the alliance between the Archduke and the Infante is much displeasing to God, for that all their affairs run strange fortune; the Mutineers (fn. 1) grow daily more obstinate, having lately refused to hearken to the Pope's Nuncio, notwithstanding that he offered them half pay presently, and for the rest to engage the Pope for it. They have "bastonaded" their Eletto, because he kept back some letters directed unto them, and have elected another for him. | |
| The States' forces are not yet returned out of Luxemburg, where they yet give the law, ransom many towns, and bring the whole country to contribution. Undoubtedly the States will gain to the common purse very much, and the soldiers will lose nothing. The Archdukes make show to go and dislodge them. He hath drawn forth 2 regiments from before Ostend, and hath sent such horse as lay about Bruges into Brabant. Himself is gone to Brussels to hasten the preparations, for he apprehends that the States' meaning is to possess themselves of some towns there, to hinder the passage from Italy, and to cut off such forces as happily might come out of Italy the next year. | |
| By some prisoners brought hither we do understand that there hath been some muttering in the west quarter before Ostend, among some Spanish companies that inclined to a mutiny, but the matter is appeased. | |
| I understand that the States have an intention to entertain some 1,000 horse more, towards the spring, and that they have great promises of money to receive out of France. | |
| It seems the States will undertake something this way and that their army will shortly be in these parts; yet I cannot imagine it will be for Ostend, but rather upon Hulst. | |
| The goods of the caraque are now a selling, and yesterday there was a parcel of silks sold, for 30,000l., upon two months day. It is thought the price will amount in the whole to the value of almost 400,000l. Flemish [marginal note: a pound Flemish is 12 shillings sterlings.] | |
|
Yesterday the States of Zeeland dealt with the merchants
that are interested in the caraque, to borrow some 50,000l.
for the public use, whereof they have great hope to obtain it. Copy, apparently in the hand of one of Cecil's secretaries. Endorsed:—"From Flissing 28 Nov. avise." 2 pp. (74. 101.) |
|
| Sir Robert Cecil to [Mr. Nicholson?] | |
| 1602, Nov. 29. | Sir, I have been longer silent than I would have been by reason of some indisposition which held me from Court in my own house, longer than ever I was these thirty years; which makes me begin to bethinke me how unable I shall be ere many years to undergo the burden of princes' service; for so are they, not that offices and places are not the visible signs of princes' favours, but because cares and pains (which are annexed to our duties) bring with them anxieties of mind and decay of health, even in the best constitutions: a contemplation fit for me of any other whose infirmities promise not long health. In the matter which concerneth the Duke of Lenox, of whose contentment I see you are sensible, I pray you let me use my wonted freedom, that although her Majesty is not better persuaded of any nobleman in Scotland than she is of the Duke of Lenox, whose carriage when he was here towards herself was very agreeable unto her, besides that she hath taken notice particularly of his good disposition to do all the best offices he can for preservation of the mutual amity, by the place and favour which he hath in the King's good opinion; yet her Majesty was very loth, and is loth, to give those in whom she noteth those parts any manner of distaste or affront which, considering the grounds he laid that his procuring of satisfaction to the King might be good for her service, and might have advanced his credit, he could not have scaped: for she not being resolved to grant those things he spake of, was contented to let him know so, and to dissuade his putting himself into any employment hither, because so great a person being made a messenger without success, it would have stirred new unkindness in the King, and made his person subject to the faction of his enemies. In which point if I be misliked for my plainness with so worthy and noble a gentleman, it is but my ill fortune; otherwise I durst say thus much, that in any case wherein the person of a mediator may further any of the King's occasions, which I see not, if he be sent up he shall find no man here more ready to do him all honest offices. As for the Earl of Huntley, of whose good disposition to the Queen your letter hath made so ample mention, I have thus much to say from the Queen, that howsoever in former times his carriage in that State gave her cause to be jealous of him, yet he shall be no readier to do her any good office than she will be to requite it. |
|
Now, Sir, for our news. In Ireland all goes well. In Flanders
the Archduke grows very weary of Ostend, though he rise not
from it, whereby he thinks he preserveth his own reputation
in the continuance of a siege, and for those forces which he
keepeth there though without likelihood of prevailing, he hath
therein a double design. First, his own men who do besiege
it are now paid by the country, where otherwise they must be
paid by him. Secondly, the States consume infinite quantities
of victuals, munition and men by defence, and which is most
burdensome to them, it occupieth most of their mariners in
transportation of all things necessary, especially materials for
fortification against the fury of the sea, which is a worse battery
than the enemy's, and of infinite expence. The mutineers at
Hockstraten increase daily, being now at the least 6,000 men;
they harass the country even to Antwerp gates, and make an
infinite discontentment in the Provinces under the Archduke.
They have made fair quarter with the United Provinces and
pretend willingness to serve them, but their body is too great
to be trusted, so as howsoever in the end there is no other
likelihood but of reconcilement to the King of Spain's party
again, for such is the issue of all mutinies. Yet in the meantime their separation is of great use to the States United on
the one side, and brings infinite confusion to the Archduke, as
well appeareth (on the other side) by this one circumstance,
that we are daily wooed from thence for that peace, the former
proceeding whereof was one of the first shadows which the Earl
of Essex borrowed for a colour to accuse me to be Spanish,
wherein I hope the world hath since seen sufficient trial. For,
Sir, I have and do sufficiently discern what motives carry the
Archdukes to seek peace, and how great advantage he would
make of it to her Majesty's confederates, if they should grow
suspicious that her Majesty would abandon them, and with
how great facility he would compass the project of his vast
ambition if her Majesty held him not hard at sea and protected
those whom he oppresseth. You shall further understand
that there hath happened in France an accident whereof I am
very sorry, namely that some of the conspirators, with the
Duke of Biron, have lately accused the Duke of Bollen to have
been privy to his purposes, and, which is more improbable,
that he hath been contented to have his way made into Spain;
whereof if a man descend into strict examinations either of his
religion, fortune, faith or love to the King from his cradle,
there is no indifferent judgment but will think that this is
more like to be practised than possible to be true. Nevertheless
it is gone so far as the King without show of condemning him
hath written unto him into Turin to command him precisely
to make his present repair to clear himself. Of these accusations,
the issue whereof will quickly appear, only this is my doubt
and fear, that though his innocency might make him confident
to come, yet his fear of enemies about the King may make him
jealous of his safety, and so move him to seek suspension for a
while of his repair, the effect whereof commonly proveth (in
all great princes) a suspension of good opinion if not worse
after their summons. Thus have you now an account of such
occurrents as are worthy the advertisement. For the rest I
can only say unto you that her Majesty's health is good and
that I am your very loving friend, Ro. Cecyll. 29 November,
1602. In the hand of Cecil's Secretary Levinus Munck. Signed by Cecil. |
|
|
P.S. [holograph.] If my L. Hume have done as you write
he hath done like himself, for although my conscience yet could
never accuse me, yet false reports have wounded me, and for
Mowbrey and Daniel, if I had ever been such a villain as
that they could accuse me, I am not such an idiot as to have
sent them to be tried in Scotland; but now the King hath
somewhat to work on, whereby he may judge my former
wrongs, which I persuade myself the justice of his heart will
apprehend, though the prejudice of his affection will pass it in
silence; of whom I would be glad not to be held a reprobate,
though I desire not to be an elect. 2 pp. (213. 120.) ii. Draft of the above, down to . . "only this is my doubt," Endorsed: M. to Mr. Nicolson. Undated. 8 pp. (97. 3(2).) |
|
| [Sir Robert Cecil] to Mr. Nicholson. | |
| [1602 ?] |
Because my last packet of — hath sufficiently
informed you of the state of all things here, I will only now
acquaint you with this accident, whereunto I pray you return
me some answer for my satisfaction. I have written of the
matter to my Lord Willoughby wherewith he will acquaint you,
for it doth seem to me very strange. I pray you tell Philip
Mowbray from me that, where he desireth to have post-horses
sent him to Berwick to come up to me, I would be very loth
he should humble himself, for as concerning the matter of
Ireland I did never think it should have been carried so strangely,
though, thanks be to God, there was nothing done that I need
care for; only this I desire you should require Roger Aston
to let fall to the King, that, though the place I hold gives cause
to me to hear and entertain many subjects of his that have
their several discontentments, and do often make offer, some
to do service in Ireland, some in Spain and some in other parts,
yet his Majesty shall never find, nor never a councillor he hath,
if they should rack any instrument of mine till his bones break,
that I have ever engaged myself in anything that shall not
become a gentleman and a Christian. So as I confess whensoever
any of them are taken and great matters bruited to be practised
with them by me, I laugh to think that after that earthquake
montes parturiunt, as now I trust it appeareth by this matter of
Philip Mowbray and by the late Irishman that was apprehended;
of both which many a novelant and a pedant had bruited here
in London streets that the King had discovered great practices
in the Secretary of State breeding to the danger of his person
and the subversion of the Island. This you may either by
yourself or some other let fall at some time. As for a 31, methinks you should give the best reason to yourself of my doing
that way, seeing you know yourself began it, and that I never
liked it. I wrote unto you lately to give one 50 pounds; for
any other money that you have laid out, send me a note of it
and all shall be paid, but I pray you never give any of them
any [money] but to such as I shall particularly direct you;
and for the other party that would have his 100 crowns
made French, you may tell him I never meant them so, and
therefore I would he is not gone. Draft. 4 pp. (97. 3.) Endorsed: 'To Mr. Nicolson.' |
| John Wrenham to Sir Robert Cecil. | |
| [c. 1602.] |
One of the patentees for saltpetre and gunpowder.
The digging of houses and taking of carriages for making saltpetre are cumbersome to the subjects, and cause them to destroy
the generation thereof, whereby it is like to grow very scarce.
He has an invention for making saltpetre without digging up
any house, and is content to execute it at his own charge, if
he may have the benefit thereof for 40 years.—Undated. 1 p. (186. 172.) |
| The Same to The Same. | |
| [c. 1602] |
To the same effect as the above. The invention
is described as "the preparation of earths fit for the generation
of saltpetre," which earths "require time to grow to perfection."
—Undated. 1 p. (186. 173.) |
| List of State Papers. | |
| 1602. |
An index of letters, headed "Letters and papers of
lesser use as they lie in their years in the lowest rank of England,"
1550–1602. Partly in Thomas Wilson's hand. 7 pp. (243. 7.) |
| Dr. Oxenbridge. | |
| 1602. |
"A subscription of Dr. Oxenbridge in Cambridge."
Avowing loyalty to Queen Elizabeth, and against the Pope's
pretensions to depose her. Endorsed: "1602." 1 p. (139. 144.) |
| Suggestions [by Lord Mountjoy] for the Government of Ireland. | |
| [1602] | The reduction of that country as well to civility and justice as to obedience and peace consisteth in 4 points:— |
| 1. The extinguishing of the relics of the war. | |
| 2. The recovery of the hearts of the people. | |
| 3. The removing of the root and occasions of new troubles. | |
| 4. Plantations and buildings. | |
| The writer continues with the following observations among others. For the first, as I touched in my last note I do think that much letting of blood in declinatione morbi is against method of cure. But of all other points to my understanding, the most effectual is the well expressing our impressing of the design of this state upon that miserable and desolate kingdom, containing the same between these two lists or boundaries, the one that the Queen seeketh not an extirpation of that people but a reduction, and that now she hath chastised them according to the draught of the occasion, her Majesty taketh no pleasure in the effusion of blood; the other that her Majesty's princely cure is principally and intentionally bent upon that action of Ireland, and that she seeketh no ease of charge so much as the performance of her royal office of protection and reclaim over those her subjects. | |
| Next, is the cutting off of the opinion and expectation of foreign succours, to which purpose this enterprise of Algiers, if it hold according to the advertisement and if it be not wrapped up in the period of this summer, seemeth to be an opportunity cœlitus demissa, and to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a treaty or shadow of a treaty of peace with Spain. Though I wish the exclusions of a liberal grace and pardon to be exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them within their strengths but to translate them and their generations unto England and give them recompense and satisfaction here for their possessions there, as the King of Spain did by divers families of Portugal. Some commission of countenance ad res inspiciendas et componendas should be sent prior to the effecting of anything. | |
| Towards the recovery of the hearts of the people there be but one means in rerum natura. 1. Religion. 2. Justice and protection. 3. Obligation and reward. | |
| For religion, to speak first of piety and then of policy. All divines do agree that if conscience be to be forced at all (wherein they differ) yet two things must precede their inforcement—the one, means of instruction, the other, time of operation; neither of which they have yet had. Besides till they be more like reasonable men than they now are, their society were rather scandalous to the true religion than otherwise, as pearls cast before swine; for till they be closed from their blood incontinency and those acts which are now not the lapses of particular persons but the very law of the nation, they are incompatible with religion reformed. | |
| For policy, there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now is directly opposite to their reclaim and cannot but continue their alienation of mind from this Government. Therefore a toleration of religion at first (for a time not definite) except in some principal towns and precincts after the manner of some French edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by religion and in policy of absolute necessity, and the hesitation on this point I think hath been a great casting back of the affairs there. Neither if any English papist or recusant shall for liberty of his conscience transfer his family and fortunes thither do I hold it a matter of danger, but rather an expedient to draw on undertaking and to further population. But there would go hand in hand with this some course of advancing religion where the people is capable thereof, as the sending over of some good preachers, specially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders and not scholastical, to be resiant in the principal towns, endowing them with some stipend out of her Majesty's revenues as her Majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire, and the recontinuing and replenishing the college begun at Dublin, the placing of good men to be bishops, etc. | |
| For justice, the barbarism and desolation of that country considered, it is not possible they should find any sweetness at all of it in case it be (which hath been the error of time past) formal and fetched far off from the State, because it will require running up and down for process and give occasion of polling and exactions by fees and many other delays and charges; and therefore there must be an interim in which the justice must be only summary, because it is fit and safe for a time the country be participate of a "marshall" government. Would therefore wish in every principal town, etc., a captain or governor and judge such as recorders, etc., are here in corporations who may have a prerogative commission to hear and determine secundum sanam discretionem and as near as may be to the laws and customs of England. | |
| For obligation and reward it is true, no doubt, which was anciently said, that a State is contained in two words, prœmium and pœna, and I am persuaded if a penny in the pound which hath been spent in pœna (for this kind of war is but pœna, a chastisement of rebels) had been spent in prœmis, that is, in rewarding and contenting, things had never grown to this extremity. The keeping of the principal persons Irish in terms of contentment and without just particular of complaint, and generally the carrying of an even course between the English and the Irish, whether it be in competition or controversy, as if they were one nation without the partial course which hath been held by the governors and councillors there, that some have favoured the Irish and some contrary, is one of the best medicines of that estate. The main roots of troubles are but three, the ambition and absoluteness of the chief of the families and septs, the licentious idleness of their kernes and soldiers that live upon the country by cesses and such oppressions, and the barbarous customs in habits of apparel in their poets or heralds that inchant them in savage manners and sundry other such dregs of barbarism and rebellion which are already forbidden by statutes, meet to be put in execution, unto which some additions may be made as the present time requireth. | |
|
For plantations and buildings, I do find it strange that in the
last plot for the population of Munster there were limitations
how much in demesne and how much in farm and tenancy,
how many buildings should be erected, how many Irish in
mixture should be admitted; but not restraint but that they
mought build sparsim at their pleasure, much less any condition
that they should make places fortified and defensible, which was
so much secureness to my understanding. So as for this last
point of plantations and building there be two considerations
which I hold most material. The first, that choice be made of
such persons for the government of towns and places, and
such undertakers be procured as be men gracious and wellbeloved, and like to be well followed—wherein for Munster
it may be, because it is not res integra but that the former undertakers stand interesse, there will be some difficulty. But surely
in my opinion, either by agreeing with them or by over-ruling
them by a Parliament in Ireland (which in this course of a
politic proceeding, infinite occasions will require speedily to
be held), it will be fit to supply fit qualified persons or undertakers. The other, that it be not left as heretofore to the
undertakers or adventurers where to build and plant, but that
they do it according to prescript or formulary. Undated. Unsigned. 6 pp. (139. 136.) |
|
| Ireland. | |
| [1602]. |
Reasons to induce the undertaking and peopling
of the province of Ulster in Ireland. The writer dwells upon
the natural advantages in soil, climate, etc., and upon the
profitable and beneficial results. Undated. Unsigned. 5 pp. (139. 141.) |
| John Osberne to Sir Robert Cecil. | |
| [1601 or 1602?] |
Prays that the wardship of the son of his
nephew Haselwood may be bestowed upon his niece.—Undated. ½ p. (1942.) |
| The Same to the Same. | |
| [1601 or 1602?] |
Edward Haselwood, who married his niece,
is dangerously sick, Prays that the wardship of Haselwood's
heir be bestowed on him, for the use of his niece and her
children.—Undated. ½ p. (1943.) |
| Peter Stronge to Sir R. Cecil. | |
| [End of 1601 or 1602] |
By Cecil's order was imprisoned in
the Gatehouse from March 10th to Oct. 14th last. Prays for
consideration of his distressed state. Doubts not to free
himself from all imputation of disloyalty.—Undated. ½ p. (166.) |
| Alfonso Ferrabusco to Sir Robert Cecil. | |
| [1596–1602] |
Has received in this his extremity of sickness
the Queen's bounty by Sir John Stanhope, and her enquiry
as to his condition. Prays for either a reasonable stipend and
something to pay his debts, or what he shall deserve if the Queen
pleases to use his services. Having only 40 marks a year from
the Queen, he could not attend her as her servant should, and
so was constrained to follow such as would help him, having no
friends at Court, and being rather kept hid from the Queen's
knowledge.—Undated. 1 p. (98. 94.) |
| French Intelligence. | |
| [1596–1602?] |
Notre court ne fut jamais si sourde, et n'avons
nulles nouvelles que du faux bruitz et apprehentions ou
Espagnolz et Flamens se mettent, mais nous ne songeons
nullement a la malice et en souffrons par plaisir, ne fezant pas
mesme estat de toutes leurs entreprises que vous scavez bien
ont este faillies sur Marseille, sur Metz, et autres conspirations
qui ne cessent de machiner; mais l'aigle ne prend pas les
mouches, ou eux chassent apres. On tient que toutes ces
forces que le duc de Savoye avoit enfin assiegeront Geneve;
nous parlons d'y aller en poste au secours, mais il me semble
que quand nous les lairrions faire que seroit le mieux et nous
rendre spectateurs afin de vous empescher de l'estre qui n'estes
fortz qu'a ce jeu la. Et a la verite quand deux balances sont
esgallement pleines pour peu qu'on y adjouste, du coste, que
l'on se porte ou l'emporte. Le roy a commence sa diette, du
reste il ne se passe rien d'importance, et que l'on n'en aye plus
dadviz dedela que nous n'en fezons d'estate deca."—Undated. 1 p. (205. 81.) |
| William Pope, (fn. 2) High Sheriff of Oxfordshire, to Sir Robert Cecil. | |
| [1602] |
Concerning this cause of Lord Derby's and Sir John
Egerton's, he had not been made acquainted with it before
Cecil's letter, which would, he hopes, have made him, both in
Cecil's conceit and the rest whom it most concerned, blameless
if ought but plain indifferency had taken place. Will not be
found other than an honest man that will strive to avoid from
either the least thought of partiality.—Undated. 1 p. (98. 172.) |
| Tristram Vincent to Sir R. Cecil. | |
| [1602?] |
Prays for the concealed wardship of the heir of
Nicholas Robinson, Kent.—Undated. Note by Cecil: Petitioner to have a commission, and if the suggestion prove true, will consider him in the composition. ½ p. (267.) |
| Robert Craford to Sir R. Cecil. | |
| [1602?] |
Has been imprisoned three years and upwards. His
distressed state. Prays for liberty and relief.—Undated. ½ p. (362.) |
| William Pelham to Sir Robert Cecil. | |
| [1602?] |
For the wardship of the son of Mr. Fulstow, Lincolnshire.—Undated. 1 p. (688.) |
| Lewes Clotworthy to Sir Robert Cecil. | |
| [c. 1602?] | Offers to clothe the captains and officers of the army in Munster for 2000l. per annum. He will furnish them "with necessaries for their apparel, so that they exceed not with gold or silver lace, or cloth of gold and silver, but will sufficiently furnish them with broad cloth, kersies, fustians, canvas and such like, and to some according as they are, as to the knights and captains, satins, taffeta, and velvet." —Undated. [See Calendar of Carew MSS. 1601–1603, p. 357]. 1 p. (1093.) |
| — to [the Council.] | |
| [1602?] |
For a year since your order, I was thought meet for
the commands of the 2 hundreds of Arm and Plympton, notwithstanding the head constables had command from the Lord
Lieutenant and some deputies not to obey my warrants, which
was to me most disgraceful. Now very lately in a malicious
spleen towards me, wrought by some other not of his lordship's
own nature, are the head constables of Arm and others shamefully wronged with the band (?bond) of good behaviours for
obeying my warrants. If it shall please your Honours to
maintain your order, and favour me in my honest and lawful
courses, I will endeavour always to advance the service: if
otherwise you should desist in this to uphold me, yet I crave
your good opinion of me, and leave both to leave the country
and all offices there. The Lord Lieutenant in his own nature is
honourable, but somewhat too much inclining to Hinson his
man, by whose means the country and service has been
exceedingly abused.—Undated. 1 p. (213. 6.) |
| Francis Smith to — | |
| [1602?] |
His ancestors time out of mind possessed certain
tenements in Rookewith lordship, co. York, parcel of lands
called the Lennox lands. In 42 Eliz. he compounded with the
commissioners for letting those lands for a lease, and on journeying to London to pass his lease was on suspicion of having
followed the Earl of Essex imprisoned (fn. 3) for 28 weeks, and a lease
granted to others. Prays relief. Undated. 1 p. (187. 94.) |
| Andrew Donaldson to Lord [Archibald] Douglas. | |
| [1602?] |
Prays him to cause "the maid" to be examined
by a justice, and that he (the writer) may be there to hear her.
Hopes she will declare the truth, as he is not guilty of that which
is laid to his charge. Is here laid in prison and is cruelly used,
while her master keeps her at liberty. Prays to be helped out
of prison, as he could then clear himself. Although her master
caused her to swear untruth against him, no doubt God will
have the truth known at length.—Undated. ½ p. (98. 82.) |
| The Succession to the Throne. | |
| [c. 1602.] |
A discourse, possibly a speech, in opposition
apparently to the desire that the Queen should "establish"
an heir to the throne. The writer appeals to the Queen's
history and conduct and to the divisions etc. likely to declare
themselves upon any such establishment being made, to justify
the matter being left to her discretion. Unsigned. Undated. 4 closely written pp. (139. 139.) |
| [1602?] |
"Some notes for remembrance out of his Sir Jo.
Harrington's book on the behalf of the K. of Sc. succession.
The three sorts of Religion in England—Protestant, Papist,
Puritan." 3 large pp. in a minute handwriting. (139. 108.) |
| John Poulet's Lands. | |
| [1602?] |
Survey of the lands descended to John Poulet, esq.
her Majesty's ward, after the death of the Lady Margaret
Poulet. 2 pp. (2263.) |
| Concealment of Woad. | |
| [1602?] |
Brief of proceedings taken against Robert de al
Barre, merchant stranger, for concealing a ship's lading of
woad, belonging to Spanish subjects, enemies of her Majesty.
La Barre's demurrer is that there was no war between England
and Spain; and admitting there were, and these Spanish subjects'
goods, yet they were proper to him, he having been the means
to get them here. The night after filing this answer, he
attempted to seize the goods, which had been attached. Note
at foot: "This peremptory answer in Court, and presumption
to break the lock and other misdemeanours, may breed suspect
whether he be set on by any Spanish practice, for it is not unlike
the King of Spain would reward that party well that would
bring him testimonial of war by record out of Court, or judgment
of any Court that in law it is no war; and for that I
would not be author of any such purpose, I surcease law till
your honour's pleasure may be herein known, being a matter
in precedent of so great moment to the state."—Undated. 1 p. (82. 100.) |
| A Brief of Letters to Spanish Prisoners in England. Manuel Fernandez to Gaspar Alvarez. | |
| [1602] | Concerning their travels and endeavours for the redeeming of Alvarez and the rest of the fathers. Nothing in particular touching the means whereby they work it: saving that he writes the receipt of a letter from a friend in Valladolid signifying the King's gracious disposition towards them, and that he hath condescended to all such petitions as were made him by the whole College for the ransoming these prisoners. |
| Benito Lopez to Gaspar Alvarez. | |
| Advertising their arrival at Lisbon in safety, and their entertainment by the Visorey (Viceroy). Their paying for their passage. Manuel Fernandez his journey to Huora to confer with the Provincial concerning somewhat twixt the Jesuits and Sir John Gilbert. Nothing else material. | |
| Manuel Fernandez to Fernando Cardini. | |
| The satisfaction of Captain Ouseleye's debt, and thereupon their hope for the deliverance of Manuel Vallada, and Gonzalo Mendez his prisoners. | |
| Soliro to Cardini and Pinsho to Cardini. | |
|
The particulars of Ouseleyes debt at large. Concerning
himself nothing, but as in the other before. Pinsho to Gonzalo Mendez and Vallada to the same purpose. Pinsho to Ousley to the same effect. Juliano de Gots to a Spanish Captain taken in Ireland and prisoner in London. Taking notice of his imprisonment, and desiring to be advised by him what course to take for his ransom. The rest to no purpose. Christiano de Gonuta to Vallada."—Undated. 1 p. (98. 173.) |
|
| Brocardo Baronio. | |
| 1602. |
This Baronius of whom I wrote to you has declared
many things, which he says the Pope is planning against those
of the religion. Others say that he is a pensioner of the Duke
of Savoy sent to fill the Princes with distrust and trouble the
world. It is certain that a Boron Brocardo, as this man also
calls himself, is a very wicked man, who was once a priest and
then an agent for merchants, then a minister among the Grisons,
then an apostate, an assassin, an adulterer, whom if the Grisons
could catch, they would try, and not permit to escape the
punishment he merits. I must say I hold this Brocardo
Baronio, who says he is sent by the Pope to Spain, a suspicious
person, and think he means to cheat those of the religion. You will do well to examine all he says or gives out for true, so that if he is guilty he may receive his deserts. French. In a foreign hand. Undated. Unsigned. ½ p. Endorsed:—1602. Brocardo Baronio. (96. 153.) |
| News from Portugal. | |
| [1602?] | "In the letters from Lisbon 22 September received yester morning are two points very considerable; the one being scandalous to the whole state of Christendom, the other dangerous to England as the writer conceives. |
| In the first he discourseth of the infinity of goods, merchandise, jewels and treasure taken by our English pirates daily from Christians and carried to Allarach, Algire and Tunis, to the great enriching of Mores and Turks and impoverishing of Christians. | |
| In the second he relates the multitude of Irishmen gone lately out of Portugal and Spain into France expecting thence shortly to be settled in their own country. | |
|
He sends a copy of an edict lately made by the King of Spain
and sent to the Viceroy of Portugal, commanding that the
English nation should have renewed all those privileges which
they have had heretofore from the Kings of Portugal."—
Undated. ½ p. (98. 174.) |
|
| "The Case of the Earl of Kildare." | |
| 1602. |
"Garret married first the Lord Zouch his daughter. He
was Lord Deputy, and had divers sons. The eldest Lord Tho.,
the next Oliver, the 3 G., the 4th Ed. He had to his second
wife the daughter of the Marquis Dorset, by whom he had
issue the Earl G. and Ed. father to this Earl Garret. K.
Edward restored him to the 5 principal manors in fee. Q.
Mary's restitution in general records in fee simple after she made
him Earl, to him and his heirs males. In 11° [of] the Queen
he had a patent of some lands in fee. In 8° he made a feoffment
in tail." Rough genealogy at the top. In Sir R. Cecil's hand. Endorsed: 1602. 1 p. (141. 61.) |