Cecil Papers: January 1603

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1923.

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'Cecil Papers: January 1603', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda, ed. E Salisbury( London, 1923), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol14/pp247-255 [accessed 17 November 2024].

'Cecil Papers: January 1603', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda. Edited by E Salisbury( London, 1923), British History Online, accessed November 17, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol14/pp247-255.

"Cecil Papers: January 1603". Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 14, Addenda. Ed. E Salisbury(London, 1923), , British History Online. Web. 17 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol14/pp247-255.

January 1603

Sir Robert Cecil to [the Master of Gray ?]
1602–3, Jan. 3. Sir, I find by your letter of the 22nd that you are better than I looked for, though I always hoped that you would deserve nothing but well of the greatest in great things. But Sir, wonder not at my silence, for I have many enemies at home out of envy, and many there out of corrupted opinion, which I will rather endure, and repose my confidence in God's providence, than seek to remedy by such demonstrations as may peril the present constitution of my fortune; especially having learned to value future promises of kings, if I had them, at no more than they are estimable, when I see this world affords many examples that none have had worse measure than such as have lost fortunes for Princes. I pray you therefore strain no point for me, if you do get credit, for I have cost up my audit so as I will neither give cause to be chosen, nor persecuted, if that can protect me which if he break will shake his own estate, for I think he hath too many wise servants not to tell him better principles, if he could forget them, than to plant his first fortunes with the works of injustice. And now, Sir, for the answer, where I know both my duty in respect of her quality, and my sovereign's respect in regard of both their fortunes, challenges answer; this I must say to you, The Queen doth so abhor in her own nature these projects of removing and changing courtiers and counsellors by private enterprises (since she discovered that they never serve but for perilous consequences to the Princes, the impression whereof sticks fast in her mind), as I vow unto you I have much ado to make her conceive that some of those humours were not now stirring in this time where (howsoever my heart doth free the party on whom you depend from any cogitation of that nature, for it were as contrary to her disposition as the savage wolf to the lamb's simplicity), you will not believe how common out of France, England and Scotland it spreadeth, that you had some purpose of change in that Court, which must in consequence have come to some extremity, though you intended nothing to the King but duty. In which respect, Sir, I must truly tell you that the Queen is very "tickle" in licensing me to write unto you as yet, lest the King, who is apt to conceive ill of us both should gather some colorable cirucumstances wherewith to charge me, who am so much favoured by her as she would not willingly have me tainted, that serve so near her: and to be plain with you, by God I find it, that if the King practise not to disturb her present, she is like to continue to him the safest neighbour that ever Scotland had; for as I often told you, though she take no pleasure in his rising, yet she would be sorry of his perishing, or that he should have cause to suspect that she would favour any stirs in his Estate. These agitations amongst you and the recommendations of the Gowrys (coming so insecretly to her, and so jointly together) and all the world so apt to censure the Queen's compassion there to be over-reached by some of you, makes her at a stand; and therefore you that know how tender a thing it is for me to press her to write either when she likes not, or doubts of the interpretation, must needs a little help it if the silence be too long, so as by that circumstance less goodwill be not judged in the Queen than on my credit and word to you is borne here by her Majesty, or would be shewed in anything else, where doubt to be accused of the practices of setting fires in others' houses may be avoided, especially when she professeth that friendship which is called non nocebo. And Sir, for myself this I say, and have often told you, that in this course of intelligence with the Queen any private affection of mine would be here the same it should be if I did it to the King; and there if the King found it, every spark would prove a flame, where the materials are apt to kindle, now when he should see the Queen there pick me out only to further relief to that house which is touched with the infamy of attempting the King's blood, though I know her so noble, so wise and so affectionate to the King as besides the bands of religion and love she knows her whole glory and happiness stands in his well doing,; and therefore do know the King will never doubt her, whom only compassion moves to a proportion of favour. Yet I protest unto you that when any such privacy should be discovered between us in this matter of the Gowrys being relieved, as I am sure the King there would impute my promptness to aptness for such impressions, so am I sometime fearful that the Queen herself there, whom I should only herein think to please, would yet have some suspicion that the merit was not great where the employment was welcome. I could reckon up also reasons at more length than were fit, some taken from one cause, some from another, to prove that in this case I had need suspect the conceits which might rise in my sovereign's own mind, why I should be so willing to break her own pace in this matter, considering that I know no prince on earth is apter to suppress all persons living, if once, for her life's bereaving, they or theirs be tainted. In other cases it is true that traitors and treasons have had as easy pardons in her nature as in any peace in Europe. Thus have you the most confused, hasty answer that hitherto I think you ever received. It is long of an aching head, and yet such is my freedom with you (when I know all labour is in vain that is directed this way, if favour be expected to any purpose or act of kindling new courses in that Court contrary to the King's quiet), as I can never think to have written enough to make you understand it, wherein nevertheless I would be loth to be mistaken, that either courage or judgment are not still awake in her. But this is now the distinction. She hath heard many lies of the King and yet found commonly that his subjects' traffics have been out of their own assumption, and therefore as she will (if ever she find his heart alienated from her by an uncorrupted testimony, or his hope so to swell him as he cannot attend) little care to dissolve all amity, so if he do nothing but laetari et benefacere, she will never raise her quiet by his troubles. My advice shall be to you therefore, if you be clear, have patience till God change his heart, in whose hands it is; if not, trust no more than you think is wisdom for a prince to observe, for what formalities soever princes observe, in these days of giving such words, I see most of them think they are bound to nothing that is evil for themselves, wherein they say they break not as out of lack of honesty, but because as kings they are tied to do that which concurs with their commonwealths' utility, for whom they are born, and not for themselves. I will see the 400 crowns paid as soon as he that delivered it you shall assign me the person. If you should have cause to fly, let not hither be your descent, for I vow to you the Queen will never, of any place in Europe, respect you or relieve you here. For the office to which you recommend the gentleman, you know what cause I have to love him, and if there be such an opportunity I will do my best, but he that hath it means to make his profit, in which of all men living I would be loth to be his debtor for many causes. And thus I end until I hear next from you, whereupon if you once be out of scandal I doubt not but to set straight all things, and hope to procure from my mistress (who hearkens after the quiet of your Court, of which the French multiply reports, with strange rumours) all decorate kindness to that worthy Princess whom you serve.—From the Court this 3rd of January, 1602. Your loving friend, Ro. Cecyll.
Holograph. 7 pp. (213. 121.)
Ferdinand Cardinas to Sir Robert Cecil.
1602–3, Jan. 7. For more than ten months in pursuance of your orders I have entreated the Archduke, his mother, the duke of "Auixij" and many other nobles, that Louis Brusquetus and his companion, who are prisoners in Flanders might be exchanged for myself, my companion and Hortensio Spinola. This exchange we have now obtained with great difficulty, for Brusquetus was there held a man of great note and his ransom fixed at eight thousand French gold pieces. But while this was being arranged mention was made of a certain Mr. Achens (Hawkins), which overturned all the agreement in such a fashion that for my liberty I was to obtain the freedom of Mr. Achens and his release by the King of Spain. By your wish my companion went over into Spain, and by his endeavours this Richard is returned safe to England. Now I would humbly beg you to consider our case. You are aware that both our captivity and our liberation by your favour will be known to all nations. We are persuaded therefore that by an honourable exchange you will satisfy all England and all the nations and great men, who know that these matters have been concluded. And by so doing you will have myself and all my fellows always ready to assist English prisoners and most zealous friends of yourself. So far as Spinola is concerned, you will confer upon him an unspeakable benefit by not letting him die in prison: for he is so ruined in his body, his nose eaten away, and otherwise sick, that (not to mention the great expenses of a prison) he seems on the point of death, nor can I doubt that, if you saw him, you would be filled with compassion for him.—From the Gate House, 17 January, 1603.
Latin. Headed: Jesus. Holograph. 2 pp. (187. 1.)
Lord Zouch to Sir Robert Cecil and [the Earl of Worcester.]
[1602–3] [Jan. 28] The original is printed in full in C.P. xii, 618.
[Ludlow, 28 January, 1602.]
Endorsed "Copy of a part of my Lord Zouche his letter."
½ p. (97. 136.)
Mr. Vice-Chamberlain and Sir Robert Cecil to Lord Scrope.
1602–3. January. When we compare your letters of the 4th of January to us two and those of the 6th to me the Vice-Chamberlain we can hardly conceive what might be the motive of your present coming upward, or such interpretation concerning the same as you have made of our former writings; for where you in the joint letter of the 4th speak of your purpose to come forward the Monday after, if you peruse our letters again preceding that, you shall perceive that you had no warrant to come up but rather of quite contrary sense to tarry and attend her Majesty's new direction; next, where in your private letter of the 6th you write that I the Secretary may despatch it, you do therein show that you have had no warrant from me, seeing that which I should do for your coming up hung yet undispatched. But now that we have showed you how things have passed you shall see by our proceedings with you that we make you not an ordinary friend, for although we have not given you from her Majesty the liberty which you have taken, and therefore shall run some hazard to ourselves, when we should defend you, because the mistaking must needs be either in you or us, you shall now understand that the best way we have to accommodate this matter is as followeth. The King (as you shall perceive by the copy of this letter) hath directly demanded you at the Queen's hands; Roger Aston hath also by the King's commandment delivered several matters against you; now how to carry this as is fit in honour and justice and yet not to overthrow your coming up (whereupon we see you are violently set) we have first transferred to you such accusations as might draw your justification; wherein though it appeareth the King's ministers are so confident that they desire nothing more than promise of that satisfaction, which the Treaties afford, in case the wrongs be proved upon indifferent trial, yet her Majesty has taken this way first to let the King know that she may not condemn you being unheard, and therefore means to send for you up to herself to hear what you can say. Next, because the King may see that she hath caused you to answer being absent as well as the present time will suffer by writing, there is an abstract made of your last letters and delivered to Mr. Aston to represent it to the King in the meantime; and this is as much as can be done in this case. For the next, which does concern your leaving of Mr Dalston in your Wardenry, her Majesty liketh your choice and commandeth you to enjoin him to do justice where there is cause; to demand justice before he revenge according to the orders; wherein if he can prove that he is denied or wilfully delayed, if upon complaint to the King by the agent, such satisfaction be not granted as appertains to honour and justice, in that case Her Majesty meaneth not to be so careless of her subjects or of her own honour, as not to allow such course of revenge as is usual in like cases; for such are the words only of the King's request, that when restitution may be had with peace and order, there may be no violent courses taken, which may draw on worse inconveniences.
Next her Majesty is well pleased that you have taken so good order with the Greames, and for those two which are delivered to Mr. Dalston upon conditions, though her Majesty hath promised the delivery of Robert Graeme, yet she will cause the agent to impart to the King the reasons why she delivers him not, which being to so good an end as it is, she maketh no doubt but that it will be well interpreted.
Thus, having no more to write concerning the public, this we think good to advise you for the present concerning your own particular; first that it be not known you are come up but by direction, because others of like place will be apt to take excuse, which her Majesty will not allow of. Next that you protract it as long as you may conveniently, because it may not appear otherwise to her Majesty than as a matter undertaken by you after her pleasure signified. And so we commit you to God.
Endorsed: 'Copy to my L. Scrope from Mr. Vice-Chamberlain and my Master.'
pp. (91. 44.)
Sir Robert Cecil (fn. 1) to Sir Henry Poole.
[1602–3] [Jan.] Although I am sorry to perceive that you are troubled in the least degree with this base accusation, yet to such as I am it is some ease to have so good company in such misfortune, because you on whom less envy waits than upon others, may be sensible of those bitter imputations, when you hear them, which are often thrown upon those who by their place and service are every day subject to the calumniations of all sorts of men; wherein though I doubt not but such as you are, in former times when those things have happened, have ever carried an indifferent conceit, yet I know, and so do many of us, that deal most in her Majesty's services, that there is a great aptness in this time of believing all accusations that concern men that live in this place, even in things of as great absurdity as this, though this be as gross as need to be. For answer therefore this is all which I can say, that in sending the letter you have done well, and so shall you also in seeking to apprehend the party, not because there is necessity of your purgation, but because there is necessity of his punishment in this time when sin abounds.—Undated.
Endorsed by Cecil's Secretary: Minute from my Mr. to Sir Henry Poole.
2 pp. (130. 165.)
Lady Arabella Stuart.
(i). Deposition of [Jas. Starkey.]
[1602–3] [Jan.] At my coming away the Lady Arbella told me that she thought her grand [mother] would stay my books, and therefore advised me if I had anything of worth to trunk it up and she would be as careful of it as of her own jewel box, so she sent it me up.
Besides the Lady Arbella will not deny but that she said her Lady Grandmother and her uncle were glad when they could cousen her; that her grandmother threatened to take away her money and jewels, but she had prevented her in sending them away into Yorkshire, and cryingly sent the key of her coffer by me to search for a pearl of 20l. which she doubted she had lost, but that was but a device; and lastly she told me she had good friends and more than all the world knew of; but I forbear to set down greater matters, which she in her conscience doth know are true, being right sorry that such a one should be made an instrument of the bad practices of others whose drift was to have me out of my living and to deprive me of life, the Lord forgive them all, and God grant the Queen's Majesty a most gracious and happy reign long to continue over this her realm.
My lady of her own motion returned for me 220l. but wanted one l. in the payment, and since that time by her appointment I have disbursed 79l. 2s. 2d. as appeareth by a bill, for which she is yet indebted. But now they have taken from me first liberty, then my living, my life and my goods; I trust they will be satisfied.
[In Starkey's hand]. Unsigned. ½ p. (135. 178.)
(ii.) Starkey's Confession.
[1602–3] Jan.] This I thought good to testify to the world for the discharge of mine own innocency.
From whence those false rumours which were sped the last year of the right honourable lady the Lady Arabella did proceed I could not imagine (I protest) until now, which arose as I suppose by reason of a book with an unfit print upon the cover which unadvisedly was given her ladyship by me; for which gross error committed by me, though unwittingly to the impairing of her fame and good name, I am so inwardly vexed that if I had a thousand lives, I would willingly spend them all to redeem the least part of her reputation: such is her virtuous disposition and so excellent are those ornaments wherewith her mind is adorned, as that they may be rather admired than imitated. Most unfortunate then was I in committing such a fault, although I protest upon my salvation I never intended any such matter as from thence might justly be gathered, yet none of reason, I do think, would once more imagine it. This is the cause that in just revenge she hath been made an instrument and gone about underhand to make the world believe that I was very desirous and forward to have her removed from her lady grandmother. Whereas the truth is that she, seeming to me but not being indeed, discontent, told me, about Easter last, she would use all the means she could to get from thence, by reason she was hardly used (as she said) in despiteful and disgraceful words, being bobbed and her nose played withal which she could not endure, and this seemed not feigned, for oftentimes being at her book she would break forth into tears. Whereupon I promised that if she would use my service I would deliver her letters or message whilst I stayed in London, and told her that I was resolved not to stay in the country any longer, and acquainted her with the cause for that I was weary of that servitude and bondage wherein I had lived more than ten years, having taught one of Mr. William Cavendishe's sons six or seven years without any consideration for my pains, and being then enjoined to teach another his A, B, C; and besides my living which was given me, being indirectly detained from me by Mr. Cav[endish] who had kept the same in his hands seven or eight years, whereas his faithful promise to me was that I should be restored to it in very short time. Whereas also the world may intend some great matter of the grogram of colour du roy and of the silver fireshovel sent for a new year's gift, the former was expressed by her own mouth though not set down in her note but under the name of some slight colour, and the silver fire shovel was also expressly named in her letter. There was neither pearl nor border nor anything else sent down by me (a few books only excepted) but I had a note under her hand for the same, which my lady said were either for herself or to give away, all which may show mine innocency. Some also have been suspicious for the letters of my name because I appointing the stationer long since to set upon a bible these three letters J.A.S. that the two first letters might distinguish James from John, he mistook it and set the three letters apart, whereas God is my witness, I intended nothing but my name. The pretended sending down of Mr. Holford to Newark was to make men think that some of her ladyship's friends should aid her in making an escape, whereas I am persuaded there was no such matter, and if there had, her Ladyship knoweth well that I exhorted her rather to endure her grief and discontent patiently than by an inconvenient course to prejudice herself. For mine own part I was busied about the recovery of my parsonage, as some civilians can testify, who informed me that a pardon was requisite, having incurred the danger of the law: which also I laboured for only to keep my living. My friends and kinsfolk I protest are blameless and without fault, being unacquainted, in this matter. My Lady's promise emboldened me to crave her furtherance for my preferment, who also told me that if she were appointed to another place she would entertain me as her chaplain. What supposals may be inferred I know not, but God knoweth my simpleness. Henry Travice now of late told me that there was a book of Titles published by authority that so by making enquiry for it I might be entrapped and brought into further danger. The scope whereat all these matters do aim is evident, and though I am able truly to clear myself, being altogether innocent of any crime intended by me, yet by reason of some probable conjectures, which by my sore enemies will be aggravated against me, I may easily be overthrown and suffer the greatest infamy, reproach and shame that may be, which in such a case will be more heavy than many deaths. Wherefore to avoid the same and yet providing a mischief for a remedy, as I must needs confess, I do commit myself into the hands of the Lord, who is a God of infinite mercy, and in Whom is plentiful redemption; beseeching Him to pardon this notorious crime. His mercy is not restrained but often times at His pleasure he doth extend the same, inter pontem et fontem, inter jugulum et gladium. To conclude, I do in all submission crave pardon of that honourable Lady for so great an indignity unwittingly offered to her, and likewise of all her friends, of my dear mother whose grief for this fact I fear will be her end, and generally of all the world for this enormity which I shall commit.
Bowing therefore the knees of my heart with all sorrow and compunction, I do pour forth my soul unto thee, O Lord, beseeching Thee to supple my soul with the oil of Thy grace, that I may be fully penitent for such faults as I have committed or duties that I have omitted.
Have mercy upon me, O God, according to Thy great mercies and according to the multitude of Thy compassions do away mine iniquities. O cleanse me from my secret sins and cover my known sins with the innocency and righteousness . . . (a line illegible.) O enter not into judgment with me. Put forth thine Holy arm and receive my wandering soul into the Ark of Thy holy Tabernacles that so I may receive the joys which are there unspeakable, &c.
Holograph. 1¾ pp. (135. 175–(2.))
Endorsed by Cecil 'The confession of ye preacher Starky yt hong him self.'
[This and the previous paper are printed, incorrectly, in Bradley's Life of Arabella Stuart, ii., 92–97.]

Footnotes

  • 1. This appears to be the answer to Poole's letter to Cecil, printed in Cal. of C.P. XII., 588.