Appendix

Calendar of State Papers, Spain: Further Supplement To Volumes 1 and 2, Documents From Archives in Vienna. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1947.

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'Appendix', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain: Further Supplement To Volumes 1 and 2, Documents From Archives in Vienna, ed. Garrett Mattingly( London, 1947), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/further-supp/vols1-2/pp459-469 [accessed 27 November 2024].

'Appendix', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain: Further Supplement To Volumes 1 and 2, Documents From Archives in Vienna. Edited by Garrett Mattingly( London, 1947), British History Online, accessed November 27, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/further-supp/vols1-2/pp459-469.

"Appendix". Calendar of State Papers, Spain: Further Supplement To Volumes 1 and 2, Documents From Archives in Vienna. Ed. Garrett Mattingly(London, 1947), , British History Online. Web. 27 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/further-supp/vols1-2/pp459-469.

Appendix

1522. 15 Jan.
A. G. R. Brussels. Papiers d'État et de l'Audience. vol. 369, f. 1.
Instructions to Charles Poupet De Lachaulx for his embassy to England, Spain and Portugal.
On his arrival in Portugal Lachaulx will present our letters to the king of Portugal and condole with him on the death of his father, and express our sorrow at the loss of so close an ally and at the grief of the queen, our sister, who is thus deprived of so virtuous a husband. Lachaulx will say that as soon as we received the news of the late king's death, we sent him to offer what consolation we could, and to congratulate the present king on his succession.
Lachaulx will commend the queen, our sister, who is the person we love the most in the world, to the protection of the present king, remind him of the close alliance and affection which always existed between us and the king, his father, and say that we hope to preserve the same alliance with him, since we are so closely united by blood and tradition. We shall be happy to renew all the former agreements and alliances, and even, if the king pleases, unite ourselves with him still more closely in a league for the mutual protection of all our realms and possessions and of the Christian faith, defensive against all and offensive against the enemies of the Christian religion. The king of England, the king of Denmark, the king of Hungary, and the king of Poland are to be included in this league, which we do not doubt they will join, and the pope and other Christian princes will no doubt adhere to the league also. We should agree on a time and place at which commissioners and ambassadors may meet ; Lachaulx brings with him ample powers to treat of all these matters with the king.
Lachaulx will also say that since we have both succeeded to our thrones and to our hereditary alliance at such an age that if God pleases we shall be allies and neighbours for many years, there is the greater reason to make the alliance between us as lasting and indissoluble as possible. We should, therefore, communicate to each other freely all our affairs and have the greatest mutual confidence. For this reason, and since we shall soon be in Spain, we beg the king not to dispose of his person in marriage until we have an opportunity to talk freely with him. Lachaulx will make every effort to persuade the king on this point.
As a beginning of the complete exchange of mutual confidence, Lachaulx will explain to the king the whole course of the present war, pointing out to him that it was begun by the king of France at a time when we thought ourselves assured against such an event by treaties of peace and friendship, and when, seeing us disarmed and preoccupied with the business of the imperial diet at Worms, the king of France thought to take us by surprise. In furtherance of this plan he raised up against us our rebellious subject Robert de la Marck, providing him with money and French men-at-arms, publicly assembled at Tours. With these, Lord Robert attacked the towns of our duchy of Luxembourg, where he was shamefully repelled. At the same time the king of France sent his captains, under pretence of serving Henri d'Albret, to invade Navarre, and even to besiege our city of Logroño in Castile, where they were also repulsed. The king of France thinks also to usurp our kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. He has attempted to keep us from going to Spain by threatening our Low Countries with a great army, and he has attacked the lands of the Church. After the expulsion of the French from Navarre he formed a great army under the admiral of France, and seeing that our kingdom of Navarre was well provided for, ordered them to capture the town of Fuenterrabia, long a possession of the crown of Castile, and to invade our territories, pillaging and burning and doing all kinds of harm. Therefore, in defence of the Holy See and to repel these invasions, we have been constrained to take arms, and to assemble large armies in Italy and elsewhere, whereby we have inflicted great injury on the king of France, taking from him the towns of Tournai and Milan, and indeed all the duchy of Milan except Cremona and two or three castles.
We called on our uncle, the king of England, to declare himself against the king of France as a breaker of the treaties we had in common. The king of England offered his mediation and through the cardinal of York, treated for a long time, but in vain, with the French ambassadors at Calais. Therefore, since our journey to Spain could not be postponed, and our territories in the Low Countries were in serious danger, we have induced the king of England to take them under his protection, and agreed with him also for the protection by a powerful fleet, of our voyage from Flanders to England and thence to Spain. Lachaulx will explain all this to the king of Portugal, so that he may understand that we are passing through England for the greater safety of our journey and of our Low Countries.
As soon as Lachaulx has seen the king of Portugal, or sooner, if there is any delay in his first audience, he will go to the queen, our sister, give her our letters and condole with her on the death of the king, her husband, reminding her of the consolations of religion and assuring her of our continued affection and our care for her affairs, as evidence of which we have sent Lachaulx to accompany her and serve her until our arrival in Spain. Until then Lachaulx will keep us advised daily of the needs and interests of the queen.
Since the safest route to Portugal is via England, and since on account of the close alliance and great affection between us and our uncle, the king of England, we are determined to share all our concerns with him, and always to act on his advice and that of the cardinal of York, Lachaulx will go first to England and there visit the king, the queen, the princess, their daughter, and the cardinal legate, accompanied by our ambassadors resident in England. He will pay our respects to each of these persons, declare to them the purpose of his present mission, and show them these instructions, saying to the king that we hope that he will send a suitable person with Lachaulx for the negotiations in Portugal, and that Lachaulx is prepared to hand over our memoranda and instructions, which the king may alter at his pleasure and according to which Lachaulx will regulate his conduct. Lachaulx will also ask the advice of the king and the cardinal about measures to distract the king of Portugal from his intention of allying himself with France by marriage.
Lachaulx will ascertain from our ambassadors, the bishop of Badajoz and M. de Caestres, what progress they have made in carrying out our instructions about the delivery of our letters patent to the king of England, calling on him to declare against the king of France as a violator of treaties, about a contribution to the payment of Swiss troops, about payment for the three thousand infantry, and about the loan of two hundred thousand ducats. Lachaulx will also inform himself of the results of the instructions given Sir Richard Wingfield about an arrangement for a truce or some other means of preserving the status quo until the beginning of the "Great Enterprise." Acting on this information, Lachaulx may discuss these matters with the king and the cardinal, using his own discretion and his information as a member of our privy council where he has heard all these things debated, so that no one is better able to speak of them than he. He will give the king to understand that, without the king of England's help it will be impossible for us to support much longer the burdens we have borne hitherto, so that to avoid disaster we shall be obliged to agree to some sort of truce. We are unwilling, however, to accept a truce except at the hands of the king and the cardinal, in whom we have the greatest confidence, and have refused the offers of the king of France, made in an effort to separate us from England, as we have frankly and continually declared to the king of England in accordance with our treaties with him. We have hitherto placed all our reliance in the good will of the king of England, but, Lachaulx will point out, unless they can provide some remedy for our difficulties, we shall be obliged to lighten them by whatever means we can.
Before his departure from England, Lachaulx will inform us at length the result of his conversations there, and of the health of the king and the queen and the princess, their daughter, sending us a particular description of the princess, and advising us also of the state of English preparations and of whatever news there is of French activities.
If, after leaving England, Lachaulx's way should lie through Spain, he will present our letters to our viceroys in Castile and inform them of the state of our affairs here and in Italy, and our plans for coming to Spain. He will find out whether the twenty ships and four thousand infantry which we have ordered them to send to Falmouth by the end of March are ready, and point out that any neglect in this will involve serious inconvenience, since we shall either be obliged to delay in England for lack of proper escort, or to sail inadequately protected. If the viceroys allege a lack of money, Lachaulx will canvass with them all possible means of raising it, and will inform himself of the state of our affairs in Spain and advise us at length. Lachaulx will tell the viceroys how agreeable to us their services have been, and assure them of our gratitude and intention of rewarding them. He will take care to speak kindly to those who have failed in our service and not lead them to despair of our mercy, saying that there is no better way to repair their former errors than by doing us such present service as will quite efface the memory of their faults, in which case they may expect to find us full of mercy rather than of vengeance.
If Lachaulx finds it more convenient to go straight to Portugal, he will forward our letters to our viceroys and tell them in writing all the things we have charged him with, saying that he intends to remain in Portugal until our arrival in Spain, and placing at their disposal his advice and his intercession with the king of Portugal should they need aid from that quarter.
Brussels, 15 January, 1522.
French. 18th century copy. pp. 26.
15 Jan.
A. G. R. Brussels, Papiers d'État et de l'Audience. vol. 369, f, 26.
Secret Instructions to Poupet De Lachaulx for his mission to Portugal.
Besides the charge given M. de Lachaulx, which he is to exhibit in England, we have given him the following which he will keep secret and make use of in Portugal according to his discretion should the occasion arise through the reply of the king of Portugal to his other instructions :
If the king of Portugal asks him why we have requested the king not to dispose of his person until our arrival in Spain, Lachaulx will reply that because of our great affection for the king we wish him to marry some person of our blood so that our friendship and alliance may be indissoluble. If the king says that we could just as well declare our intention to him in this matter at once without postponing everything until our arrival in Spain, which is uncertain, Lachaulx will reply that we shall surely be in Spain this spring, and we then hope to meet the king in some place where we may talk together at our ease and show each other the bottoms of our hearts. Meanwhile, we shall also refrain from binding ourselves and postpone everything until our arrival. If the king of Portugal asks about our marriage plans and those of Madame Catherine, our sister, and whether we are inclined to marry the Infanta, his sister, or to favour the marriage of the queen, our sister, to him, Lachaulx will reply that his mission was only to present our condolences and congratulations, and to offer consolation to the queen, our sister, and to ask the king not to dispose of himself, as has been said, and that, because we intend to discuss the matter fully on our arrival, he was given no instructions about our marriage nor about that of Madame Catherine, our sister. Lachaulx may also say as of his own motion that, our departure being at hand, neither we nor our council have given thought to these marriages, but that, knowing as he does our great affection for the king of Portugal, and our desire to be bound to him by the very closest alliance, and to share with him a common fortune, as the king of Portugal will learn on our arrival, he, Lachaulx, will be glad to send a special courier to inform us of the views and desires of the king of Portugal in this matter, and he has no doubt that we will reply at once and so clearly and frankly that he will have every reason to be satisfied of our entire good will in this matter.
In this affair Lachaulx will use the greatest prudence, discretion, and industry so as to satisfy the king of Portugal and to persuade him to accede to our request.
French. 18th century copy. pp. 6.
c. 6 Feb.
A. G. R. Brussels. Papier d'État et de l'Audience. vol. 369, f. 14.
Instructions to Poupet De Lachaulx for his mission to Pope Adrian VI.
After the instructions to M. de Lachaulx for his mission in England and Portugal were drawn up, the welcome news reached us of the election to the papacy of our good father and former lieutenant and governor in Spain, the cardinal of Tortosa. Although we have already sent Lopez Hurtado, a gentleman of our household, with the usual congratulatory letters, it seems fitting to send in addition some notable person from among our most intimate councillors, and for this mission, in view of the charge already given him, M. de Lachaulx seems most suitable. Therefore he is ordered to visit the newly elected pope in Castile, before going to Portugal, and to act as follows :
After presenting to His Holiness our letters of credence, Lachaulx will say that although we have already sent Lopez Hurtado with congratulatory letters, we feel that the signal favour of God, shown in our behalf in repairing our loss by the death of Pope Leo X, by the election of the cardinal of Tortosa, requires some demonstration of gratitude on our part. By a special act of providence, without any effort on his own part, and even in his absence, a thing which has very seldom happened, there has been elected a person not only fitted by his virtues to be the good shepherd of all Christians, but the one above all others whom we would have asked of God as most likely to aid us in discharging the responsibilities of our imperial office, a person indeed whom we have always looked on, not merely as a preceptor but as a father, and to whose instruction we owe whatever learning, virtue and good manners God has permitted us. Therefore, if we were able to do so, we should come at once in person to lay before His Holiness our filial obedience and to offer him all our realms and goods for the preservation and advantage of the Holy See. Being unable to do this, we are sending M. de Lachaulx, a person known to His Holiness, and known to be fully in our confidence, to place at his disposal all our realms and power as fully as we could do if we were there in person, and to declare to him our inmost thoughts and our advice for his safety and ours. If we considered only our own pleasure, we should wish His Holiness to delay his departure for Rome until after our arrival in Spain, so that we might discuss together our common affairs, but in view of the dangers of plots to prevent his going to Rome and even to foment a schism in the church, which might arise from this delay, we advise that he make his plans to leave Spain as soon as he has been properly advised of his election and has accepted it with the requisite solemnity. He should take the quickest and shortest way to Rome, provided he does not go by land, even though the king of France may offer him a safe-conduct to do so, since this would be to hazard his own life and the welfare of Christendom. We advise him to sail from Barcelona directly for the states of the church, and for the protection of his voyage we are writing at once to our viceroys in Castile, Naples, and Sicily to provide galleys ready at Barcelona to escort him. We have also ordered that any galleys now on the ways at Naples or Barcelona shall be finished promptly, and promptly armed to strengthen the convoy.
Since the departure of His Holiness from Spain will deprive us of a regent there, in whom we reposed the utmost confidence, and who always showed himself completely devoted to our interests and those of our lands and subjects, and since there is no one now in Spain so proper for this office as himself, and so able to compose the differences between our other viceroys, and since, before he knew of his election, when he wrote us of the death of our brother, the king of Portugal, His Holiness advised that the queen, our sister, come to Castile to act as regent there until our arrival, with authority over all our other viceroys, lieutenants, and governors, Lachaulx will say that we find this advice excellent, provided that it can be carried out without arousing dissension. We foresee two possible difficulties. In the first place, the king of Portugal may take it amiss if we withdraw the queen, our sister, from his kingdom without notice. To obviate this, Lachaulx should discuss the matter with the king of Portugal, pointing out the reasons for this step, and asking him to persuade the queen to undertake the regency and go to Castile as soon as possible. He should be asked to assist the queen in her office as his father assisted our former viceroys. If the king of Portugal agrees, Lachaulx is to arrange for the going of the queen into Castile as soon as Lachaulx's mission at the court of Portugal has been completely discharged. He will provide for her honourable reception there and remain with her to advise her until our arrival in Spain. But if the king of Portugal objects, rather than irritate him and lead him to lose hope of marrying the queen, our sister, it would be better to leave her in Portugal until our arrival in Spain, and let our realms of Castile be governed as they have been up to this time, since we shall be there shortly. In the second place, even if the king of Portugal agrees to the departure of our sister, care must be taken not to offend our other viceroys, the constable and the admiral, who may feel slighted if they are abruptly relieved of their offices. To obviate this, before Lachaulx goes to Portugal, he should confer with the constable and the admiral in the presence of His Holiness, and suggest that, in view of the departure of His Holiness, our sister, the queen of Portugal, should assume the regency until our arrival. If they agree to this and advise it, as it is probable they will not dare refuse to do, then the queen may come to Castile and assume power according to their advice and in virtue of the powers which M. de Lachaulx will have with him, and which he will exhibit first of all to His Holiness. If, however, the constable and the admiral make difficulties about relinquishing their titles as viceroys, and if they wish to govern jointly with her and sign jointly all letters and decrees, His Holiness and M. de Lachaulx may point out that it would not be fitting for them to make themselves the equals of a person of so high a rank as our sister, but that their honour will be preserved if they remain with her as her chief advisers. If they still seem discontented with the queen's acting as sole regent and signing alone all decrees, edicts, and letters, in this, as in all other difficult questions, M. de Lachaulx will govern himself by the advice of His Holiness, seeking to avoid all dangers and inconveniences as best he may.
M. de Lachaulx will explain to His Holiness the present state of our affairs, telling him about our negotiations with the king of England and the assistance that we expect from him, and the visit we are making him, and also about our agreement with our brother as to his share, with which he is well satisfied, and about the offers of a separate peace or truce made us by the French, and how we have refused them in order not to separate ourselves from the king of England, which is the real object of these French intrigues. He will say, however, that we are ready to accept any reasonable arrangement arrived at through the mediation of the king of England. Lachaulx may declare to His Holiness all his charge for Portugal, and in everything he will accept the advice which His Holiness may give him. Since His Holiness has been, up to now Inquisitor General of all our realms, it is now necessary to provide a suitable person to an office so important for the Holy Catholic Faith and for the good of our subjects. No one knows better what sort of person is requisite for this office than His Holiness, and M. de Lachaulx will beg him for his advice as to whether it would be better to have a single Inquisitor General for the crowns of Castile and Aragon, or to divide the office into two, as it was in the time of the Catholic king. Whether he advises one Inquisitor General or two, he is to be asked to nominate the person or persons whom he thinks best qualified for this office.
M. de Lachaulx will say further that to provide for the safety of our voyage to Spain and that of the Low Countries and our possessions in Italy, we have been advised by the king of England and the cardinal of York to accept truce with the king of France, and in following this advice, before we had news of his election, we sent powers for this purpose for the negotiation of the said truce, through the mediation of the king of England. We do not know whether the papal election will cause the king of France to change his mind. If he now refuses a truce, and claims the restitution of the places occupied by our armies, to which we are advised never to consent, we ask the advice of His Holiness as to how the places we hold and our journey to Spain may best be safeguarded. In seeking his advice, His Holiness should be informed of the substance of the treaty relating to Italy, which we had with his predecessor, Pope Leo, so that we may know whether he intends to enter into this agreement in so far as it concerns the advancement of the church of Rome. If he does, it should be considered whether the troops which will escort His Holiness may be used to reinforce our army in Italy and to carry out the plan of campaign, at least for the reduction of Milan and Genoa. If His Holiness will renew the treaty, our terms should be improved in whatever does not concern the interests of the present pope, as for instance, the clauses about the liberation of Florence, and the protectorate over Siena, and the estate of six thousand ducats for the late pope's nephew, and those imperial territories which the late pope wished to have from the empire, such as Modena, Reggio, Parma, and Piacenza. It would also be well to revise the clause about Ferrara ; instead of destroying it, it should be brought into our alliance, where it could be of great service against the French and the Venetians, a change most beneficial to the cause of peace in Italy. For the maintenance of the army of Italy and the achievement of our plans, since His Holiness and we are both ill provided with money, we should aid each other in raising what we can from Florence, Siena, Lucca, and other imperial cities, particularly those held by Pope Leo, and His Holiness should consider some means of maintaining the necessary infantry, the men-at-arms being provided for, and a third part of the infantry being paid for by Milan, and a third part by us, so that only one third remains for him to pay. The money for this third he may recover later from Milan and Genoa, so that it is merely a loan.
If His Holiness refuses to renew the treaty of Pope Leo or to contribute to the war, and if we are unable to negotiate a truce or to demand aid of His Holiness, then it seems that at the very least His Holiness should agree to enter a league with us and with the king of England, defensive of our present possessions and of those withheld from us, and offensive against all aggressors and against the enemies of the faith. In this league the kings of Portugal, Denmark, Hungary, and Poland are to be expressly included, and all other Christian kings and princes who wish to enter it may do so, provided it be by common consent of the principal contrahents, none of whom is to name as an ally any enemy of one of the others. To induce His Holiness to enter this league, Lachaulx will declare to him the brotherly union and complete confidence existing between the king of England and us, so that we hold our interests to be absolutely one and the same, and it seems that a league of us three would be a true model of the Holy Trinity, His Holiness being the Father, ourself the Son, and the king of England the Holy Ghost, whose warmth inspiring the others will produce a true unity of hearts and wills, all directed to the same end. Lachaulx will say to His Holiness that our union with the king of England is due to the good offices of the cardinal of York, who has shown himself so zealous for our good and that of all Christendom, that we honour him like a father and consider ourselves bound to aid and assist him. We therefore beg that His Holiness gratify us and the king of England by confirming, renewing, and amplifying the legateship for England conferred on the cardinal by Pope Leo, and that His Holiness will consider any favour granted to the cardinal as a favour to us.
In order to regulate our common affairs by mutual advice, Lachaulx, when he is in England, will communicate our present instructions and those given him for Portugal to the king and the cardinal, along with the draft for the new league, and will ask their advice about them, and whether they think anything should be added or subtracted. He will also show the king and the cardinal the powers we have given him to treat with His Holiness and with all other princes and potentates, and request them to send an ambassador with similar powers to accompany him and to congratulate the pope and conclude matters for the common good.
If His Holiness wishes to change anything in the articles of the treaty, Lachaulx will consult us before agreeing. If the king of England is unwilling to send an ambassador to His Holiness or to enter a league with him, preferring to adhere to the present treaties, Lachaulx will seek to learn the reasons which move him and will inform us at once, not neglecting, however, to continue promptly on his journey to the pope and to the king of Portugal and to the queen, our sister, in order to carry out the rest of his instructions. He will not, however, touch on the matter of the new league in this case. In this, and in all other matters, M. de Lachaulx will use his customary discretion in which we have entire confidence.
French. 18th century copy. pp. 16.
6 Feb.
A. G. R. Brussels. Papiers d'État et de l'Audience. vol. 369, f. 22.
Secret Instructions to De Lachaulx for his mission to the Pope.
M. de Lachaulx is not to communicate in England the following instructions as to what he is to say to the pope.
Lachaulx will tell His Holiness of the need in which we find ourselves and the danger to all our affairs on account of the great expense to which we have been put in this present war, which has reduced us to such a want of money, that unless we can soon have some truce or agreement with the French, it will be impossible for us to continue the war and we shall be in danger of losing not only what we have conquered, but all our patrimony, in which case we do not know how we shall be received in Spain or how we can keep order there. We have bound ourselves very closely to the king of England, both in respect to our marriage to his daughter and to our visit to his kingdom on our way to Spain, and with other harsh conditions, even agreeing not to treat with the French for peace or truce without his consent. We have been obliged to do this in order to prevent him from joining with the French, and in order to safeguard our journey to Spain, although we have had no aid from England in our present difficulties beyond the hope of having some truce with France by the mediation of the English king, to last until he declares himself on our side against France, which is not to be until March, 1523. We kept our ambassadors at Calais a long time, discussing a truce with the cardinal of York, but in vain. During this time we conquered Tournai and Milan and the French were brought so low, that we could have had a truce had we been willing to treat with them otherwise than through the king of England. Not to contravene our treaties, however, we refused to listen to their offers, saying that we had accepted the king of England's mediation and would not agree to negotiate in any other way.
We do not know, however, whether this truce, which is so necessary to us, can be had soon enough at the hands of the king of England, although he, himself, made the original proposal to us, and said that he could conclude it at his pleasure, and the powers for both sides are at England, and it does not seem that there should be so much to do to arrange a simple truce. Since the affair has been so long drawn out, and since the delay is so prejudicial to us, we are obliged to seek some remedy at the hands of His Holiness. We do not ask him to do anything which is not praiseworthy or fitting for the dignity of the Holy See, but it seems to us that His Holiness, acting as a good shepherd and for the good of the Christian religion, and alleging the Turkish invasion of Hungary, may properly, to obviate these dangers, call upon all Christian kings and princes to join in the defence of Hungary against the enemies of our holy faith. He might summon all Christian rulers to make a truce among themselves for a year or two, so that the arms of the Christians may be turned against the infidels and the great wound given the true religion in Hungary be healed. It seems likely that Christian princes, summoned in this fashion, will not refuse to arrange such a truce, and the king of France, who really is anxious for a truce, will hasten to accept it at the hands of His Holiness, although he will not accept a special truce with us, arranged by the king of England. This general truce will be more honourable to all concerned, and the king of England cannot complain of our accepting it, since the appeal will be made to all alike.
Therefore it is desirable to make haste and to call upon us first of all, then upon the king of France, and then upon all other kings and rulers, to accept a simple truce or armistice, everything to remain in the state it may be in when the truce is declared. If a simple truce seems inacceptable, His Holiness may manage the conditions, and for the better arrangement of this affair, summon a conference at which the ambassadors of all the Christian princes should appear with ample powers to conclude about the means of this enterprise against the infidels, and to consider raising funds, both from the goods of the church and from the laity, for the extermination of the common enemy. Any prince who refuses to send an ambassador or to aid in the defence of Christendom should be admonished that he will be held hereafter as an accomplice of the enemies of the faith.
If it does not seem to His Holiness that a truce can be arranged by these means promptly enough to conserve our present conquests and to safeguard our journey to Spain, it will be necessary to consult with him as to what means will serve to rescue us from our present need and avoid future dangers. Particularly his advice should be ascertained as to how we can raise money and how we should arrange our voyage to Spain and our visit to England, whether the twenty ships of Castile with the four thousand infantry will be ready at Falmouth as we have ordered, and whether there is enough money to provision the ships and pay the men. Lachaulx will also ask His Holiness's advice about our marriage and our other agreements with the king of England, and whether he would advise us to marry one of our two sisters to the king of Portugal in order to prevent him from allying himself with France, and which sister he thinks would be better. He should also be asked his advice about how we should deal with the king of Portugal in the matter of his sister's marriage, without giving him any certain hope, but without putting him into despair, and whether he thinks the secret instructions given Lachaulx for this affair are adequate or whether they ought to be altered. Of all these matters M. de Lachaulx will inform us with the greatest diligence.
French. 18th century copy. pp. 5.