Henry VIII: June 1525, 2-10 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: June 1525, 2-10', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530, ed. J S Brewer( London, 1875), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol4/pp610-626 [accessed 29 November 2024].

May 1525



2 June. Vesp. C. III. 158. B. M.	1378. [TUNSTAL, WINGFIELD and SAMPSON to HENRY VIII.]
	Send a duplicate of their letters from Ribadeo, 30 April, showing how they were driven to that coast. On landing got some small nags used for fetching fish at the seaside, the poorest beasts they ever saw bear carriage, which they thought would not have gone with them one day's journey. Would have set to sea again if the wind had served; but after one day's rest got the captain of the town to conduct them through the mountains, where so many horses together had not passed these 100 years. Had to carry in one place four days' provisions, else they should have been famished. The provender was rye,—oats and barley not being to be had. Afterwards passed other mountains, the worst and most rocky they ever saw. In eight days they were clear of Galicia, and then passed through Lyon (Leon) to Castile, where, though not lodged as in other places, "we thought our self well alevied in the respect of more difficile countries which we had passed already." Were met by a chaplain sent by the Emperor to conduct them, a harbinger to get them lodgings, and an "algusel" to help them to obtain necessaries at reasonable prices. Met with Sampson among the mountains of Toledo, and arrived at the city on the morning of the 24 May, after riding forenoon and afternoon, "which here no man useth this hot time of year," and losing several horses for lack of rest. Were met outside the town by two bishops, the Great Master, the marquis of Villa Franca and others.
	Obtained audience of the Emperor that same afternoon, though it was Ascension even. His Majesty read the King's letters apart with some of his Privy Council, and then, seeing they had a secret mission, gave them audience in his bedchamber in presence of the lord Chancellor, Nassau, the Great Master, the Comendador Major and John Aleman. He called the ambassadors to a window, where, after congratulating him on the recovery of his health, his sickness having been taken by the King so heartily "that in manner it was common unto you both," and on his success in Italy in taking the French king prisoner, at which the King rejoices as if he had been himself the victor, they told him the King thought by taking good counsel he and the Emperor might bring their common causes "to some notable and desired effect" for themselves and Christendom; that they had it now in their power either to establish their affairs, or suffer their cruel wars to increase; that the King would have sent my lord Legate to his Majesty on the matter, but that he is now "so growing towards age" that so long a journey by sea and land would be dangerous to him; that Henry desired that the Emperor would freely communicate to the ambassadors how he proposed to prosecute their common affairs. They said that before they had left England Henry had "destribyd" his army, appointed captains, and sent orders to have ships ready for transports with a view to the great personal invasion in the end of May, according to treaty; and had long ago sent Fitzwilliam and Sir Rob. Wingfield to my lady Margaret to get horses and limoners for the artillery, and hoys for transports; that he intended, "for winning of time," to send over Norfolk with the vanguard, and the rest of the army, except those who were going with the King himself, who only waited till he should hear what the Emperor meant to do. The opportunity, they said, was not to be neglected, now that the common enemy was in captivity, his nobles and captains slain or taken, his forces defeated, his realm exhausted of money, and his subjects perplexed for lack of counsel and governors. It seemed as if Providence had ordained the postponement till this year of the joint invasion which was to have been made last year. The ambassadors explained their long delay in the voyage, and pressed him to let them know his pleasure the sooner, delivering to him the King's letter written with his own hand, by which he might see his mind. The Emperor read the letter, and after a conference with his Council apart gave answer by his Chancellor, saying he would depute some of his Secret Council to confer with them.
	After the Emperor had inquired of the King's health, the ambassadors delivered to him the Queen's letter and congratulation; on which he asked heartily after her welfare, "and, smiling, said he had no fear but lest she should combine with France against him." The writers said they wished he had no greater matter to care for, and all his affairs would go well; which, he said, he was assured of. Delivered my lady Princess's token, which he put on his little finger, and said he would wear for her sake. Talked of her health, age, and learning, and "the manifold seeds of virtues that were in her." The Emperor then said that the French king's mother was making very humble suit for her son's delivery; that on the return of Beaurain (now De Reux), whom he had sent to the French king by France, Francis had sent Brion to know what conditions would be required for his delivery; that he had replied with three conditions requiring full restitution and satisfaction to himself, Bourbon and the king of England; that Bryon inquired if he could have no other answer, and he said none, and that he bade him write for a "resolute answer," and tell it by mouth also: so with that answer he bid him depart next day. (fn. 1) After this, the ambassadors returned home by torchlight.
	Next day, Ascension day, accompanied the Emperor to church. Were sent for in the afternoon to Nassau's chamber, where the same personages were present who had been with the Emperor at the secret audience. The Chancellor said they had been commissioned by the Emperor to learn our minds more fully; on which we said they must have heard our demands, but to reduce it better to their minds we repeated them, and pressed for an answer. After retiring for some time, they said the Emperor thought a less force would now be sufficient for invasion, and asked the ambassadors what number they should think necessary. The ambassadors said they were unable to judge, but left it to them, only suggesting that the more powerfully the Emperor invaded France the more easily it would be subdued. The others spoke of a league, offensive and defensive, between the Pope, the Emperor, England, Don Ferdinand, and certain potentates of Italy, which they consider a great stay to the settlement of affairs there. They showed us two letters of Francis, in his own hand, to the Emperor, imploring pity committing himself to his mercy, and in the end praying him "to make of him which is his slave his good brother and ally François; so that by pretty means he calleth himself in his subscription his brother and ally, because the word 'slave' is the last word of the letter, and the rest following in the subscription."
	Next day were told by the Chancellor that the Emperor had spent above 1½ million ducats, and by aid of the Italian potentates and of contributions from Henry he had paid his army to the 20 May, although he owed them and old debt of 570,000 ducats; that the revenues of his crown were so distracted in his absence from Spain by the rebellion, that he had nothing to maintain the wars, and had summoned the nobles and cities of Spain to Toledo by the 1 June, from whom he expected an aid of 500,000 ducats;—that he thought they would petition him not to leave the realm until he had his spouse my lady Princess in Spain, in order that a council about her might stay the realm from such revolution, as in his last absence; for which reason he had written to his ambassadors in England since our departure that she might be brought up in Spain, and learn the language and manners of the country. They had also written to their ambassadors to ask Henry that the 400,000 cr. for her dowry might be sent with her to be employed in their common affairs, that invasions might be made by England and Spain, and by Bourbon in Provence, to which, if Henry would contribute 200,000 cr., the Emperor would bear the rest of the expence. The French king and his mother desired a safe-conduct for the abp. of Deambroun, of Dolfany, and the premier president of Paris, and their overtures would be heard, but unless they offered full satisfaction to the King and Bourbon they would not be regarded, (fn. 2) and preparations might be made meanwhile to constrain them, if they did not come to reason.
	Being asked if we had any commission to treat of the premises, we consulted together, then said the things were very strange, and, to make sure, rehearsed them ourselves, and were told that we had not misconceived them. We then said these things were discrepant from all treaties, especially the delivery of the Princess at so young an age, and her conveyance to this hot climate; and to demand further that she should bring her dowry, which was only to be paid by instalments after the marriage, deducting such debts as the Emperor owes the King. Moreover, either the Emperor or the Princess might die before the marriage took effect, and instead of the King advancing money to the Emperor, the latter was bound, before the personal invasion, to repay the King 150,000 cr. lent him at his last transporting to Spain, besides the King's indemnity. It was strange to ask the King to bear all the expence of three invasions, viz., his own entirely, 400,000 cr. for the Emperor's, and 200,000 for the army of Italy, and yet they did not say whether the Emperor would invade in person. We said we could not believe such demands came from the Emperor. As to the French overtures, we said they would only enable the French to gain time, that both princes might lose their opportunity this summer.
	After a consultation, the Emperor's council assured us that their overtures really came from the Emperor, who was obliged to show his necessity to his trusty friend the king of England; that they knew the demands about the Princess were beyond all treaties, but were obliged to rely on the King, who had treasure enough both for himself and his friends, else they could not accomplish the invasion; that, to be in readiness in case the peace came not, they had brought their artillery from Fontarabia and Burgus to Perpinian, where their Almains, men-of-arms, and light horse had destroyed 22 towns and castles of the enemy; that the Emperor now made a great army by sea to go to Genoa and join with certain carracks in keeping the sea and victualling the army that is to enter that coast; and that the Emperor had received some gold from India, which would help. We asked when the grant of Toledo would be paid. They said in three years, but they would be able to raise money on it, and they hoped to get some from the Italians.
	Asked where they intended to keep the French king. Were told Francis desired much to be conveyed to the Emperor, and offered his own navy, to be manned by the Emperor, for that purpose, under security, but the Emperor declined; but they trusted we should soon hear he was in safety. Have heard that the Emperor's army by sea is only to take Francis to Naples. Desired them to press the Emperor to tell us his mind touching the personal invasion, and hoped he would strain himself more than he had said, considering how the King was prepared. Next day they reported that the Emperor said he had all things meet for the war except money, but was so exhausted by the army of Italy, which he alone had supported, that he could do no more,—that he would not know what he could do this year till the end of July,—and that it would be better for both princes to treat for peace. (fn. 3) On this we consulted together, and having ascertained the first point of our charge, viz., that the Emperor's personal invasion was not feasible, proceeded to advance the second. Told them, though the King would be disappointed, they had dealt plainly with him in not making him look for what was impossible; but perhaps the Emperor could co-operate with him, though not in person. After speaking together apart, they answered that some such way might be found; that Henry might have the aid of Flanders, which was granted before, 3,000 horse and 1,000 foot, to join his army, at their cost, till the Emperor made some personal invasion on this side, after which it should cease, or be at the King's cost; and that Bourbon might enter with the army of Italy, to which Henry should contribute 100,000 cr. We said there was little aid in Flanders,—that Bourbon might enter so slenderly as to dismay the enemy very little, and that it would be the King's invasion, not the Emperor's, if he contributed to its support. We added that it would not be well taken if the King was asked to bear so many charges.
	Heard nothing from them on Sunday, 28 May. Next morning the Chancellor told them the Emperor was much perplexed, seeing that he could not get anything of the King towards the Duke's invasion, and was in another perplexity how to stay these countries if he should leave the realm, seeing that he could neither have my lady Princess delivered nor her dowry paid beforehand. He had heard a saying, though he gave it no credence, that my lady Princess was to be married to the king of Scots to knit those two realms in one, and he thought a motion might be made that the Emperor, with the King's consent, should take another wife,—not a French woman, though great offers were made on that side, "but such as hath long before motioned, and a million of ducats offered for her dote." This would enable the Emperor to do much against the enemy, and establish his affairs here.
	After consulting together on this strange motion, we said that the report about my lady Princess being offered to the king of Scots was untrue; that the Scots had demanded her, but were refused, as she was promised to the Emperor, although they offered to deliver their king into Henry's hands to be educated in England if Henry would consent to it, and that the overture that the Emperor should be allowed to take another wife would, we thought, be so strangely taken that we durst not be the means of making it. We could not see why Bourbon's invasion should be given up for lack of 100,000 cr., and would undertake that the King would bear the charge out of the 30,000l. borrowed by the Emperor at his last transporting, which was to be repaid before the personal invasion, if the Emperor would bear all the rest, and give the aid of his Low Countries. They said they did not mean this, but that the Emperor should contribute another 100,000 cr., and they thought those 200,000 cr. would enable Bourbon to press the enemy so as to make him speak. Combated this by saying the King would be deserted at the end of two months. Told them, as they appeared inclined to hear the French ambassadors, we would show them the King's mind on that subject; and set forth at great length that the ambition of France had been the great obstacle to the union of Christendom; that the kings of England were heirs general of France, and had a special claim to Normandy and other districts as their patrimony and private inheritance; that France laid claim to many parts of Italy, and had always striven to diminish the authority of the Empire; that, though the French might be willing to pay a large ransom for their King, and restore some of their wrongful acquisitions, they have never regarded treaties when they had power to encroach on their neighbours; and that the only security for the peace of Christendom was that the king of France and his posterity, "which be descended of such as ever have been usurpers, should be extirpate, removed, and clearly repelled, with all his lineage, from the government of France for ever." The Council acknowledged the truth of what we had said, adding that France detained from them many pieces, including Provence, "of which they had found an investiture made by an Emperor under a seal of gold to the kings of Arragon," and other territories adjoining Perpignan, extending almost from the Mediterranean to Guienne.
	Heard nothing from them next day; but on the 31 May the Chancellor gave them the Emperor's resolute answer, viz., that he had written to his ambassadors on the 4 May to make the above overtures about the Princess and her dowry, or that the Emperor might be allowed to take "the daughter and sister of Portyngale," which his nobles greatly desire, offering him an aid of 500,000 ducats for the purpose, besides the million he will have in dote; and that he hoped for a brief answer, as he had written by land to my lady Margaret that, if his ambassadors had left England before the arrival of his letters, she should send over to Henry for an answer. He wished us to remain until the answer came. Having thus been unable to obtain either the first or second point of our instructions, and knowing their need of money to be unfeigned (for the pay of the Emperor's household servants is in arrear, some for 20, some for 12 months, and the least for 9), we thought it needless any longer to blow at a dead coal. Told them, however, that we were glad the overture about the Infanta of Portugal did not go through us, as our commission was to knit more closely the alliance with England. Asked, in view of the coming of the French ambassadors, for whom lodging was prepared, how the Emperor had taken our proposal about the French king, adding that the French would care less about an English invasion if their ambassadors were heard in Spain. They said the Emperor acknowledged all we said of the French to be true, and that they would only yield to force, for which reason he would call the council of Arragon, and demanded the accustomed aid of 500 men-of-arms and 500 light horse; that no harm could come of hearing the French ambassadors, for, as their object was only to put off time, "they said we should rock them on sleep as well as they thought to do us;" and that they would never listen to their offers unless they would satisfy the King as well as the Emperor.
	Asked the Chancellor where they meant to keep the French king, as they had heard rumors from others. He said at Naples, whither, he believed, he was already conveyed by 15 galleys from Genoa. The Spanish foot were to go with him, Bourbon remaining at Milan. The Chancellor said that Francis had demanded the dowager of Portugal in marriage, and her daughter for the Dauphin, both which were denied him, and that the Emperor meant to give Bourbon the Dowager, as he had promised. He thought Bourbon would not be able to do anything before the end of August. We said this would be too late in the season, but he said not for those parts. We said it would be for the parts Henry was to invade. The Chancellor only replied that, if nothing be done this year, nothing could be done the next. He said Hugh de Moncada would be here shortly from the French king, and was now at Saragossa.
	Thus Henry will see if he do anything this summer he is like to do it alone. By consenting to the Emperor's marriage in Portugal, you may "have thankfully my lady Princess in your own hands," and many great princes may be kept in hope of having her till she come of age, whereas, if promised to one, he may not feel secure of her, seeing she has been promised to two already who have not had her. Also, by consenting to the Portuguese marriage, the King will defeat that with Madame d'Alençon, with whom great offers will assuredly be made. The people here are anxious for the Emperor to marry for the succession, as his brother Fernando is not likely to have children, his wife being corpulent; but the Council do not talk of this. We certainly think, from the Chancellor's words, that the Emperor will not co-operate with the King in an invasion either this year or the next.
	Having failed on the first and second points of their instructions, have not demanded hoys or transports, or the repayment of the 30,000l. before the King's invasion, but have given them no inkling as yet that they are commissioned to treat of peace, otherwise they would not have confessed their poverty, though all the country knows it. When asked once if we had any commission to treat of peace, we replied that the making of war was our errand, for which we had as large a commission as they could wish; and since they profess they give the French a hearing only to gain time, we think it better to hold aloof; but we shall hearken to the Chancellor whether the French have brought any commission to treat with us. Hear also that the Emperor is going to Monson, on the borders of Catalonia and Arragon, to hold the council of those parts, which is very far from Biscay, so that great diligence must be used.
	Hear that the French king says he did like a hardy man of war, not like a good captain, in not considering how to return without loss of his army. Are told that Brion, when treating for his master's redemption, being informed that the king of England must be also satisfied, "in a great despite and fume made a philip, saying 'What care ye for the king of England, with whom my master, if he had been four days more untaken, had been full agreed?' as he should show it to the Emperor by writing." (fn. 4) Brion departed the day after we first spoke with the Emperor.
	Have sent back the King's ships, as their victuals and wages expire on Midsummer eve, and they know not when to expect an answer. The bark of Portsmouth called the Marget Henouse is not fit for service. She could not keep up with the others on the voyage, and had better be used to carry mussels. Toledo, 2 June. [Not signed.]
	Pp. 36. With some corrections in Tunstal's hand. Apostyled throughout by Tuke.
2 June. Vesp. C. III. 55. B. M. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 13.	1379. TUNSTAL, WINGFIELD and SAMPSON to [WOLSEY].
	Think it necessary to write these letters apart in consequence of the reports they have heard. After delivering the King's and Queen's letters, delivered Wolsey's. The Emperor, having read them, said that some words were very good, but he marvelled at Wolsey's demeanor to him, considering his amity with the King, instancing the strange words used to Bevers and the other ambassadors. After receiving the last letters from England, he immediately sent Lallemand with them to Sampson, to whom he showed those articles, and the same night sent a copy of two of them, which are here enclosed.
	The effect of the third article was about the aspiring of the Emperor to the monarchy, and the intended prevention of it by the King. He says also that Wolsey has called him a liar, lady Margaret a ribald, Don Fernando a child, and Bourbon a traitor. (fn. 5) This report was brought by Beaurain, now called De Rieux, who said that at his last being in England, when he asked the King for 200,000 ducats for Bourbon's entry into Burgundy, after the presence of the French king in Italy, Wolsey answered that the King had other things to do with his money than spend it for the pleasure of four such persons,—using the above words. The Emperor confessed that he had not observed some points in the treaties, not from want of will, but extreme need, for which his friends should not accuse him of unfaithfulness. His other words also show that he has had grievous reports about Wolsey, and thinks his demeanor very strange.
	Answered that he might be sure Wolsey's purpose always has been and will be as much to the honor of his Majesty as that of any of his own Council. Assured him they had often heard Wolsey, before many people, to ambassadors and in secret council, speak of the singular virtues of his Majesty, as much to his honor as could be devised; and they knew he spoke it with a faithful mind, for they had never heard the contrary, though they were present at every council when in England; but if such words passed privily between the Cardinal and the ambassadors, they were sure they were not spoken as reported, or else they were not reported as Wolsey's intent was. Said they thought the ambassadors had reported much of the worst, or more than it is, and very little of the good. Sampson had given much of this answer before, and they confirmed it, and added what they thought fit.
	The Emperor twice repeated that he should know if the reports were true by the deeds which followed; and he said that Wolsey must either have spoken what he thought, which he could not believe, as he had given no such cause, or hoped to bring him to his purpose by threats, which was not the way to lead him; or else Wolsey spoke in anger, which he most believed, because he has known him in like passions; and if he thought himself as blameworthy as Wolsey reported, he should be more angry.
	As De Rieux has been in Italy with Francis, and has perhaps told these words to Bourbon, think that, lest he should conceive any ill will, it would be well done "to have a good aweyte to the intent to redubbe it in tym iff nede schal be," seeing Bourbon will marry the Emperor's sister, and has such a good mind to serve the King. Have only furnished the bearer, Ric. Odall, with his costs, so that his expences must be paid if he is sent back.
	(In Tunstal's hand.) Asks Wolsey to send some gentleman to take Sampson's place, as he wishes to return, and advises his being sent before Sampson leaves, that he may be the better acquainted with the King's affairs. Toledo, 2 June. Signed.
	The preceding part of the letter in Sampson's hand.
	Pp. 5.
2 June. Vesp. C. III. 60. B. M.	1380. TUNSTAL to WOLSEY.
	Refers him to the letter to the King, and their common letter to himself. Advises him to write in his own hand to the Emperor to explain the mistake, for Tunstal is sure that either the occasion of the words has been omitted, or else that they were spoken conditionally. De Reux, as it seems, mistook the counsel Wolsey gave him long ago, or else misreported it. Wolsey's plainness is not so well taken as it ought to be. Advises him to give them good words for good words; keeping secret his thoughts as they do. Orators of all the Italian powers are here to congratulate the Emperor, and perhaps to enter the new league made with the Pope for the defence of Italy and the offence of the troublers thereof. The confirmation is deferred to the coming of the French orators, that they may see it done, to their more discomfort. Thinks verily the Emperor is minded to keep his treaties with the King, as far as the "redubbyng" of the common affairs, but he cannot now accomplish the King's desire, as the army in Italy "hath ettyn ther corn befor it was growen." If they had means they would prefer to attack such parts as would be a clear gain to them; as Provence, which Bourbon claims, and Perpinian, which joins Languedoc, which the kings of Arragon claim, as they do Provence. Now the Princess can be kept, with contentation and thanks, in the King's hand, "which is a perle worthe the keepinge," till she be of age. Does not think the proposal of Francis to marry the Dauphin with the daughter of the Dowager of Portugal is to be feared, as her mother will marry Bourbon.
	Whatever overtures Wolsey makes to the French council, or the French council to him, will be known here before they take effect, as the Regent keeps her eyes this way for the recovery of her son. The negotiations with Joachim are perfectly known here. Thinks the French ambassadors will bring all letters with them to try and separate the King and Emperor; but the Emperor affirms that he will never take any way with France until they agree with the King's demands. Wolsey must take heed hereunto. Toledo, 2 June.
	Hol., pp. 3. Part cipher, with marginal decipher by Tuke. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace. Endd.
2 June. Vesp. C. III. 58. B. M.	1381. SIR RIC. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Their joint letters will inform him about the Emperor's displeasure. Their endeavors to pacify him have had but little effect, for he has heard from his ambassadors that Wolsey has spoken to them in terms implying not only lack of friendship, but much enmity, and that if he did not know Wolsey's sayings to be untrue he would show himself much more grieved and angry. Were much abashed at this, but they endeavored to persuade him that the ambassadors had misreported the Cardinal's words, which had proceeded from the ingratitude of the lady Margaret in refusing the King's reasonable demands. After hearing this with much patience, he said that Wolsey took the wrong way to lead him by threats, that he knew Wolsey to be of a choleric complexion, and the words might have escaped him, which were rather to be excused; but henceforth he would not give credence to words only, but to deeds, and according to the fruit he received from Wolsey's friendship so should Wolsey find him. Asks Wolsey to take in good part that he malapertly presumes to advise him how necessary it is to remain in friendship with the Emperor, and that it would be well for him to do some friendly act to remove the opinion Charles has conceived of him. Recommends to him his wife and family. Toledo, 2 June.
	Hol., pp. 3. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace. Endd.
3 June. Galba, B. VIII. 169. B. M.	1382. SIR ROB. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Wrote last on the 31st May, mentioning that my Lady had told him, at his taking leave of her on Sunday last, that she was going to assemble the Emperor's council next day, to deliberate upon the things declared to her by the commander Pynelose, and would intimate to him the result. The Council accordingly assembled that day, and has since been sitting daily till this night, when my Lady sent for him at six o'clock, and made "a ladylike excuse" for not having spoken to him so long, because since their last interview Richard the post had come from the Emperor through England. She told him that Pynelose had spoken with the French king's mother at Lyons, and showed her the instructions he had from the Emperor to the Viceroy, to the effect that Francis should be conveyed to Naples, as he wished to be removed out of the duchy of Milan.
	After parting with Louise, Pynelose went on to Shamery in Savoy, sent a messenger to the Viceroy with the charge he had received from the Emperor, and came straight hither himself through Burgundy. My Lady says the charge brought by Richard is but a duplicate of that of the commander, and that he shall set forth with it to the King early tomorrow morning. Although the Emperor had appointed that she should send De Praet with the commander to explain his Majesty's mind to the King, she said that, knowing De Praet was not agreeable to the King, she had committed the whole charge to the commander. It is to the effect that the Emperor and all his subjects in Spain are determined to follow up the late victory; that his most secret councillors, considering what he has already spent, know not how to procure the money for further expences; but that he will rather ally himself in the furthest part of Christendom "than leave his enemy unconfounded," as the whole quiet of Christendom depends upon it. Made such answer as became a man not altogether inexperienced.
	Judging from rumors in Italy and Spain, reported by friends in this court, thinks that if the King and Emperor have not made at their last meeting such an indissoluble knot of amity as neither of their Councils can dissolve, the King's affairs hang at this day by such small and single threads that the breaking of them is like to be the ruin of Christendom. Brussels, written "part before midnight the 2nd day, and part after, the 3rd day of June," 1525. (fn. 6)
	Hol., pp. 3. Add. Endd.
3 June. Vit. B. VII. 143. B. M.	1383. PACE to [WOLSEY].
	Wrote last of the receipt of 10,000 cr. of the sun from Antony Vyvaldi's correspondent, and the payment thereof to the Emperor's ambassador, and that he cannot get more money here, for Vyvaldi's correspondent is unable to procure it, and Nic. Duodo asks an unreasonable profit. Begs Wolsey to make some provision, as the Viceroy and the ambassadors here press for payment. The controversy between the Emperor and the Signory is brought now only to the payment of 100,000 ducats, all other conditions demanded by the Viceroy being put aside. They refuse to pay more than 80,000 ducats,—50,000 now, and, the rest in a year. The Viceroy demands the whole at once. The Viceroy has heard of this, but no answer has yet come from him.
	The French King has been lately taken to Genoa, and an a[rmy] by sea is being prepared to carry him to Naples. This voyage displeases the King very much; he used all the ways he could devise to remain in the duchy.
	Naples is thought a more convenient and sure place, if he can be conveyed there. The Venetians hear that he will sail on the 29th. The Senate showed Pace today that certain of their subjects' goods sent into Flanders had been taken by Englishmen at sea, and they ask Wolsey to order restitution. Hears from Almayne that the villains spoil and subvert all the country, putting the lords spiritual and temporal to great vexations. Some they have compelled to agree with them and permit Luther's heresies in their dominions. The bishop of Trent writes that the duke of Loren lately killed about 20,000 of them while entering his duchy from Alsacia. Venice, 3 June. Signed.
	Pp. 2, mutilated.
5 June. Calig. B. I. 108. B. M.	1384. MAGNUS to WOLSEY.
	Requests a safe-conduct for Andrew Arnot, kinsman of Sir William Scot of Balwery, who is going to Rome. Edinburgh, 5 June. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: Unto [my] lord Legate's good grace.
5 June. R. O.	1385. WM. COWPER to CROMWELL.
	Thanks him for his kind words and gifts. Asks him to get him some linen for sheets, either canvas, buckram, or bresyll, and cloth for a riding gown, either russet or muster de vyolys, at 4s. a yard, for which he will pay him when he comes up. Asks him to get a benefice for his brother Sir Robert, who is well disposed and virtuous, and a good "qwereman." Reminds him of Reycroft's matter, and to get Mr. Wylloby, Mr. Spylman, and Mr. Joynor, or other good counsel. Mr. Worsop wrote Reycroft's letters, and he knows what wrong he has done to Cowper. Wishes to know when he should come up to the term, for he is very busy with hay and harvest. Cromwell promised him a "cast bagge," of which he has need. Baberham, 5 June.
	Asks him to speak to Mr. Byrd for a butt of Romenay against Stebrych fair, and to ask his mother for another plaster for his knee.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To the right worshipful Mr. Cromwell. Endd.
R. O.	1386. WM. COUPER of Babram to CROMWELL.
	Thanks him for the trouble he has taken for him. His wife's brother, who is a priest, had a benefice promised him, but when he went to ring his bells Master Buers kept him out of possession. Asks Cromwell to advise him. The prior of Benam, beyond Walsingham, who is before my lord Cardinal, has a benefice near Westley in Cambridgeshire, which will soon fall vacant. Asks him to procure it for a kinsman of his.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my right worshipful Mr. Cromwell.
[6 June.] Vit. B. VII. 163. B. M.	1387. HIPPOLYTE DE NOBILY to [HENRY VIII.]
	Left Gravesend on the 20 May. Spent the next night at anchor off the "Chastello Regina" (Queenborough?). Next day sailed to North Foreland. Saw seven French ships at sea, and pursued them, but, finding they had Henry's safe-conduct, allowed them to continue their journey, which they said was to London. Left North Foreland on the 22nd, for Brittany, but opposite "Doble" (Dover) such a storm arose that he made for Ry Camera for safety. Arriving there in the dark, his pilot, instead of steering into the harbour, steered into a dyke called "Niuavet," which is dry at low tide, so that one of the watch came to the stern, saying they would be on dry land directly. Rowed out to sea, and remained there till break of day, when they entered the harbour. Were detained there seven days by bad weather. Set sail on May 30, and between Ferlli and Becci saw and pursued a sail, which turned out to be an English fishing boat with sixteen men, who said they had taken him for one of the two French corsairs that had been seen the day before at Becci. Determined to go towards Normandy, and at nine o'clock at night found himself 10 miles from Dieppe, where he remained till morning. Next day pursued two ships which were going towards Fecamp. One got there safe, and the pursuer was fired upon, but no harm was done. The other ship ran herself aground. A body of arbalestiers with a cannon came to its defence, but he put them to flight, and took the ship, which was laden with millwheels, salt, and timber; which he burnt, as he could not take them away. Pursued another ship, but 22 of his oars were broken by a gust of wind, and she escaped to "Illd Porto," 12 miles from Fécamp; then attacked her with his artillery, and took her. She was laden with linen, salt and millstones. Towed her out to sea, and sunk her in sight of the town.
	Pursued two ships coming from Rouen, which refused to stop till he fired at them. Found they were going to London with a safe-conduct,—one laden with wine, the other with Rouen caps, canvass, salt, e vetri per fare vetriere (window glass?), millstones and other merchandise. When opposite a village called Struttor, saw and pursued seven ships. Took four which fled to the land, and carried off their cargoes of grain and their sails. Went toward Hampton (Antona). Overtook the ship of Martino di Guya, who had a safe-conduct from the King; the cargo was "cottone di obloni da fare birra e sacchi di granelle di lilla," worth at least 2,000 ducats. Met a Flemish ship laden with wine, canvas and caps, with the safe-conduct of Martino de Ghinea at London. The coast of Normandy was watched by bands of men, who gave notice to ships of his coming. If he had had two ships, would have sent 150 men on shore, and burnt a village. Intended to go and burn the French king's big ship at the mouth of the Seine, but was driven away by the wind. Both the English and the Italians said they had never seen such a storm. Went to Ry Camera. On Saturday was chased by two French ships of war. Has in his "fusta" 120 men, 40 musketeers and 13 guns. With the help of God will continue his enterprise. Ry Camera.
	Hol., Ital., pp. 4, mutilated.
6 June. Vit. B. VII. 144. B. M.	1388. THE SAME to WOLSEY.
	A similar letter.
	Hol., Ital., pp. 4, mutilated. Add.: R. D. Cardinale Eboracenis (fn. 7) ... di N. S. e gran Cancellieri de In[ghilter]ra. Endd.: A D'no Hyppolyto de Nobilibus, vi. Junii.
7 June. [Calig. E. III. 8.] B. M.	1389. LOUISE OF SAVOY to WOLSEY.
	Credence for the sieur de Vaulx, [maistre] d'hostel. Lyons, 7 [J]uing.
	Hol., Fr., p. 1, mutilated. Add.: [Mons.] le Cardinal [mon] bon filz.
7 June. R. O. St. P. VI. 444.	1390. PRINCESS MARY.
	Demands made by Spinalosa and other ambassadors of the Emperor then in England, 7 June 1525.
	(1.) That the King would antedate the time for the delivery of the Princess. (2.) That he would promptly provide her dowry, for the pay of the army which the Emperor intends to send from Spain into France; and furthermore deliver the said Ambassador 200,000 (600,000?) ducats, for bringing the army in Italy into France. (3.) If the prompt delivery of the Princess be refused, to furnish the said dote and the said 200,000 ducats, i.e., 200,000 ducats in hand, and 400,000 in four months. (4.) If he considers this excessive, 200,000 in hand, and 200,000 in two months, on the Emperor's security. (5.) On these conditions the Emperor will march into France in person, and will be joined by the army in Italy. (6.) The King to provide an army, for which Madame Margaret shall provide, at his expence, 3,000 horse and 1,000 (10,000?) foot.
	Fr.
7 June. R. O.	1391. CHARLES V. and ISABEL OF PORTUGAL.
	Note of a conference held at Toledo, Saturday, 3 June 1525, in the chapel of the chapter of the Sainte Eglise, between the Great Chancellor, president of the Cortes, and don Garcia de Padilla, grand comendador of Calatrava, assistant of the said Cortes, and Dr. Lorenzo Galvidez de Carvajal, lettrado of the same, as representatives of the Emperor, and the procurators of the Cortes, touching the aid desired by the Emperor, which they agreed to grant on condition of his marrying Isabel, sister of the king of Portugal. This the Chancellor promised to report to the Emperor; and on Wednesday, 7 June, he met them again in the same place, and explained to them, on the part of the Emperor, how his Majesty was bound to England to perform the marriage with the princess Mary, with a dower of 1,000,000 ducats; part of which he had anticipated. He was also bound to repay the loan which Henry had advanced to him, besides the indemnity, which was three years in arrear, making 130,000 ducats a year. He said the Emperor desired them to consult how the interests of Spain could be served without a breach with England; on which the procurators told the Chancellor that they kissed the Emperor's hands and feet for his condescension, and desired leave to report his message to the cities they represented.
	Fr., pp. 5. Endd.
Vesp. C. III. 184. B. M.	2. Notarial copy.
	Spanish, pp. 7. Endd.
Calig. D. IX. 112. B. M.	3. Memorandum of the marriage contract between the sister of the king of Portugal and the Emperor.
	The King will give her 900,000 doubles d'or Castillaines, each equal to 365 marands (maravedis?); of which 160,732 are due to the King for the dowry of his Queen, and 151,319 lent by the King to the Emperor during the revolt in Castile. The rest to be paid by instalments;—in this Nov., in May 1526, in the following Dec., the following March, and so for two years more. The first payment for the said two years to be in jewels. If the Queen die without issue, the dowry to be returned, except 300,000 doubles.
	The Emperor shall give her yearly 50,000 doubles.
	Fr., pp. 3.
8 June. Vit. B. VII. 146. B. M. Captivité, &c. Doc. Inéd. p. 210.	1392. CHAS. DE LANOY, VICEROY OF NAPLES, to HENRY VIII.
	Sends the sieur de Grospain to him. The custody of the King is very important; and as the voyage to Spain is as short as to Naples, which latter place is dangerous to those who go there in June, July, or August, he has determined to take the King to Spain, and present him to the Emperor.
	The army here is ready, and consists of 6,000 or 7,000 Spaniards, 5,000 or 6,000 Almains, and 2,000 Italians. Is sending for more Almains. Du port de J[ennes], 8 June 1525. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1, mutilated. Endd.
8 June. Vit. B. VII. 147. B. M.	1393. THE SAME to WOLSEY.
	A similar letter. Genoa, 8 June 1525. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add.
8 June. Calig. B. I. 91. B. M. St. P. IV. 378.	1394. ANGUS to HENRY VIII.
	Thanks him for the tokens of his favor. Has made suit to Margaret, which she has not accepted. She remains in Striveling, away from the King her son, governed by evil counsel, (fn. 8) against the law of God and the Church. Has kept his part towards her, and shall continue to do so according to his promise to the King and Wolsey. Has observed the "souerance" made between himself and her in Parliament, "quhill yis last Whitsonday," (fn. 9) and not meddled with her lands or goods, as Magnus, the English ambassador here, can testify. Edinburgh, 8 June. Signed.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.: "Scotia: From therle of Anguish."
Ibid. f. 107.	2. Copy of the same.
8 June. Calig. B. I. 117. B. M.	1395. ANGUS to WOLSEY.
	Has written to the King on all matters. Encloses a copy. Is sorry the King and Wolsey have had so much fruitless trouble to mediate between the Queen and him. Thanks him for his good offices touching his brother William's promotion to Coldingham. Edinburgh, 8 June. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: "To my lord Cardinallis grace of Zork."
8 June. Calig. B. I. 109. B. M. St. P. IV. 379.	1396. SCOTLAND.
	1. Magnus to Wolsey.
	Wrote in his last, 31 May, that Patrick Wemys had gone into France with letters from the Chancellor for the French king's mother and the duke of Albany. Sends further account of them. In his correspondence with the bishop of Dunkeld, received a letter from a captain of his (who desired it to be burnt), willing either Patrick Sinklair or John Chesehoolme should be sent him. Sinclair found the Bishop at St. Johnstoune, who told him by word of mouth of the effectual cause of Patrick Wemys' going into France. Encloses Sinclair's account of the conference and the Bishop's letters. He says that letters have been sent only by the archbishop of St. Andrew's and the bishop of Aberdeen. No one is privy to them, except Sir William Scott and Mr. Adam Otterburn.
	Various considerations arise: (1) as to the way in which the Bishop obtains knowledge; (2) as to the manner of their communication. Scott assures him the terms proposed to France cannot be complied with, and so Scotland may conclude peace with England on a good pretext. Otterburn was shy of informing him of the messages sent by the Scotch council to France, but assures him they are favorable to England. His Grace will consider the nature of the intelligence, and what is fit to be done. All men there desire the peace. Advises that before the Scotch parliament begins on the 6th July, some countenance of war be made by England by sending Mr. Cavendish to scour the ordnance, &c., to make the people cry out for peace. Is silent upon the matter at present, as he is uncertain with what purpose the Chancellor and the bishop of Aberdeen may have sent these letters. Encloses a letter for the King, and one to the Cardinal, from queen Margaret. Trusts to restore to England the ship taken by the French, laden with salt to the value of 1,000l. Desires the presents for the young King to be sent immediately. Edinburgh, 8 June. Signed.
	Add.: "To my lord Legate."
Calig. B. I. 101. B. M.	2. [Memorandum by Patrick Sinclair, of a matter mentioned to him by the bishop of Dunkeld.] (1.) To write to Albany to come quickly into Scotland, with money and artillery, to punish the traitors who are against him, otherwise they will overpower "us his part-takers." (2.) To desire Madame and the Council to induce Albany to return; "and if he refuse, that ye, after the band of Rouen quhilk ze desire us to keep, send incontinent to us 200,000 crowns, with ane band of artillery, and 150 hantet (experienced) men in wer to put our men in order. This being done we shall bide at the foresaid band, and move war against England, and maintain the same as long as ye desire. And we desire you not to send your help and supply by number of men, as was done the last time, and that we have an hasty answer, either by Patrick Wemys, or some of his servants, as he is ordained by us."
	P. 1.
Ibid. f. 102.	ii. Copy of the preceding by Magnus's clerk. Headed: "Copy of the writing made by Patrick Sinkeler touching the matter showed unto him by the bishop of Donkell, put into English." (fn. 10)
	P.1. Endd.: "Copies of letters out of Scotland."
8 June. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 57.	1397. SIR EDWARD GULDEFORD to SIR HENRY GULDEFORD.
	Gives an account of the riot headed by Sir Thos. Towres, canon, to restore the canons of Bayham, in which he was supported by two of lord Bergavenny's servants. Sends him a copy of a bill "set upon my cousin Harry Darrell's gate." Halden, 8 June.
R. O.	2. Draft indictments against Thos. Towers and others (names blank) for a riot and attack upon the late abbey of Begham, Sussex, on the 4th June 17 Hen. VIII., and eight following days. The number of the rioters is stated in one form to have been 100,—in another, 80 persons.
	Pp. 3.
R. O.	3. Another draft of the same, with names supplied.
R. O.	4. A third draft of the same.
9 June. R. O. Rym. XIV. 37.	1398. LOUISE OF SAVOY.
	Commission as regent of France to John Brinon sieur de Villaynes "et de Antolio," president of her Council, first president of Normandy and chancellor of Alençon, and John Joachin de Passano, sieur de Vaulx, master of her household, to treat for peace with Henry VIII. Lyons, 9 June 1525. Signed.
	Part of Great Seal of France attached.
R. O.	2. Copy of the preceding.
	Lat., pp. 3.
9 June. R. O.	1399. JOHN ARUNDEL to WOLSEY.
	Has received Wolsey's letter of June 7, stating that the King intends to create him a baron on Corpus Christi day when he creates his son duke of Richmond and Somerset and count of Nottingham. Declines it on account of his unworthiness and lack of ability to support the honor. The time also is too short for preparation. Tresorow, 9 June. Signed.
	P.1. Add.: "To my lord Cardinal's grace."
9 June. Galba, B. VIII. 171. B. M.	1400. SIR ROBT. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Wrote last on the 3rd from Brussels, and on the 5th sent Tuke a copy of a letter to my Lady from Almain about the Lutherans, who, since then, have had several overthrows, both in Saxony by the duke George, his brother, and the duke of Brunswick, and in Suabia by the League, the count Palatine, the Landgrave Van Hessen, and the archbishops of Cologne and Treves. It is said they have made divers assemblies against the duke of Lorraine, and have been always defeated, the Duke having 200 men-of-arms and 6,000 lanzknechts at the charge of France. The French king's mother is said to have written to De Guise, the Duke's brother, desiring him to invade the duchy of Luxembourg with those forces, which De Guise would have done, but the Duke would not allow it.
	It is reported that the president of Paris has passed into Spain to the Emperor, that the president of Rouen is at Boulogne on his way to England, and that peace will be made without doubt. If so, trusts it will be honorable, and not done to please the merchants, who care more for their own profit than the weal of Christendom. Before yesterday, Wm. des Barres rode toward Burgundy in order to obtain, by means of the prince of Orange, a prolongation of neutrality for the county, which had been granted for three years, now about to expire, and also a safe-conduct for his passage to the Emperor in Spain. De Praet and Hannart are on the point of going to the Emperor by sea. The prothonotary, De Casale, was here on Tuesday, spoke with my Lady in the afternoon, and left the same night. The cardinal of Liege, the counts Bure and Gavyrs, lord Ravestein and Berghes, have left my Lady at Brussels, so that all this feast of Whitsuntide she has had no man of authority in court but the archbishop of Palermo and Hochstrate. On Monday next she goes towards Hochstrate, Bredaw, Bolduke, and Holland, in which parts Wingfield has never been before. Begs, therefore, that his necessity may be remembered. Malines, 9 June 1525.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
Captivité, p. 371.	1401. NEWS FROM FRANCE.
	Louise still continues Regent. The duke of Vendôme is lieutenant general. The Estates held at Lyons have agreed to raise 2,000 men-at-arms, and foot soldiers equivalent, for the defence of the kingdom, to be well paid, that they may not rob the people; and a proclamation has been put out that if any men-at-arms be found living on the country, they shall be slain as enemies. They threaten in return to go over to the Emperor. The sieur de Salva (Selva), first president of Paris, has been sent to the Emperor to treat for peace. If they find the Emperor will not come to reason, they have determined to leave the King where he is, and to say no more about it. They refuse to give Charles a foot of land, but will offer money and promises to gain time to resist Bourbon.
	The Regent has published through the whole of France that the English are in a state of mutiny, and are sufficiently employed to prevent them from making an invasion. She told the Estates at Lyons that she did not care for the English, and she is well assured they will do nothing. Notwithstanding, the whole realm of France fears them, and them only. She said, moreover, that she had received good promises from the Scotch, and as soon as ever the English attempted to stir, the Scotch would attack them. She makes every effort for the deliverance of her son.
	The Estates have demanded of her not to prevent the course of justice, which has hitherto been badly observed in France. Loud complaints are made against the Chancellor, whom the Regent has made archbishop of Sens. Great opposition is made to his appointment. He is supported by the Regent because of Lautrec, whom the Estates had proposed to make lieutenant general, (fn. 11) and [she] has been ill with chagrin, and is in great displeasure with Lautrec. There is much secret murmuring and disputes among the great Lords in reference to Vendôme and Lautrec. All the great captains have for certain been lost in Italy. They have very few good horses, or experienced men of war. If the Emperor will not come to terms, the kingdom will be delivered to the Dauphin. Count St. Pol has not yet recovered of his wounds. L'Escut, brother of Lautrec, is dead. Florange is reported to be dead also. These were the chief men of war in France. The kingdom is greatly weakened thereby, and by the death of the captains of the lansquenets and the Swiss.
	Fr.
10 June. R. O. Rym. XIV. 38.	1402. DUKE OF MILAN to HENRY VIII.
	Has received his letters by Gregory Casale. Is rejoiced to hear how he is laboring for the quiet of all Christendom, and especially Italy. Expresses his gratitude for all his kindnesses. Milan, 10 June 1525. Signed.
	Lat., p. 1. Add. Endd.
10 June. R. O.	1403. SAME to WOLSEY.
	Thanks him for his letters of May 20, received from Casale. Is more bound to him every day. Milan, 10 June 1525. Signed.
	Lat., p. 1. Add. End.
10 June. Galba, B. VIII. 172. B. M.	1404. MARGARET OF SAVOY to the DUKE OF NORFOLK.
	Has received his letter by his servant, the bearer, to whom she has given her answer concerning the Duke's cause. Writes also to the Emperor's ambassadors on the matter. Malines, 10 June 1525. Signed.
	Fr., p. 1. Add. Endd.
10 June. Captivité, &c. Doc. Inéd., p. 216. (fn. 12)	1405. BOURBON to CHARLES V.
	The viceroy of Naples, Pescara, De Reus, Del Guasto, Antonio de Leyva, and Alarcon being here, it was agreed that the Viceroy should take Francis to Naples, for reasons assigned to your Majesty by De Reus. Since then the Viceroy has done the exact contrary, and has taken him to your Majesty. I think it is very strange, and it is talked of to my dishonor. It may lose you the Pope, the Venetians, and other potentates in Italy, and your alliance with England will be endangered. The Viceroy has left me here without money to prosecute the expedition against France. I think he is glad of it, in order to compel you to do as he likes. I will tell you things before his face, which will show that others besides himself had a hand in your affairs. People will think that your Majesty has forgotten me, but this I cannot believe; and I think your Majesty will take such notice of the Viceroy as will be for your interests. I never complained of him before, but now I do so out of consideration for your service. Various cabals are forming in Rome, England and Venice, which will prove of no small consequence. I should be glad to see your Majesty, but for the urgency of affairs here. Milan, 10 June 1525.
	Fr.
10 June. Bradford, p. 118. Lanz, I. 164.	1406. CHARLES DE LANOY to CHARLES V.
	By Don Hugo [de Moncada] you have heard what could be drawn from the king of France touching your articles, and Bourbon's opinion as to conducting the King to Naples. I wrote on 28 May that the King was ready to undertake the voyage. Since I had the six French galleys, they have been manned by your sailors; and our fleet now consists of 20 vessels. I am sure we shall receive no opposition from the French fleet. This will be a satisfaction to you, who have, no doubt, already determined the question of war or peace. Where will you have the King conveyed? Is he to be left at some place on the coast, or shall I repair to your Majesty, and take your instructions? Villafranca, 10 June 1525.
	Fr.