Elizabeth: June 1585, 26-30 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 19, August 1584-August 1585. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

Citation:

'Elizabeth: June 1585, 26-30', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 19, August 1584-August 1585, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1916), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol19/pp559-574 [accessed 25 November 2024].

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June 1585, 26–30



June 26./July 6.	News from Rome.
	June 29.—By order of his Holiness, Lelio di Massimo is a prisoner in the Castle, accused of being privy to the death of his wife, who in her last will, left him only usufruct of her estate. She has left 6,000 crowns to the new church of Pozzobianco; had built herself a chapel in which she is buried, and left much besides for pious uses, her husband being executor. One of the sons has been taken, for whom his father has offered a ransom. Signor Cristoforo Savelli, imprisoned in the Torre di Nona, being convicted of forging a false instrument, the governor made report thereupon to the Pope, who replied that he was to execute justice first, and make his report afterwards.
	Monsignor Nazaret has departed for France.
	The Bishop of Gaeta has arrived here and is going as nuncio to the Emperor and to Spain, and perhaps Monsignor Giulio Ottinelli da Fermo will be Bishop of Policastro. The Archbishop of Amalfi is going as nuncio to Naples.
	Cardinal Vastavillani, by mediation of Cardinal San Sisto, has been pardoned by his Holiness. The cause of the difference was the settling of the collector's place at Naples, which he claimed to be in the jurisdiction of the chamberlain. It is conditioned that he shall give 80,000 crowns as final payment for his office, and Monsignor Ciustelli is ordered to pay the 8,000 crowns which were given him when he bought the place of the clerk of the chamber, who was seriously ill.
	Cardinal Altemps resigned to the Cardinal di Medici his abbey of Chiaravalle in La Marca, reserving the fruits during his lifetime, and had confirmed again the pension imposed on it in the time of Pope Gregory, in the person of the Marquis, now Duke of Gallese. His Holiness is willing to agree to both, and Cardinal Colonna has obtained permission to renounce the abbey of Subiaco to his nephew, as he promised at the beginning of his pontificate.
	Yesterday morning his Holiness went to St. Peter's. Vespers in the palace. Three heads of bandits on the bridge, sent by Cardinal Colonna. Prospero Colonna called to Florence by the Grand Duke. From Milan comes news that affairs in France go from bad to worse. Many principal Milanese have gone to meet the Duke of Savoy, who with his wife has reached Nice. The Genoese have made great preparations to receive him in Savona.
	The bandits of Lombardy have come to blows amongst themselves. Fifteen are killed, and it is hoped more will be.
	On Tuesday the ambassadors of Lucca and Bologna took leave of our Lord, as did the nuncii of Venice and Naples. This morning his Holiness celebrated the papal mass in the chapel of St. Peter and afterwards received the Spanish gennet presented to him by the Spanish ambassador in the name of his King, as tributary of the kingdom of Naples, with the usual ceremonies.
	A courier has come from the Duke of Parma to Cardinal Farnese, announcing the arrival in that city of Count Pomponio Torelli, with the countersignature for the resignation of the castle of Piacenza, of which in a few days he was to take possession, to be given him by the governor of Milan in the name of the King.
	By letters received by the ambassador of Malta we learn that the galleys of that order had seized a galliot laden with slaves, going to Constantinople to be sold, and had taken about seventy Turks. Signor “Camilli de Rustici” is dead and an infant son of the Spanish ambassador, who was buried in S. Giacomo.
	The Duke of Urbino sent to the Pope the Archbishop of that city, to offer his due compliments and to make supplication on behalf of Captain Gambino, who is still in the Torre di Nona, but it is said that his Holiness would not grant it.
	Venice, 6 July, 1585.—The Japanese princes, who are made much of by this Republic, were present at the Council on Sunday and on Monday the Signoria gave them cloth of silk and gold to the value of 2,000 crowns. On Thursday they took leave and yesterday departed for Padua, from whence they go by Mantua and Milan to Genoa, to embark on their voyage.
	The galleys of Malta have taken a zerma with 400 Moors and 70 Turks, sinking the vessel; which booty being taken to Malta, the captain of the galleys was by the order of the Grand Master imprisoned and a knight, a kinsman of the Duke of Guise, put in his place, and this for having, against orders, brought slaves suspected of plague upon the galleys, whereas his duty was to bring them on his own vessel.
	From Genoa news comes that the Duke of Savoy and his wife have arrived at Villafranca, and to please the Genoese will go to Savona, where great preparations have been made to do honour to the bridal pair. They will go on to Nice and then to stay at the Mondo until the palace at Turin is ready for them. They have brought with them a million and six hundred crowns, half from the King of Spain and half from private persons, besides 600,000 crowns for the war in Flanders.
	Italian. 3⅓ pp. [Newsletters LXXII. 19.]
June 27./July 7.	M. Laval to Walsingham.
	I have been informed by the principal inhabitants of this town of Rye, of a ship called the Nicolas, which, leaving the harbour of Roscou in Brittany last April was taken off the coast of Spain by a pirate. She was going to St. Lucques, with a cargo of white cloth, of which the most part belonged to my people (subjects), of this said town. They hear that the ship has been taken to the Isle of Wight (Huic). Knowing your love of justice, and the power you have to secure the restoration of what they have lost to my said people, I very humbly pray you to use your interest on their behalf, by which you will not only do a good work, but will oblige me very particularly.—[Rye], 7 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [France XIV. 25.]
[? June 28./July 8. (fn. 1) ]	The King of Navarre to Walsingham.
	M. de Walsingham, Cest a ce coup que la pays [paix] a este fayte et sans moy et contre moy. Les artifyces des lygueurs et les faus epouvantemans qu'on a voulu donner de leurs forses et de leurs intelligenses ont conduyt le roy et la reyne a ce poynt. Cest a moy dy regarder pour mon particulyer daultant quils veullent la ruyne de toute la mayson de Bourbon, et pour la relygyon quy ne leur sert que de preteste, sachans que malayse-mant peuvent ils lun sans laultre. Je vous prye deployer a ce coup toute lafectyon que portes aus gens de byen; et me fayre parestre par efect alandroyt de la reyne vostre maytresse les bons ofyces que je me suys promys de vostre amitye. Je ne vous an dyray davantage, mays prieray croyre le Sieur de Segur et le Sieur de Merle, present porteur, de ce quyls vous dyront de la part de vostre byen afectyone et antyer amy, Henry.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. “ July, 1585.” 1 p. [France XIV. 26.]
June 23./July 8.	Du Plessis to Walsingham.
	Affairs have taken the turn which we foretold. They have made peace at our expense, without us and against us. But we do not lose courage, but were never so resolute, God giving out to us pain and constancy with the same measure. This Prince is full of courage. The temptations are great, but it is for you to assist us, for then he will believe that others also have zeal for religion, and that will redouble his own. The gentleman who brings you this is a man of honour, piety and virtue. He deserves to be loved by you, and will tell you particularly of our estate.—Nérac, 8 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XIV. 27.]
	Printed in his Memoires, t. iv, p. 44.
June 28./July 8.	Jaques Rossel to the Earl of Leicester.
	I have sent Mr. Walsingham the treaty formerly made between his Highness [Anjou] and the States General, noting in the margin what concerns the service of her Majesty, to which if she agrees, it will be the means of [saving ?] the Low Countries and bringing to confusion the King of Spain. Having written to Mr. Walsingham, I will not make a long discourse, but only say that the Prince of Parma apprehends that some attack will be made on his army, which is daily reinforced, and is assembling all his cavalry, which was scattered in the garrisons of Brabant, and round about Antwerp; having forced and gained the entrenchments of the faubourg de Burgraute and taken two or three neighbouring chateaux. Ours at Bergen, that is the cavalry, having made a sortie on the 6th inst. to attack some scattered German infantry, were met by the enemy's cavalry, which being the stronger, beat them and took two captains.
	The fleet is ready to attempt on the 11th to force the bridge and the palisade by divers fireworks, which is the only means by which to overthrow them, towards which I hope some casks, made by an industrious person of my acquaintance, will serve greatly. He has made proof of them and they were found excellent by the spectators. He hopes to make so many of them that it will be impossible for the palisade and bridge to remain standing. Being open, the hulks and ships with provisions will pass resolutely, without fear of the fury of their artillery. By this their army will be separated from the' city.—Middelburg, 8 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. Injured by damp. [Holland II 46.]
June 28./July 8.	Bartholomew Gryphius Buys to Davison.
	Our affairs go on as it pleases God. There is neither counsel, nor head, nor order. The people are as good as possible, ready to give, and patient to bear the mistakes of those who govern them. We have great need of a good chief and a good economy. Yet I hope all will go well.
	This democracy ought to be abolished, and this infinite number reduced to one, for the poor country, having many members and no head, cannot tell how to govern itself, and as the Council is composed of many and divers humours, their resolutions cannot be brought to a point so soon as necessity requires; whence proceed endless inconveniences. This is why we must have a monarch or governor who may command us absolutely. Her Majesty may remedy these things to the great satisfaction of the poor people, if it will please her to accept the sovereignty or protection of these countries. In this case there will be need that, besides a governor general, she shall have here a prudent and experienced person in the Council of finance and in the College of the States, to know how the monies are collected and distributed, and to arrange the differences which daily arise between the towns and provinces, for this country, by the frequenting of trade, is very subject to private interests, from which arise many disputes. The people are poor as a whole, rich individually; naturally contentious and avaricious, mean rather than generous, save some worthy men and of good understanding, who are few and little esteemed. Some of these are aware of the evil and know the remedy, but they cannot apply it.—The Hague, 8 July, 1585.
	Postscript.—After your departure, the people of Holland voluntarily granted 50,000 florins a month for three months, besides all other contributions, for the aid of Antwerp, and had determined to double both the sum and the time, but as there were many who wished to contribute nothing or very little, they have found it expedient at once to raise 200,000 florins. Nothing will be wanting save good order and authority.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holland II. 47.]
June 28.	Bodley to Walsingham.
	On the 8th instant, I came to Coppenhagen, where I learned that the King was come newly out of Norway and was at “Elsinour,” and that the Chancellor, Kaas, was gone into Funeland. The Treasurer at once wrote asking me to stay where I was till I knew the King's pleasure, whom he would certify of my coming. I wrote to the Chancellor, sending your letter, signified my errand and craved his furtherance. Two days afterwards, I heard from the Treasurer that the King's pleasure was for me to go to Elsinour, where I came the same day, and the next morning was sent for to the Castle. There I found the King, most of his Court, and “an ambassador of Norrembergh” [qy. Norenberg in Pomerania].
	In the best manner I could, I delivered her Highness' commendations and affection, and her anxiety to hear of the welfare of himself, his wife and children, and his country; gave him her thanks for all his royal offers, with proffer of the like; showed her infinite desire to see him :—” That she would like of English ground the better while she lived (which were her Majesty's words) and that she thought it not so happy with princes as with others, in that they wanted the benefits to come and go at their pleasure and see one another”; howbeit, if the voyage had been as easy for her as for him, she would have made it long ago. Then I presented my letters, which, as many stood by and could hear, I only explained in general, referring myself for a more particular declaration to his Majesty's appointment.
	After some conference between the King and his Chancellor, Henry Ramel, the latter, standing by the King, signified his loving acceptance of her Majesty's message, with as great declaration of thanks and friendship as could be expressed, promising to consider my business, and speed it as it required. The King took me by the hand and held me in talk until his dinner was brought in, and then set me by him at the table, where, after many carouses to her Majesty, “ at which he gave her, that dinner, thirty-three shots of great artillery,” I told him she wished him to know “that every day and almost every meal, she drank a hearty draught unto him.”
	Then I renewed her petition of desiring to see him, and it was evident by his countenance and cheer that he took great pleasure to be urged so again. He answered that as God had appointed, so it should be; but that if twenty years ago there had been such amity between them as now, this motion had been but superfluous. Nevertheless he would not deny the request and would be loth to be prevented by death before he had seen her, ” whom he solemnly protested that if it were possible, he loved better than his wife.” With this and other talk, he drank so much to me, and “in pledging again, I made it no dainty to answer to his humour, that the rest of that day, was fit to do nothing.” After this, there was no talk in the Court but of the King going into England, and to several he gave it out as a certainty, telling one, “that being come upon the coast, he would not come ashore unless her Majesty were his guide, and would meet him a little and bring him off the water.”
	The next morning, the Chancellor was sent by the King to request my relation of what I had in charge, as the King could speak no Latin, whereupon I imparted all to him freely, finding him, as Mr. Dancy had said, a man of good understanding, learned and well-affected to the cause.
	Next day, being Sunday, I was invited to dine with the King and, if I would, to hear the service in his chapel. The Chancellor and divers gentlemen came to conduct me to the castle, who told me that the King had caused his service to be said in Latin, that I might understand it, and so brought me to him, “who in going to church, went bareheaded all the way, and put me perforce to keep the upper hand; set me with him in his 'pue,' and after, at his table, in the higher place;” with other ceremonies, during all my abode, to manifest, by his use of me, his affection to her Highness. Before dinner, I had some talk with him touching my message, “who told me with some grief that his hope was small of good success, but yet the fault should be any man's rather than his, and promised to keep me but a day or two longer.
	“All dinner time, which continued six hours, the chiefest part of his talk was of her Majesty, her Court and affairs. He had heard a little inkling of Parry . . . and was marvellously moved to hear the particulars.” Next day, I sent him the book, and he is having it translated. After enquiring of the Scottish Queen's practices, he asked why her Majesty proceeded no “shaplier.” (fn. 2) against her. I said I thought it was consanguinity, and her having been a queen, and her Majesty's inclination to mercy, whereto he replied, “that those were good causes if the party would be quiet and had committed no such crimes; but the case well considered, he wished that her Majesty would respect her own safety and live a life without fear, for if the other had her Majesty at the like advantage, she should quickly feel the smart.”
	The better part of the next day he spent in Council, about her Majesty's requests. On the morrow I was sent for, and showed all the castle, where the Chancellor and the captain of the castle brought the Bang's answer, contained generally in his letter, but declared more particularly by the Chancellor; protesting the King's joy to see her Majesty's religious steadfastness in urging this association, which he thought to be most necessary and yet hitherto so little respected that he was clean out of hope of doing any good. Therefore he had long ago resolved to let it alone as a desperate cause, to give himself to quietness and the defence of his own countries, and to trust to God to preserve his church. But for her Majesty's sake, he would once more “set in foot and do his best,” if other princes would join with him; would send the Queen's letter to the Duke of Holst, with his own, and would write to the Electors [of Saxony and Brandenburg], Landgrave of Hesse, Dukes of Pomerane and Mecklenburg and the rest. For what you desired him to know of the Duke of Lorraine, he has written you a letter of thanks.
	Being thus dismissed on the 16th, he sent divers of his gentlemen to keep me company to Coppenhagen, and appointed two guides to conduct me to Hambourgh, through the land of Holst; to provide me with coaches and necessaries, and to show me, by the way, all his castles and houses, “which kind of entertainment, with the rest, preferred a poor messenger to an ambassador's charge.”
	From hence I go to Brunswick, to take the Electors' answers, which all fear will be to small purpose, and the more, as the Duke of Saxony fails in memory and is otherwise sickly; so that it is thought his wife, no friend to this cause, “will either bear a great sway in framing the answer, or, alleging his infirmity, make
	no answer at all.” But though the principal intent fail, I think no soldiers will hereafter go from hence to the enemy, for I am told that the Dukes of Holst and Mecklenburg have written to Lubeck to see that none be levied there; “which proceedeth, I think, from the Administrator of Halle and the Duke of Brunswick, as principal persons of authority in the Diet of Low Saxony.”
	M. Dancy thinks that unless the differences in religion between us and these countries be first composed, there will be no conjunction in these other designs. He has written a treatise to show how this may be done. We are wrongfully charged with many false opinions, and he advises that when her Majesty sends “any,” some learned divines may go along with him, “to purge our church of those opinions which are fathered on it so untruly.” If M. Segurius had taken that course, some good might have ensued; but there is no hope by this means to serve the present necessity; for it would be long before men could be chosen and brought to meet, and in vain to expect that they would then suddenly yield to one another. Princes commonly rely upon the learning of their clerks, and if these be of reputation, having once deeply conceived an erroneous impression, “they will stand in all likelihood upon the fame of their constancy, their credit with their princes and the opinion of their learning. And learning, it is evident, never wanteth shifting reasons to maintain absurd opinions.”
	M. Dancy's piety and forwardness to advance the common cause is not unknown to you; and to me, his counsel and courtesy have been wanting in nothing. He is in hand with this King to send an ambassador to the French King, to persuade him “not to put up this injury.”
	It is told me here that the Duke of Saxony and his son, the Marquis of Brandenburg, the Duke of Brunswick, the Administrator of Halle and others, meet very shortly in Sylva Garlebiensi [qy. Gaderleben], to consult of matters of importance, and I conjecture it to be about the affairs of my message. Also that the King of Denmark means to be there. But there can be no certainty of the Duke of Saxony's coming because of his malady, said to be the falling sickness, “which taketh him as often as any matter of weight that troubles his mind is proposed unto him, and be-reaveth him of memory and common use of reason.”
	If the Duke of Brunswick will, in the Diet of Low Saxony, move the princes to do somewhat, I hope it may be a step to a great deal of good. The principal matter to be handled in that Circle is the clearing of the river of Ems, that the course of traffic may be free, and to hinder the Spaniard, who, they fear, has a purpose to take possession of that river.
	It is affirmed that the son of Adolf, Duke of Holst, is elected Bishop of Breame, whose competitors were the Bishop of Halberstadt and the eldest son of William, Duke of Luneburg.
	There is said to be an answer framed to the King of Navarre by some of these princes, “which tendeth to this purpose, that the book of Concord shall be sent to the King, and he requested to signify what he chiefly misliketh; which they are willing to debate by conference of divines deputed on each side.” This would be an endless piece of work, and come to no good pass.
	There was talk at Coppenhagen of a coach and six horses which the King proposes to present to her Majesty.
	Mr. Harbert and I have been publicly feasted in this town, with great solemnity and respect.
	As by your favour I was employed in this service, “I am to crave” that whatever I have done ignorantly and defectively, you will “protect it with a favourable construction.”—Hamburg, 28 June, 1585.
	Postscript.—By advice of an honest gentleman, one Vitus Winsemius, of good reputation and zeal in religion and in very good favour with the King of Denmark and the Duke of Holst, whose deputy he will be in the next Circle, I am persuaded for my safety to leave the common way to Brunswick and take a course by Duke Otto of Luneburg, her Majesty's pensioner, whom I am promised to find a special friend to my business.
	“I know not how you can like the bacon of this country,” but I send you some gammons, which I was careful should be good.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 7 pp. [Denmark I. 55.]
June 29./July 9.	Henry III. to Elizabeth.
	Credentials for the Sieur de Chasteauneuf, now sent to England as ambassador in place of M. de Mauvissière, whom he is recalling in order to employ him in another charge in France.—Paris, 9 July, 1585. Signed Henry; countersigned Brulart.
	Add. Endd. Fr. ½ p. [France XIV. 28.]
June 29.	John Hammond to Robert Beale.
	“I think it is not unknown unto you that one Ferdinand Poyntz got into his hands a 'band' of 2,250l. made by the States of the Low Countries to a Dutch soldier for service in their wars, upon which band (as the States had bound themselves and all the inhabitants of that country for payment) Poyntz convented two persons (born in those countries) in the Admiralty Court, where they were both condemned in the whole sum.” This cause is now by appeal depending before her Majesty's delegates, and upon point of sentence. I have been of counsel with the poor Dutch men, but their cause only moves me as every client ought to do, and I must leave their peril to those who are to decide the controversy. “The thing that moveth me is the sequel of this sentence if the first judgment be affirmed, and the credit of our country with foreign nations;” for if the sum be recovered of these men it will fall out that all bands made by the States in the time of these troubles and offered for sale at Antwerp for a small consideration, will be bought by our merchants or our soldiers and laid upon the Dutch people who come into this realm for succour, the number whereof may be so many and the sums so great, as all the people of those countries now in this realm shall not be able to bear, but so many as are put in suit must go to prison; and so her Majesty's protection will prove more dangerous to them than if they had “abidden” their peril at home. And the deputies here will carry home “report of a sentence of very strange example.” For when in Germany, France or other places in which the Dutch people have taken refuge, such things have been offered against them, they have been repressed by the equity or wisdom of the governors.
	[Argues the legal aspect of the case at some length.]
	One of the two condemned has lived in England these thirty years, and in all that time never dwelt in those parts beyond the seas, so that the band could not by any reasonable construction extend to him. But I have entered further into my clients' case than I intended, for my purpose was only to speak of the sequel, which would touch many who in respect of the spoil they have already sustained by their exile are to be pitied, but will have no remedy hereafter, “for that, this precedent being once given, it will be as odious to deny her Majesty's subjects the hearing of their suits, as it is now and then shall be lamentable that these poor afflicted should find here no harbour to avoid the misery of their country.”
	I speak only of suits upon bands bought and sold. “If such as originally have taken bands from the States for their due debts shall commence any suit, I see not that there can be so great cause of complaint, and therefore I leave them to justice.”— 29 June, 1585.
	Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [Holland II. 48.]
June 29./July 9.	P. d'Iniose to Davison.
	As in war, a short moment is sufficient to cause a great loss, so by the nonchalance, or rather malversation of some amongst those who have been deputed to go to her Majesty, and the loss of time which has resulted therefrom, affairs here have been somewhat disordered. For those of Antwerp (seeing matters languish so much) seem to be more inclined than formerly to a reconciliation with the enemy.
	The first attempt to arrange the affair was not made by the general judgment of the Council of the town, but only by certain persons, who having employed one Werne to settle some method for peace, with a counsellor of the Prince of Parma, the affair, thank God, came to nothing, and those of the Council did not even deign to hear the report of the said Werne, because he was not sent by general consent.
	But some days ago those of the town, seeing time slipping by without any sign of help, by their deputies demanded of the States General either to consent to a general treaty of peace or to send help, if there is any, saying that they can hardly hold out three weeks. In answer to which, the States yesterday declared their resolution by no means to treat with the enemy.
	It is said that M. de St. Aldegonde is one of the principal peacemakers. As to the state of Antwerp, there are divers reports, for those now here on behalf of the town say that the corn which they distribute to the poor burghers is nearly exhausted; while private persons who come from thence affirm that they have still provision for three or four months.
	I do not think they are yet in such want as has been said, but their condition is very dangerous, for the poorest of the people, as labourers, mechanics and such like, finding themselves starving, might easily be induced by the enemy to give up the town, having nothing to lose, nor judgment to foresee the slavery into which they will fall.
	Therefore, to preserve the said town, nothing is more expedient than to hurry on the treaty, and if her Majesty finds that some of their conditions are unreasonable, to declare to the States what she would accept, that it may be known what town or land is the cause of the ruin of the country, and take order in the matter. If, on the contrary, her Majesty, instead of declaring on what conditions she would accept, should send back the deputies, not only Antwerp but a great part of the United provinces, deprived of all hope of help, would make an accord with the enemy.
	I fear that some members of Holland and Zeeland are infected with this plague, and for example, I may say that when the rumour came that the deputies had not set out, when a favourable wind had continued for two days and nights, the Malcontents spread the report, saying that treasons were to be seen on every side, and that it was high time to make a general treaty with the enemy. But as then the hope of her Majesty's help somewhat comforted the people, it is now, on the contrary, greatly to be feared, that being deprived of this hope, they would be persuaded by the ill-affected to force the magistrates to make peace.
	The States General have promised those of Antwerp 40,000 florins for payment of their soldiers, in order to prevent any disorder from that quarter.
	Those of Mechlin are in a very serious condition, for besides their dearth of victuals, the arrears of their garrisons, amounting to 40,000 florins, trouble them very much.—The Hague, 9 July, 1585.
	Postscript.—I am told privately that our men despair of breaking the bridge on the Scheldt by the boats prepared for the purpose, but set a good face upon it, in order not to dishearten the people.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 6 pp. [Holland II. 49.]
June 30./July 10.	Bartholomœus Gryphius Buys to Davison.
	I have informed you of affairs here by letters delivered to John English, your agent at Delft, but as the States are despatching the present messenger into England, I write this to assure you of my desire to serve you.
	The poor people have been greatly pleased to hear of the arrival of our deputies at “Sgravesende,” and not less so that her Majesty sent you and other noble lords to receive them, which gives us good hope that she will heartily favour our cause. She may easily imagine the state in which we are and the danger which is drawing near, to the ruin of all good men, and as she is the only refuge from the calamities which threaten to overwhelm this poor country, and in consequence, her own, we doubt not but that, as the crown of all her virtuous actions, she will undertake the defence of the pure and reformed religion, and with it the protection of the afflicted; in which case this poor people will not only furnish the ordinary and extraordinary contributions, but will spend all they have in the world. We need only a good chief, good counsel and good order; all else will follow and God will give us prosperity and victory against the enemies of His word. May her Majesty pardon our delays and make good our mistakes. You know the ways of a people divided into many members, who, with the best of wills, cannot make up their minds as quickly as need requires; but with a chief in absolute command, upon whose integrity, prudence and goodness they can rely, there is no doubt but that they will be docile and obedient.—The Hague, 10 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holland II. 50.]
[June.]	Chassincourt to Ségur.
	I shall add nothing to the joint letter from M. de Clervant and myself, except to say that it is time that you finished your negotiation, and that those with whom you treat should not deceive themselves, for if evil befalls us, they will have the greatest-share of it. You may assure them that there are two English gentlemen (jantishomes) with M. de Guise, who upon this peace solicit him all that they can to obtain 6,000 harquebusiers to make a descent upon some of their ports, and say they are assured that they would no sooner set foot to earth than that throughout the realm there would be a rising of more than 30,000 men, who are all warned to be ready to help them, and that there would be such amazement in the realm that they are confident they would overcome it. I have this from a very good source; and that these two gentlemen are kept in great hope of being given what they demand, after the army has been composed that they wish to send into Gascony of the two forces. I learnt this when we went to find the Queen at Lagny (Lany), where she came to meet the Kang.
	Yesterday M. de Schonberg (Chonbert) was despatched to the Queen, who is going to Montargis to conclude the peace with Messieurs de Guise; then they will have the revocation of the Edict published, (fn. 3) and will take their way with their forces into Poitou.
	The King of Navarre has sent a Declaration to the King, which we send you, and you may be assured that it has achieved its end with the Catholics, for they are very well pleased with it, seeing that he says that if he is in error, he desires to be instructed by a General Council lawfully assembled, or by a national one; then he attacks the chiefs of the League, who have said in their manifestoes that he was a heretic and an enemy of the Catholics. Upon this, he gives them the lie, and has challenged M. de Guise to a duel, as you will see by the said declaration.
	Messieurs des Cros arrived yesterday in this town, and have prayed me to assure you that they are entirely at your service.
	Add. Endd. “From M. de Chassincourt,” and in a later hand, 1584 [sic]. Fr. 1 p. [France XIV. 29.]
June.	“Abstract of the forces of the States, with an estimate of the. charges and contributions levied for their maintenance, June, 1585.”
	Charges of the forces, in Brabant, Gueldres, Zutphen, Flanders, Holland, Zeeland, Frise, Utrecht and Overyssel (severally). Total per month . . . . . . . . 265,228 florins.
	Contributions towards these charges. Certain, 210,400fl.; uncertain, 72,000fl. Total . . . . . . 282,400 florins.
	Abtract of the particularities how these sums are raised, viz., ordinary taxations, as upon wines, bear, meal, cloth, cattle and all manner of manufactured goods, per month 92,000 florins.
	Extraordinary charges, as Verpundigen, taxed on lands, houses, rents &c., in Holland, yearly . . . . . . 600,000 florins.
	Convoys, taxed on merchandise going and coming to and from the United Provinces (allotted to the maintenance of the navy), per month . . . . . . . . 25,000 florins.
	Tax upon cattle (allotted towards fortifications of the frontier towns), for six months . . . . . . . . 100,000 florins.
	Tax upon turves carried out of Holland, yearly 8,000 florins.
	“So that monthly out of Holland is levied at the least 200,000 florins, out of which the Prince of Orange's children, the Princess, Count Maurice, Count Hohenlo, the States General and officers of finance and justice have their entertainment.”
	Endd. 3 pp. [Holland II. 51.]
[June ?]	“Reasons why her Majesty should rather accept the title of Protector than of Sovereign.”
	1. Her conscience and reputation having hitherto been free from all ambition and avarice, notwithstanding fair occasions to usurp upon the dominions of her neighbours.
	2. Conformity with her proceedings in times past with France and Scotland, “whom she relieved in like manner.”
	3. Avoiding of the jealousy of adjoining princes, namely the French King, “who will not endure this access of territories to the crown of England, in respect of the ancient pretentions to the crown of France and the matter of religion hereby fortified.”
	4. The perpetual quarrel which sovereignty will breed between the crown of England and the “pretended heirs” of the house of Burgundy, “which may be the root of long, bloody wars, whereas protection draweth on but a war determinable (1) by the death of the King of Spain, every day looked for. (2) By some amiable composition. (3) By an honourable victory.”
	Endd. “1585. Reasons why her Majesty refuseth the sovereignty.” 1 p. [Holland II. 52.]
[June.]	A note of things to be propounded to the Commissioners.
	The entertainments of the General, Lieutenant, Marshal, other principal officers, governors of towns &c.
	When the pay shall begin of the 5,000 foot and 1,000 horse.
	The E[states?] train in the mean time.
	The entertainment of Councillors.
	To communicate Declaration.
	The allowance for 1,000 footmen to be levied by the E[states ?].
	[Notes of numbers and amounts.]
	Capt. Read, Brian Fitzwilliams, Capt. Yorke.
	Appoint certain Councillors in every province.
	“John Hawkyns to make choice of a fit man to be employed herein.”
	“The governors of towns to be of the Council of Estate.”
	In Walsingham's hand. Endd. 1 p. 2 lines. [Ibid. II. 53.]
[June ?]	“Copy of the title of a placart published by the Prince of Parma in the name of the King of Spain, in the provinces under his government.
	“A declaration of such duties as the King our Sovereign lord hath ordered to be levied upon all merchandises which shall either be brought into these countries or carried out, or shall pass through the same, to be answered in the places appointed, upon the pains contained in the said order &c.”
	With note that the said imposition amounts to a far greater matter than that which is paid to the States here, and is ordained to be perpetual. That it is “absolutely without preamble or mention of consent of the States according to the privileges of the country, but only as in a place of conquest and as though the King and the said Duke [sic] made no reckoning of the war of Holland and Zeeland and their allies, nor that it is the want of money in Spain that compelleth him thereunto.”
	Add. ¾ p. [Flanders I. 30.]
June.	Minute of a Commission to English subjects trading to the New-found land for fish, and to all subjects on sea and land to whom it shall appertain.—Whereas we have been given to understand that divers ships pertaining to our subjects, with their persons and goods, have lately been arrested in Spain by that King's orders, and that others of our subjects now employed in the fishing at the New-found land intend, after finishing the fishing, to go to Spain to sell their fish; we have thought meet to send our well-beloved servant, Carewe Rawley, esquire, the bearer hereof, not only to inform our subjects of the said intent, that they may avoid the peril and danger that might ensue, but also with our express will and commandment that as many of our subjects as have knowledge of this our commission may join with the said Rawley in doing your best endeavours, under his orders, to seize all ships that you shall find appertain to the said King of Spain or his subjects, which ships the said Rawley shall bring into some of the western ports of our realm, there to remain until our further pleasure is known. As for the ships of other nations you shall deal with them in such courteous and friendly sort as heretofore has been accustomed.
June.	Draft, corrected by Walsingham. Endd. “June, 1585.” 1 p. [Spain II. 45.]
June.	Spanish Letters.
	A note of packets of letters written from and to the West Indies by divers Spaniards, intercepted and translated.
	1. Don Diego Ossorio from S. Domingo in Hispaniola, June 23, 1585. Fight with French vessels in February last. Subjects in north of island prefer to traffic with the French rather than live in their obedience. Justices enrich themselves by suffering these disorders. On June 12 five English ships passed Puerto de Plata, going towards the [port of] “Isabella” and so towards Cuba. Two of 200 tons, two smaller, one pinnace. In them 500 harquebusiers. “The general's name he knew not, but by all likelihood he seemed to be a man of great account,” and had in his company many gentlemen of England. Needs good galleys in those parts, where strangers bear more rule than the King himself.
	2. Cristoval de Ovalle, from S. Domingo, June 6. Lacks powder and ammunition for the forts. Great disorder among bishops and churchmen, who report themselves subjects not to the King but to the Pope. The King should procure remedy from the Pope. The people of Bayamo and Puerto del Principe, in the Island of Fernandina [i.e. Cuba], traffic with strangers, and when “any justice” is sent, the Bishop of that place resists him, and takes part with those who commit the abuse.
	3. Mention made “of the profit of the Margaryte [La Marguerite] and the commodity thereof.” Requires a “seytie” for defence of that island.
	4. Nothing but complaints of governors, “the one of the other.”
	5. Mention made of two ships to depart in November next from S. Domingo for Spain.
	6–10. Nothing of importance.
	Endd. 2 ½ pp. [Ibid. II. 46.]
[June.]	Francisco de Guevarra, deputy to the Corigedor of Biscay, Pedro de Villa Reall, merchant of “Bilboa,” and John de Corail, a poor officer of the said town, going by the King's commission to arrest the Primrose, were brought into England by the said ship.
	They desire release on the ground that they were brought away by force, having done but their duty. If released and at home, they believe they might have done some good to our nation, but here in England can do nothing, nor will their friends and kindred consent to it until they see them in Biscay.
	“They confess that we have many people in their country, besides great store of goods, yet small recompense may be had of their persons, having no goods but the apparel they wear. They desire to be ransomed, but think we shall gain little thereby, for the greater the sum is, they may requite the like of our people there, not only of three but of three score, besides the loss of goods.”
	They believe the Council “in respect of honour” would not willingly consent to send them home, but think that as they did but their duty, by the King's order, “it were rather more honour to her Majesty not to seek revenge of so few, and to send them away without charging them with any fault.”
	The merchants interested in Biscay have petitioned the Council to grant these three Spaniards liberty, and if granted, it might be stated to be done at the merchants' importunate suit and not for other causes.
	The inhabitants of Bilboa have always been very friendly to our nation and to all strangers, “as well in time of restraint as at other times,” more so than in any other part of the King of Spain's dominions.
	Endd. 2 pp. [Spain II. 47.]
	[See notice of this matter in Cal. S.P. Dom. 1580–90,
	p. 244. Also in Cal S.P. Spanish, 1580–1586, pp. 543, 651.]