Elizabeth: June 1585, 21-25 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 19, August 1584-August 1585. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

Citation:

'Elizabeth: June 1585, 21-25', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 19, August 1584-August 1585, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1916), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol19/pp547-559 [accessed 25 November 2024].

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June 1585, 21–25



June 21./July l.	Mauvissière to Walsingham.
	[Concerning money paid by him to one “Nuchas,” (fn. 1) which payment has been questioned on the ground that Nuchas went with corn to Rochelle against the ordinance of the King, and moreover that he had a commission from her Majesty to recover it (up to 3,000 crowns) from the French, out of goods found to belong to them in the ports and havens of this country; that the said Nuchas bought and armed a ship, by which he took from the French in less than four months more than 40,000 crowns, and some of the poor people have died of despair.]
	I have been called before the King's Council, where I have nothing to show to prove that I paid the said Nuchas by the King's orders, which they would not believe, this being due to my simplicity, urged on by a desire to do good.
	I make you, Sir, judge of this matter, for I have so many greater sums to demand of my master and such poor hopes of payment, that I put this out of the account.
	I pray you and my lord of Leicester to speak to her Majesty for Scorie, (fn. 2) who desires to justify himself and to be a faithful subject to her, a good servant to the Earl and so much obliged to you that you will never regret your favour in restoring him to the good graces of her Majesty and of his father, who will otherwise disinherit him, and never see him again.
	He is English, and I protest that I have never heard him speak of matters of State. He came to see me on his return from Flanders with the Earl, to thank me for the good cheer my brother had made for him, and I have never known him since save as a good servant to her Majesty and his master [Leicester].—London, 1 July, 1585.
	Prays him to remember M. de la Meilleraye's ship.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 3 pp. [France XIV. 13.]
June 22.	Stafford to Burghley.
	I humbly thank your lordship for your honourable, courteous letters received by Mr. Marbery. I am sorry I can send you no news of your son, of whom I can hear nothing, but I have not yet any answer from Geneva, and hope he may be there.
	I am glad you have received the token I sent you in the box, for I feared it had miscarried, and “would not willingly have more displeasure than I have had for my first writing of it to your lordship; but I am born to evil luck . . . and must make my shoulders strong enough to bear any undeserved evil wills.”
	I send you a book 6et out to persuade the King of Navarre to change his religion. His new Declaration is not yet printed.
	“I would to God Mr. Secretary would look better into my letters hereafter, and not gather . . . . that either I mean to be deceived by them here or to be a mean to deceive her Majesty; but I perceive I must either write things as they be not, as I know others have done and please their humours, or else I must be subject to the hard interpretation of any thing I write “; but I will rather venture the last than not tell her Majesty the truth, unless you think the other course is better. I pray you keep this my grief to yourself, though you may see by my letters to Mr. Secretary that I marvel much at that manner of proceeding. —Paris, 22 June, 1585.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. by Burghley. 1 p. [Rid. XIV. 14.]
June 22.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	I much marvelled that in your letters sent by Mr. Marbery you fear lest I should be abused, and so abuse her Majesty concerning their proceedings here, seeing that in nearly all my letters, I ” have given cause continually of doubt and suspicion of an evil end, and that that letter which you answered to was rather a report of a discourse had, what by reason might ensue . . . than of any certain trust they had to anything. . . . It is my part being here to write things as they pass and changes as they happened, and you may see by my letters always how mutable things have been here . . . some days well, some days evil, and yet your honour knoweth that I have ever from the begininning feared the worst and nothing at all hoped or at the least very little hoped the best, with a request ever unto you to provide for the worst, that the best would save itself. I hope my last by Wyatt will put you out of doubt of all good meaning, and seeing the evil intent then changed upon such a sudden, we are never to hope (what open show of change soever there come) but that their hearts be unsound and evil bent.” Some, most versed in affairs of all religions “ will not believe that this was an intelligence with the King from the beginning, but that by little and by little he hath been by their treacherous dealings, and by the fears that there have been put into him by them that have betrayed him, brought to consent to their wills.” I pray you consider whether it is better to fall into the hands of a deep dissembler with courage, as I have ever taken the King to be, or of a coward constrained by fear to embrace any party, which I think is worse, “for I never saw but cowards were ever bloodiest and cruellest where they had the victory.”
	The King has been with the Queen Mother, who came to Lagny to meet him and the Duke of Lorraine with her, where they had great conference, and Clervant and Chassincourt were again heard. M. Clervant spoke plainly and like a gentleman, but they had no comfort at the Queen's hands, but that she knew the King of Navarre, hearing the King's will, would obey it, and that she wished to make them believe that the army was not [meant] against them. I am sure they have written at large of it to M. Segur, who will report it to you.
	The Queen Mother went from thence to Sens to meet with them, carrying nothing signed; but I send you the effect of what was agreed upon in some short notes.
	“Two points there will be, I think, great staggering at. The one for the sending away of their strangers, which the King will have and they will not consent unto; the other about the leaders of the armies, which the King would have M. Montpensier to have the charge of, and both they will not agree to it, and besides it is thought he will not accept, whereof there is here a great fear conceived that he will be, as he hath reason, malcontent, which will amaze them if he do, for they know him to be opiniastre where he taketh, and that he loveth his house; but they mean, to win him, to lay so much honour and ambition upon him, besides religion, which he is very vehement in, that they think that way to win him.” I hope God will make their devices against him light upon themselves, for if he retire from the party, it is thought a great many Catholics will follow him; for many of them well affected to France and now in arms for the King, will not stir a foot, but tarry at home and be lookers on, if this pretended course go forward. They have sent to Montpensier to feel his mind and by the next I hope to tell you what his intent is. Meanwhile I can assure you that he went away “with a mind that it was an intelligence against their house, which he was determined, as nature bound him, to maintain and preserve.”
	One other thing may breed some “let” in their affairs. A great many that rose with them only from ambition, “if they see that the ruin of them of the Religion be only sought, in the which they have often found there is nothing to be gotten but strokes.” will draw their heads out of the collar and retire.
	God may bring many things about, “but for God's sake, let us not live in hope so much of heavenly providence that we forget to provide for earthly helps . . . lest we tempt him to be angry with us.”
	For what you write of the letter I sent you of Morgan's (fn. 3) and of him that brought it me, it is my part to send what I receive and make you acquainted withal. I can assure you, he who gave it me “is run in great hatred with his uncle, Dr. Lewys and other his friends about Morgan, and that Charles Paget and he be out in extremity about the same cause.” That the money found in Morgan's chamber was delivered to his use is most false, for it is in the king's hands, “and Paget daily sues for 2,000 crowns of it that is my Lord Paget's and is put off with fair words and delays . . . and in my conscience Morgan is rather kept in prison to have a colour to keep that still in their hands than for any thing else. The advertisement you sent me from Hamburg of the levy of reiters and lanzknechts is I think very old, for they are the same they have had here a great while, but I can assure you there is not twelve hundred of them.
	Holograph copy. Endd. by himself with date. Sent by William Butler. 5¼ pp. [France XIV. 15.]
	Enclosing,
	Substance of the articles drawn up but not concluded between the King and Queen Mother at Lagny.
	Ministers to quit the kingdom in a month.
	Those of the Religion to return to the church within the said time or to quit the kingdom, with such disposition of their goods as is permitted them.
	The towns given into the hands of those of the Religion, if not surrendered, to be recovered by force.
	The new edict to be published in the Court of Parliament.
	The King to make declaration in the same that the said edict shall be inviolably kept.
	All officers of the crown to observe the same.
	An assembly to meet at Sens to consult concerning the forces of which the army shall be composed.
	Strangers in the army of the League to be dismissed immediately after the publication of the edict.
	Those of the League shall compound with the said strangers for what is due to them, to be reimbursed therefor in a year, deducted upon what they have taken of moneys of the realm.
	The towns occupied to be restored, but not charged with garrisons on account of what has happened.
	The governments of the said towns to be maintained, Toul and Verdun by M. de Guise, as his security; and Dijon and Beaulne by M. de Maine.
	The Cardinal of Bourbon to have 30 men for his guard and Soissons.
	The Cardinal of Guise, Rheims, and 20 men taken from the body of the army.
	The guards of the others restored to what is customary.
	Allowance of the last taking of arms.
	Other secret articles not yet drawn up, for the conduct of the army and those who command it.
	The government of the Bourbonnais for M. d'Elbœuf with 20 men for his guard, and for M. d'Aumale, Rue for his security and the same number for his guard.
	Fr. 1 p. [France XIV. 15a.]
June 22.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	There is come hither the packet which was saved when the King of Navarre's courier was taken, in which is his Declaration, (fn. 4) with a challenge from him and the Prince of Condé to the Duke of Guise and his house. “ The thing is long and written all with the King of Navarre's hand,” and so presented by his agents to the King. As soon as the printed copies come, I will send you one. I think you will say “ there never was a thing better made, touching all points so thoroughly. . . . that I promise you I durst scarce have thought he would have hazarded it,” including not only the restitution of their towns of surety but of those that they have taken, as also “ the giving into the King's hands their governments, so that they do the like with theirs.”
	“The King was marvellously startled at it, when he had read it openly in plain Council, as they did request it at his hands, and presently despatched to the Queen Mother to go no further forward till she heard from him, without it were to make a general peace. All the Council that heard it read thought it the reasonablest thing that ever was set out, and so cometh it marvellously about this town. Yet I think there will some devil work against it, for whereas the King of Navarre in it requesteth the King that it might be presented to the Court of Parliament and all ambassadors, he hath given them an especial charge neither to print it nor to deliver copies of it to any till he have heard from his mother again.” But if he does not give them liberty, they will still distribute it according to direction, and though he do not allow them to deliver it to the Court of Parliament, it will be sent to them individually. In the meantime this prohibition causes great suspicion, considering what has gone before, therefore, once again, I pray you to provide for the worst, “and to think how near their case here toucheth us.”
	Pray let the enclosed packet be sent to M. la Fontaine, wherein are letters from the King of Navarre's folks to M. Segur.
	Letters came last night saying that 6,000 Swissers for the League are already in Piedmont, brought by “Fifer,” who being “impeached” both by the ambassador there and the Cantons, so much assured them it was for the King's service and would be avowed by him that they let them pass. The King storms greatly at it and sent in choler for the ambassadors that are here, who have written to have them revoked.
	The Earl of Westmorland is with the Duke of Guise, and “they have made great bruit there that the alliance is broken between the King here and her Majesty.”
	I will do what I can to get the best advertisement out of Spain, though I dare not assure it to be as good as I would.
	Endd. “Copy of my other letter to Mr. Secretary of the 22 June, 1585.” 2 pp. [France XIV. 16.]
June 22./July 2.	Clervant to Walsingham.
	Letter of which the following is a contemporary translation.— Paris, 2 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 2¼ pp. [Ibid. XIV. 17.]
June 22./July 2.	Clervant to Walsingham.
	“God's wrath is wonderfully kindled against France, from the which he taketh away all means of society, for the King, the Queen his mother, the princes and counsellors of estate that have taken their oath for the maintenance of the peace made with those of the Religion, in the presence and with the consent of the deputies of the States of the realm, who have likewise taken the like oath, being now fallen to strife among themselves, do cover the same with the cloak of the zeal of religion, and pretending they can suffer the exercise but of one, after the example of the Queen of England and of other princes and States, have compounded their own disagreements to our cost and of all their princes of the blood of France, although most of them be Catholics.
	“First they have constrained the King, rather by the means of his councillors than of their own forces, to call in the Edict of Pacification and to banish the ministers of the word of God within a month, and all others of the Religion within six, their bodies and goods to be at his disposition if within that time they do not yield due obedience to the Romish Church. These things are happened in the very time when greatest safety was promised unto us, when the edict was confirmed both by word and letters; when those of the League were pronounced enemies; when we were willed to assure the King of Navarre that this quarrel should be prosecuted even as the King's own, who saw well that it was picked unto the State and not to religion, and when we were willed that those of the Religion should not stir, lest it might move the well-affected Catholics, who did not yet know the mark that those of the League shot at under the pretence of religion; bat now it is known unto them, they force them to make war upon us, a great war, by means of their two armies, which they will employ divers ways against us. We ought to speak with reverence of our kings, but I cannot be persuaded but that the King and the Queen his mother have had intelligence with our enemies, or else they have through fear agreed to the conditions abovesaid, and made so large a grant unto those of the house of Guise that they may make themselves Earls of Champagne, Dukes of Burgundy, and lords of a third part of all the other provinces of France, by means of the holds that have been granted unto them and of the reputation they have gotten by their forcing of the King, and dispersing of our churches against his will. Doubt” you not, Sir, but that the Queen of Scots' kinsmen, expecting the King's death, will employ those of their faction to your cost if they may, as well in respect of the greatness of their reputation as for the hatred and malice they bear unto the Queen your sovereign and her estate; purposing to keep themselves in arms tell the King's decease. . . .
	“We will fight against her enemies and ours, and by God's help shall be able to vanquish them if you do relieve us. 200,000 crowns must necessarily be employed and some larger sum would do well, both for you and for us, to put us in such strength that your money be not disbursed in vain. Uphold us while it is time, otherwise our fall will overwhelm you. I hear that the Queen your sovereign useth delays in hope of a good peace, upon some advertisements that she has thereof. I must needs say that indeed I myself had some hope of it, although I have not so written of it, but added that in the end by some Council or assembly of the States we should be condemned, although for the present we were spared; and therefore thought it necessary that there should be means devised for our defence and that they should be bestowed in Germa y against all events and in some large portion.
	“It now appears that course would have served to very good purpose. It is better late than never, since we are of good courage and able to make head against the enemy until there come some further relief by means of our towns, which we supply with fresh victuals of this harvest, . . . and mean likewise to bestow sufficient number of men in them timely enough. In the meanwhile, the fortifications are hastened, which will make them the more defensible. If the King and the Leaguers had agreed or combined together sooner than they did, we should have lost almost all our towns, where the fortifications were greatly decayed in this time of peace, and the want of munitions is great. It stood us upon not to put ourselves in arms, lest we should draw the mischief upon us, and want respite to make necessary preparations.
	“I confess that I did not so much fear an agreement [to follow between the King and the Leaguers (fn. 5) ] as the constraining of them by force and loss of some battle or treachery of his ministers, who, partly by compulsion and partly by persuasion would set him against us, taking from him all hope and means to suppress the Leaguers. And most certain it is that they threatened him the forces of the said Leaguers and of other princes to be such that when the Pope hath excommunicated him, he cannot but lose his kingdom, and that if he make head for a time, yet he cannot but be overthrown in the end.
	“If any man tell him that he may use the service of those of the Religion, alleging that they shall find friends and support abroad, there is answer made that they are not well united among themselves, regarding rather their own particular than the public cause, unpractised by reason of long ease and so long in their resolutions and executions as we may receive very great prejudice in our causes before we can be relieved. I do tell you in respect of the common cause, that you ought to help to bear the burden; you know it better than I, and the Queen will one day rue it if she do it not in time. I do not give you this alarm without very necessary cause. I do rather err in the contrary. She hath made an offer to the King; would she not willingly take Christ and his members from the cross to save herself from it ?
	“To conclude, you may defend us, and we must not look for speedy relief from any other than you, but may provide the charges by the help of divers, to bring our purpose to the best pass for the common benefit; to the end they may feel what force the princes are of that have withdrawn themselves from the Pope's obedience.”—Paris, 2 July, 1585.
	The translation, which is very good, has been followed except in one or two places where accuracy has yielded a little to effect. The first page is in Stafford's hand, and probably the whole translation is his.
	Endd. “Advertisements out of France.” Fr. 3 pp. [France XIV. 18.]
June 22./July 2.	A. de Licques to Walsingham.
	Would have come with the bearer to pay his respects to him if he had been sure of finding him at home, but hearing that he had gone to “Brisseto,” he defers his journey until his honour's return.—[Rye”), 2 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [Ibid. XIV. 19.]
June 22./July 2.	H. to the Earl of Leicester.
	I humbly thank you for your letter and your favour in warning me of the danger in which I am, and that I ought to retire to you, which I should have done already but for M. de Clervant and others of my special friends, who still believe that the affairs of those of the Religion will not go so badly as is feared. At any rate we are assured that there can be no massacre in this town without the richest and best houses running the same hazard, according to the experience of the past and the signs of the present time.
	Two days ago Clervant read and presented to the King in his Privy Council a Remonstrance [from the King of Navarre] in which he vindicates himself as to the causes of this war which they imputed to him and offers to put himself entirely into the protection of the King, surrendering to him the governments, towns, castles and places of surety which the Huguenots now hold, on condition that the Duke of Guise does the same. And as he believes that it is not for religion that his enemies have taken up arms, and that it is not reasonable that the poor people should suffer from their private dissensions, he challenges M. de Guise to combat in whatever manner and upon whatever conditions the King shall ordain; and gives the lie to any who shall say that he is incapable of the crown by any crime which they shall put upon him. Finally, in regard to religion, he says that he was trained in this religion by his mother from his earliest infancy; but desires nothing more than to come into the true road if, by a good and holy Council, lawfully assembled, it be shown to him that he has gone astray. This has been well received by the King and all lovers of peace and it is said that the King is determined to make a general peace, in which the King of Navarre shall be included. To this end, the Queen Mother, accompanied by Marshal de Retz and his wife, has gone to meet Messrs de Guise at Nemours.
	Nevertheless, those of the Religion do not sleep, and it is very certain that the King of Navarre would not have sent this defiance to the Duke of Guise if he were not sure of his forces. You see, Sir, of what importance this war is, and moreover that the evil is general and may extend to you. There is no one of the Religion who does not expect from the Queen of England and from you all the support, aid and favour required, and which your prudence and charity promises us. You can do much with all the gentlemen of England, and this is why I have been desired to write to you, and humbly and very earnestly to beseech you to consider how greatly such succours would amaze our enemies.—Paris, 2 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XIV. 20.]
June 22.	Charles Merbury to Walsingham.
	I am bound to render you hearty thanks for permitting me to continue my course of travel. I arrived here twelve days after receiving your commands, the wind being, for nine days, contrary at Rye, and I not being permitted to make haste on land by riding post. I delivered your commendations to the ambassador and Lady Sheffield, and reported to them your indisposition. I never saw the letter of the King of Navarre's ambassador [Segur] of which you gave me charge at my parting, but understand from my lord ambassador that it was enclosed in your packet to him. Of the troubles in these parts, the warlike preparations which we see daily, all tending, as is thought, against the Protestants, you are so well advertised that it is needless for me to write thereof.—Paris, 22 June, 1585.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XIV. 21.]
June 22.	Segur-pardeilhan to Walsingham.
	I have asked M. du Tournoer to tell you that a trustworthy person undertakes to carry to Rochelle powder and corn, of which they are in great need and cannot easily obtain, as Lansac has command of the sea. I pray you therefore to be so favourable to those of Rochelle as to grant this merchant permission to take thither the quantity which M. du Tournoer will mention to you.—London, 22 June, 1585.
	Postscript, in his own hand.—As I was closing this letter, I received news from M. Clervant that the King has granted to Messrs. de Guise more than they demanded and that their armies are to unite to attack the King of Navarre, which is what I always expected. It is time for our friends to prove their good-will to us, if they do not wish to see the churches of God scattered. I have asked M. du Tournoer to speak to Mr. Chamberlain for audience of her Majesty and beg you in God's name to do all you can for me that I may have a speedy despatch.
	Add. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [France XIV. 22.]
June 22.	M. Jiroust (?) to Walsingham.
	I have just arrived here, intending to leave to-morrow, but hurt myself a little in the boat, and so must delay for two or three days, before coming to pay my respects to you. Last Saturday our governor assured me that peace was made and war about to be begun against those of the Religion, which advertisement he had received from the King himself. On Sunday, a gentleman sent from M. de Clervant to the churches of Normandy told me that upon this report, M. de Clervant went to the King to pray him to declare if the peace was indeed made, and his edict broken, that he might advertise the King of Navarre. The King answered that the King of Navarre need only go three or four times to mass, and after that no more would be said about it. M. de Clervant said many belles choses, but could not prevent the annulling of the Edict or war against those of the Religion.
	Our ministers are much hindered in coming over, but I hope we shall have them here to-morrow, with a good following of poor people. Our governor says that if the King commanded him to have them whipped, he would have them hanged. I have told them of a means for their safe passage, of which I hope they will make use.—[Rye?] Tuesday afternoon.
	Add. Endd. “1585, 22 June [o.s.]. From A.B.” Fr. ¾ p. [Ibid. XIV. 23.]
June 23.	Walsingham to Bodley.
	I have received your letters from Hambrow and Lubeck. Her Majesty very well likes of your wise and discreet manner of proceeding and is very glad that the Duke of Brunswick is so well disposed towards her; not doubting but that you will find as great forwardness in the King of Denmark, from whom is lately come a gentleman “only to visit her,” with fresh offers of friendship.
	Her Majesty means shortly to send some person of quality to the Assembly at Halberstadt, “ with direction to receive his light and instruction from the Duke of Brunswick.”
	By letters from France we hear ” that the King and the Leaguers are now agreed amongst themselves, as I did ever guess they would do, to the ruin and overthrow of those of the religion; against whom they have conspired jointly to bend their whole forces; giving them six months' respite to bethink themselves whether they will forsake their religion, or otherwise abide such extremity as may light upon them for refusing the same.”
	Her Majesty purposes to send some treasure into Germany by the minister who is to go thither—who I hope will embark by the end of this month with M. de Segur—and it will also behove the princes of Germany to have some extraordinary care of the King of Navarre, considering what extremities things are like to grow into. You are to await the coming of the said minister at Hambrough.—The Court, 23 June, 1585.
	Postscript.—Mr. John Norris is presently to take 3,000 foot and 200 horse into the Low Countries. The commissioners are not yet come, having been twice put back by contrary winds.
	Copy. 1 p. [Denmark I. 54.]
June 24.	Waad to Davison.
	The lords having received news of the arrival of the deputies at Margate, desire him to repair “hither” [to the Court] with all speed, to go from hence to meet them at Gravesend.—The Court, 24 June, 1585.
	Add. ½ p. [Holland II. 45.]
June 24./July 4.	News from Divers Parts.
	Prague, 2 July, 1585.—It has been reported that the Elector of Saxony is dead, but there is no confirmation thereof, though he is certainly very ill, and it is said that the doctors are the cause, not having understood the nature of his disease. For twelve days it has done nothing but rain, to the great vexation of these Jesuit fathers, who have, with great expence, made ready a rapresentatione, which they cannot carry out because of the incessant rain, a very strange thing at this time of the year.
	So far, the chapter of Vratislaw [Breslau] have not been able to agree in the election of their bishop. His Majesty is sending the Vice-Chancellor of this kingdom, that it may be settled. It is said the Nuncio will shortly go to visit these monasteries.
	This night Signor Guet of the Privy Council has died, much beloved for his integrity and good qualities.
	His Majesty is presently going to the chase, where he will remain for several days, Antwerp, 23 June.—M. d'Aldegonde with some of the chief counsellors, having a mind to make peace with the Prince of Parma, have informed the magistrates thereof, who were much pleased by their intention, but thought the proposal should first be put before the Great Council, which was done; viz. that Theodore de Werne should be sent to the camp of his Highness to demand safe conduct for M. Aldegonde and others of the city to treat for an agreement. This was not only refused by the majority of the Great Council, but no small anger felt that it should be suggested to bargain without the common consent; not wishing that Aldegonde or any other should negotiate until the States General of Holland were informed of it, to whom there should presently be sent two commissioners to learn their resolution, whether to succour this city, or with it to enter into a general treaty, failing which, they would be compelled by extreme necessity to take what course they could in order not to die of hunger.
	Yesterday the Great Council assembled again, and discussed a means of finding money to pay the soldiers, but it was referred-to another meeting, three days hence. For the better defence of the city 600 new footmen are enlisted, to the great displeasure of many, who would rather accept a good treaty than continue in the miseries of this pestiferous war.
	The day before yesterday at noon the Prince of Parma and the Count of Mansfelt went to Borgerhout, with 800 horse and 1,000 foot, whence they returned by way of Lierre, it being believed that he wishes to make some assault here by land.
	Cologne, 4 July.—The skirmish between the Count of Meurs and the Malcontents with loss of more than 1,500 men on both sides is confirmed. The Count and Col. Schenk have escaped to Utrecht.
	From Middelburg we hear that although the new fleet of Holland and Zeeland was ready to attack the palisade, it had not yet started, owing to the contrary winds. And that the deputies to England, who started on the 25th of last month, had had to put back for the same cause.
	It is said that Antwerp is resolved to treat for a general accord with his Highness, but at present he will not hear of anything save a separate agreement with that city.
	Some of the States' reiters last month took some cows and sheep from the peasants of Geertruydenberg, near Breda. Fearing to he overtaken, they left the sheep at Bergen-op-Zoom and took the 40 cows to Antwerp, where they sold them for 2,900 caroluses, but in returning, they fell into the hands of the Malcontents, who killed some and took the rest prisoners, making very good booty of the money got for the cows.
	Mechlin has been closed up for seventeen days, because of the mutiny of the soldiers, who having received three pays [sic] have released their governor and the captain whom they had imprisoned.
	[Venice?] From France, a courier from ambassador Dolfino informs us of the peace between the King and the Leaguers, for the Duke of Lorraine, who has been neutral in this business, was come to the Court to congratulate his Majesty, being to accompany the Queen Mother to the Duke of Guise, to arrange for him to come to the King, which it is believed he will do; but on Tuesday evening letters arrived here by a courier from Lyons of the 6th that it was not certain that the peace was concluded, from which, seeing that it was supposed to have been published on the 2nd, it was much feared that it had not happened, perhaps by some difficulty in the articles, amongst which these are the principal :—That all concessions made by the King to the Huguenots be revoked : that all ministers preaching any religion save the Catholic shall be banished from the kingdom : that those who will not live as Catholics shall depart with their goods or the money got for them within a month, they having to declare their estates in the Exchequer; otherwise to be proceeded against as heretics by the Holy Inquisition, and as rebels of the King with arms in their hands. That Toul and Verdun shall remain in the power of the Duke of Guise, and Dijon and Beaune with M. de Maine. That the Cardinal de Bourbon and each of these Dukes shall have a guard of fifty arquebusiers at the King's charges. That if the Huguenots do not restore to his Majesty the fortresses which they occupy, they shall be expelled by force, the Duke of Guise to conduct the enterprise, and that the foreign soldiers, dismissed by the Duke, shall be paid by the King.
	Italian. 3 pp. [Newsletters XCV. 21.]
June 25./July 5.	A. de Licques to Walsingham.
	His wife and little children have arrived, having been landed at Hastings, very weary from having been three days and nights at sea, and having fallen into the hands of pirates. M. de la Tour, minister of Rouen, has also arrived, and they will travel up together in a day or two, when the writer has found a lodging for his family. Meanwhile he, his wife, and his honour's goddaughter send humble salutations.—[Rye], 5 July, 1585.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XIV. 24.]