Elizabeth: June 1584, 1-10 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

Citation:

'Elizabeth: June 1584, 1-10', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1914), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp532-549 [accessed 22 November 2024].

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June 1584, 1–10



June 1.	647. Stafford to Burghley.
	Prewritten. Copies of his letters to Walsingham of this date, but with Burghley's cipher substituted for Walsingham's.
	I send you copies of all I have written to Mr. Secretary, but this I have written to nobody, that very good physicians have assured me that the pox and nothing else was the cause of Monsieur's death.—Paris, 1 June, 1584.
	Postscript.—“I would to God your lordship would have some eye what search [sic] Mr. Secretary maketh of the note I have sent.” I cannot yet write to your lady, but hope I shall ere long. Biron is sent to Chasteau Thierry, to watch the corpse and remain until it be brought away. The King means to bury it with great pomp. He and the Queen Mother “marvellous perplexed at it.” The Queen Mother will not be appeased. Despatches are made to Cambray and all other places of importance, and to the Due d'Epernon.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 2¾ pp. [France XI. 121.]
June 1.	648. Stafford to Walsingham.
	I am constrained to despatch this bearer, choosing rather to have blame for doing my duty than to deserve it.
	Certain news is come that yesterday at three o'clock in the afternoon Monsieur departed. The King this morning declared it to his mother, “who is marvellously troubled withal.” So is all the Court, and no one so much as the Queen Regnant. You may guess the cause from what I wrote concerning Duke Epernon's journey.
	I pray you take that way in making her Majesty acquainted with this that she may not take it as she did the last, “otherwise than I deserved.” For my sake, advise with the Lord Treasurer and my mother what way were best. The certainty of all here that it will breed great innovations in this State (which may be prejudicial to us) makes me not dare to omit the certifying of it, that I may be told what course to take.
	Also, send me word (as I hear the King will make the funerals princely) “what I am to do if I be convied [i.e. convie, invited] to them, both because of the ceremony contrary to the religion her Majesty professeth, as also for the place which they give here to the Pope's nuncio.” It is thought it will be at the end of this month by the new account.
	I hear from the Court that my Lord Hertford shall come hither. Be it he or another, I beseech you to let me know two things, “because in the like case your honour hath been here in my place.” The first is how many leagues from out of the town I should meet him; the other, “at his presentation to the King whether I must not speak first to present him, and withal, if there come any noblemen with him, what place I am to take, considering my place here for her Majesty next to him that cometh, for as for him, I think there is no doubt in it.” I am bold to ask your advice, not having been present in any such case.
	Pinard's son was stayed yesterday upon the first news of this extremity. Seton has again sent to ask about his passport, but as far as I can hear “it is but a colour ... to keep us occupied that he may scape the better by sea, which way he meaneth to go and that shortly.” Everybody here grows weary of him.
	I send you a note enclosed, and pray you by well searching the parties to try whether he who gave it me be a good advertiser. If it be true, I will “keep him for a jewel,” and you should “look well to your writings and whom you trust, for the same party assureth me that you give no warrants out for the attachment of any such parties but they are presently warned of them by the nearest about you, and also of most things that in your honour's chamber passeth anybody's hands but your own.”
	There is one Father Elkes, a Jesuit, going presently to the King of Scots with a packet from the Pope, of whom I hope to be able to tell you more ere long.—Paris, 1 June, 1584.
	Postscript.—Biron is despatched to Chasteau Thierry to watch the dead corpse and remain until it be brought away.
	Signed. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France XI. 122.]
	Enclosing,
	649. The note above-mentioned.
	Thomas Parsons departs on June 7 with three “absolute pardons” from the Pope, the first for Mr. Throgmorton, prisoner in the Tower, to be conveyed by Edward Transom, priest, alias Francis Wyllece. The second for Robert Langford of Longford, co. Derby, esquire, where the said Parsons “certainly abideth for three months by the name of Edward Bassett. His attire will be orange tawny, and shall be called by Robert Langford and his wife, Cousin Bassett.” The third is for Mr. Talbott of Peper Hill, co. Stafford, esquire, where Parsons abideth other three months, by the name of Robert Bickforde, and vouched to be keeper of the coney warren and to be brother to William Bickforde, an ancient keeper there. “His attire will be as the other keepers, and his custom will be daily to walk in the same forest with bow and bolts, for it hath been his refuge of old.”
	Harry Holland, Jesuit, left Rome last December, whose abode is at the house of Thomas Cox, gent., at Cleeve, co. Gloucester, who married his sister. He is sometimes at Mistress Darcy's, in the same county. He wears “crimson satin with a black taffeta cloak, a red 'thrumbe' hat and white feather,” and is known as Thomas Bygons. He sent a note this month with the names of two hundred persons that he had converted in England to Dr. Allen at Rheims, who sent it to Rome.
	Lord Paget and Charles Arundel by Dr. Allen's solicitations “intimating their great spoils to be made by the Queen and the Council of England, hath procured from the Pope a great piece of money, as lent unto them both,” intending to spend it “in service that he shall apply them in, . . . and the last of June they go to Rome to perform it.”
	Edward Transom, priest, alias Francis Willec, is harboured by Mathew Wallen, gent, and student in Lyons Inn; goes in a sheep coloured gown and lies in Wallen's chamber in the said Inn.
	William Jervice, priest, is harboured by Charles Baier of Staple Inn, gent., and goes by the name of John Waller. He wears a black gown and student's cap and is called Cousin Waller by Baier.
	Thomas Covert, priest, departs on June 7 “in message from the Lord Paget and Charles Arundel, for a certain piece of money to conduct them both to Rome,” which money is sent from England.
	1 p. [France XI. 122a.]
June 1.	650. Stafford to Walsingham.
	I think it is more necessary than ever for the Queen to send to the King of Navarre, and the same party should also visit the Prince of Conde; for this death happening, Epernon must presently declare his commission to the King of Navarre, and Navarre's agent, talking with me yesterday, seemed to think it very necessary to be done at this time, as secretly as the Queen thinks good. I think nobody fitter than one of the two I named in my last letter about it [see p. 521 above]. If you send me letters and instructions for them, I will see them delivered as secretly as may be. It should be done with great expedition, that the King of Navarre may not think “it was done upon this accident, to seek upon him rather than before.”
	If such alterations fall out here as men look for, I am afraid I shall often have cause to send. I pray you tell me whether upon any likely cause I should not do so, that “you may have it to judge of the events.”
	Some say that part of Epernon's commission is to persuade the King of Navarre to embrace the cause of the States, and that the King of France will help him, but it is too good for me to believe. I was going into the country for five or six days, but this accident has stayed me.
	This bearer came direct, without landing in England, with six hobbies that my Lord of Ormond sent me and Wade bought for me, “though Mr. Haldie (?), Mr. Vice-Chamberlain's man, would have had them land when they touched by his island [Purbeck].” I pray you, if anything be said to him for it, that he may have your favour.—Paris, 1 June, 1584.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 123.]
June 1/11.	651. Report of the state of Monsieur's body at the opening thereof by the King's physicians.
June 1/11.	Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 124.]
	652. English translation of the preceding. June 11, 1584.
	Endd. ¾ p. [Ibid. XI. 125.]
June 1.	653. French Advertisements.
	Monsieur departed this life the last of May [i.e. June 10, new style], about three o'clock in the afternoon. The Queen Mother, according to the custom of France, “where the mothers inherit their sons' purchases,” will take the matter of Cambray in hand. The King of Navarre is to be called Monsieur, as heir apparent to the crown. The King's voyage to Lyons is changed to a progress into Normandy, after Monsieur's burial. The King seems to have a great mislike to the house of Guise, who desire leave to depart, but it is thought the King will not grant it.
	It is believed that a principal cause of Epernon's journey is to try whether he can shake the King of Navarre in religion.
	Lord Seton urges the covenants of the ancient league with Scotland, especially in the point of appointing a Scottish captain over the Scottish guard, “which he desireth to be his son; pressed by him so earnestly that he maketh men weary of his importunity. He hath given out that Mauvissière should be but coldly welcome into Scotland, if he had no other errand than to be a mediator between the King and his subjects.
	“The Bishop of Glasgow and he have informed the King of the late accident happened in Scotland, by the procurement, as they alleged, of her Majesty, who finding the same to take no better effect, did comfort the rebels, and sought now to make their peace, whereunto the King yielded them no answer.”
	Afterward Seton had audience in the King's cabinet, and a resolution was taken that young Pinart should go into Scotland with Mauvissière, upon the accident of Monsieur's death, but that resolution seems to be now stayed.
	Endd. with date. 1 p. [Newsletters IX. 19.]
June 1.	654. The Sultan to the Governor (Beglerbey) of Algiers (Argell).
	The English ambassador, Mr. William Harborne, has signified to us that the ships of that country, coming to and from our Empire, on one side of the seas have the Spaniards, Florentines, Sicilians and Maltese, and on the other our countries committed to your charge. The above said Christians will not suffer them quietly to pass, but take the men captive and forfeit ships and goods, continually lying in wait for their destruction, wherefore they are obliged to stand upon their guard when they see any strange vessels, “and in their defence do shoot at them.” When they know your galleys, they shoot no more, but desire to pass peaceably, “which you would deny, saying, The peace is broken, for that you have shot at us,” and so make prize of them.
	For preventing which inconvenience, we command you to permit no such matter, but suffer the Englishmen to pass without let or hindrance, even although, taking your galleys for enemies' ships, they should shoot at them. “Wherefore look thou that they may have right, according to our privilege given them.” And if any will not obey our command, you are to certify us that we may give order for his punishment.—Our palace at Constantinople, 1 June, 1584.
	Add. Endd. as sent to the three vice-roys of Argier, Tunis and Tripoly, and Barbary. Translation. 1 p. [Turkey I. 21.]
June 3.	655. Stafford to Walsingham.
	Upon Marchaumont's arrival this day, and hearing that they of the finances are ready to give up their accounts of all things and among the rest of Monsieur's debts, I spake with him concerning her Majesty's debt, desiring him not to forget to put it amongst the rest, that the King might not say he was unacquainted with it. I have written to my Lord Treasurer at large in the matter, asking for directions, because presently after the burial all those accounts will be opened.
	The King still means to go to Normandy about the 22nd and to have his brother buried before he goes. The body is to be brought from Chasteau Thierry on Friday next and will be three days coming to this town, and within three or four days after buried, therefore I pray you send back this bearer with all diligence with her Majesty's will, what I shall do if invited to the funerals, which I hear I shall be, because of her Majesty's extraordinary favour towards him.
	“It is this day resolved that the Queen Mother, according to the custom of France that mothers inherit their sons of all their purchases afore the brothers, shall take the matter of Cambray in hand.”It is also resolved “that the King of Navarre shall be called Monsieur, as heir apparent, the King not liking of the name of Roy Monsieur, nor Monsieur le roi de Navarre, both which were proposed.”
	A principal counsellor to-day coming out of the Council, said to a friend “that a Cardinal not two years past had lost a kingdom, but they had provided that a Cardinal here should lose no more.”
	The house of Guise was yesterday assembled in council at the Cardinal of Guise's house. They resolve to ask leave to retire themselves, but it is thought the King may not let them go. It is said that he is “in a great mislike of them” for three assemblies they have held, one at President Neuilly's house in this town; another, to go to the palace to hear a cause between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Guise, and the third yesterday.
	“Yet all these shows cannot put out of some men's heads that there is plain meaning but some hidden matter,” and I trust nothing till I see better cause.
	If he that her Majesty sends with the Garter be here the first week in August, it is time enough, as the King about then will be back from his journey to Normandy, where nobody is to follow him but the Queen with a very small Court, and they no further than Gaillon.—Paris, 3 June, 1584.
	Postscript.—All this day they have been resolving what titles to give Monsieur, “whether they shall add them of Flanders, because in doing of it the King must either as his heir embrace the cause or be dishonoured in giving it over to lose his right. Some would have the Queen Mother take that too upon her, but yet they are not agreed.”
	I send herein a letter from M. Marchaumont to the Queen. The Court is to-day already in mourning. I pray you look with speed to the notes I sent you by Peter Browne, that I may see “what the parties be worth that they come from.”
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France XL. 126.]
June 3.	656. Ortell to Walsingham.
	This morning I have received letters from Brabant, by which, and by those from Holland, I learn that the treaty with the crown of France goes on, and that they begin to have assemblies in all parts for aiding the Low Countries. Also that those of Artois and Hainault have already sent to the Prince of Parma for assistance, who only waits for more troops and money to go into the field.
	The States General are sending their deputies to her Majesty, whom we expect with the first wind.
	If you have anything to tell me touching the French ambassage, I can send it to his Excellency by an express which I am despatching to-morrow.—London, 3 June, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 1.]
June 3/13.	657. William, Duke of Cleves to the Queen.
	We have received your Majesty's letters of Feb. 15, 1583, and May 12 last past, together with an annexed humble petition of the brothers and kinsmen of Daniel Rogers, captured by Schenk, a captain of horse, three years ago, and still held in custody; by which you pray us to take order that Rogers may be restored to liberty, provided that he is in the power of those subject to our jurisdiction.
	Your Majesty may be assured that nothing is nearer to us than that the old amity between the kings of England and yourself, and our progenitors and ourselves should continue.
	You may call to mind what we have in former years replied to your letters in this same cause; from which you would clearly understand that Rogers was captured by robbers, not by reason of any fault in us or ours, but by his own carelessness and temerity; because he heedlessly scorned the present danger (the army of the Spanish King being in our neighbourhood and his soldiers running here and there in our dominions), although he had been carefully warned thereof by his host in our town of Cleves, and set out on his journey alone with a few of his own men, not having asked for or joined himself to any of our servants, in whose company he would have travelled in safety.
	Moreover, although Rogers was in the power of those who are not our subjects and whom therefore we could not either by commands or by force order or compel, yet we left nothing undone which we believed might in any way tend to procure his freedom, for we did our utmost endeavour, both by letters and by envoys to the Prince of Parma, the Lord of Anholt and [afterwards] his widow, and all others with whom we thought we might be able to effect anything in the matter. And this truly we did effect, that two years ago the Prince of Parma would have ordered Rogers' liberation if only his keeper's charges had been paid. Hearing nothing further, we supposed that he had obtained his liberty until your letters informed us otherwise.
	The six robbers who took Rogers were diligently sought for by our men, that, if taken in our dominions they might be duly punished; of whom five are said to have perished miserably, and the sixth being taken in our town of Cleves and condemned, has suffered the extreme penalty.
	As to the humble petition exhibited to your Majesty from the brothers and friends of Rogers, there is in it, besides some truth, many things that are false. For whereas they write that Rogers applied to the Count himself for a public messenger to show him the way, who, wearing our public badge, by the law of nations, would secure the safety of all travellers, we marvel thereat greatly, seeing that, as said above, he had neglected to do this; for he had neither made known his arrival to our counsellors (we ourselves being absent) nor ever asked for one of our servants to be given him as a companion on the road, which, if he had done, this misfortune would not have happened to him, for our counsellors would carefully have seen to it that he should have crossed our dominions safely and without difficulty.
	And whereas it is said in the petition that it was Schenk's horsemen who attacked and took him, that cannot be certainly known. For when by a doubtful rumour our counsellors had heard this, the day after Rogers was taken, Schenk being in Cleves, they called him before them and dealt with him seriously to take such order with his men as that Rogers should be set free, it being reported that he had been carried to Blienbeck by them. But he very stoutly and solemnly denied that he or his horsemen had any knowledge who had done this thing; agreeing however forthwith to send letters that if Rogers were at Blienbeck he should be set free; but it was known the same day, before those letters were sent, that Rogers had been taken to Anholt and thence to Brevoort (Bredefort), places outside our jurisdiction; therefore we could not detain Schenk, he persistently denying knowledge of the enterprise and there being no lawful proofs against him. [Cf. Rogers' own account, Cal. S.P. For. 1579–80, p. 464.]
	The petition goes on to say that Christopher, a German servant of Rogers, who saved himself by flight, hastened straightway to Cleves, and there accused Schenk before our counsellors as the leader of those horsemen. But our counsellors had themselves acquainted us with the enterprise the day before Schenk left the city and before Christopher came to Cleves at all.
	The “Redditurius” and governor of Brevoort, in whose custody that petition declares Rogers was detained, are not under our jurisdiction, yet the authors blame us for everything; that is to say, that the misfortune which happened to Rogers was our doing; as also that our government had neglectfully not made the way safe for the public; had not detained the leader of the robbers, being accused; had allowed Anholt's envoy to take away the robber who was in the public prison; had not brought to justice Schenk and Anholt, the authors of the crime, and men of their dominions, and had not compelled the widow of Anholt, also a subject of their government, to do her duty.
	All this being contrary to truth we with good reason deny, and have so sufficiently refuted it above that it is not necessary to add more, yet that entire satisfaction may be given, our counsellors at Cleves some days ago again wrote earnestly to the widow of Anholt for Rogers' liberation and are now expecting her reply. We have also again sent letters to the Prince of Parma, praying that he would be pleased to give orders for the procuring of Rogers' freedom, and not permit him to be detained longer on account of unjust extortions, or even of necessary charges.
	By all these things we are confident your Majesty will perceive that it was not the doing of us or ours that Rogers did not travel safely through our dominions, and that we have done all we possibly could on his behalf. If the brothers and friends of Rogers pretend to have any claim against us, they are free to sue us by ordinary law, but otherwise, if anything is attempted against us or our subjects, either in our own dominions or anywhere in the Empire, we shall act as we shall consider necessary, hoping that your Majesty also, like us, will not permit any inconvenience to arise, but that in our future intercourse, our mutual amity may be preserved undisturbed.—Dusseldorf, 13 June, 1584, stylo novo.
	Signed. Add. Endd. Latin. 4 pp. [Germany, States, III, 32.]
June 4/14.	658. Mauvissière to Burghley.
	Hearing that you are going to the Court to-day or to-morrow morning, I pray you to speak to her Majesty of what the Queen of Scots wrote to me, to allow her to go to take the baths at Buxton, as soon as the Earl of Leicester shall have left them, for her health. And if her Majesty is pleased to allow me to go to her, I shall be ready to obey her commands and to do all I possibly can to bring about a good result, according to the orders I have had from my master, who has the most sincere intentions in regard to the Queen his sister and all her kingdom, and to see that the Queen and the King her son may take the good advice which I have charge to offer them, in the presence of whoever your mistress shall order to go with me, to judge of my actions, which shall never be other than to do her humble and faithful service.—London, 14 June, 1584.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XI. 127.]
June 5.	659. Walsingham to Stafford.
	“One Levinston was lately sent hither by the King of Scots with his letters to her Majesty, written in some extraordinary terms, that imported a kind of threatening, to require the delivery of the distressed noblemen and gentlemen whom he termeth his rebels.” Her Majesty's only reply was that she would shortly send a servant of her own with further answer, with which answer Mr. Davison presently repaired to the said King, the substance whereof was: That suppose the said noblemen were rebels, as the King conceived, the treaties for the delivery of such being now out of use amongst princes, the Queen saw no reason why she should not be as free as other princes; yet such was her mislike of any that attempted aught against their Prince, that if she were persuaded of these noblemen's disloyalty, she would not only yield to their delivery, but would assist in suppressing them.
	But she conceived they were free from any such imputation, for divers reasons, given in her answer, tending to prove their loyalty even when they were possessed of his person and had him at great disadvantage, and knowing right well that the present alteration proceeded only from private factions between the noblemen and principal persons there. Wherefore she could neither in honour nor conscience consent to their delivery.
	As the journey of the French ambassador is now stayed, you shall understand that the cause thereof is that Mr. Beale, despatched of late to the Queen of Scots, being directed to make known to her her Majesty's assent to the said ambassador's journey, accompanied by a minister of her own, “in respect of the care her Majesty knew she had of the King her son's well-doing, and for that he did altogether depend upon her advice and counsel . . . the said Queen hath made answer that the same might not be granted as long as there was a party in Scotland, but now, seeing the contrary, both she and the said ambassador (who before was forbidden to deal in any of her causes, and was accused to the King his master) must become mediators when as there is no other remedy,” whereupon, her Majesty finding that the said Queen did not make an honourable construction of her assent and seemed to think the ambassador's journey needless, has stayed it.
	Touching the protests sent over by the French ambassador, you are to let the King understand that as neither she nor any other prince can yield satisfaction to all that are spoiled by their subjects, so, if this course be taken, wherein also her subjects can allege many examples for every one that his can produce, “and that thereupon they shall both proceed to the granting of letters of mart on either side to the parties damnified” she thinks this could not but breed unkindness and finally a breach of amity between the two crowns. Therefore, tendering rather the continuance of the public peace than the satisfaction of her own subjects, her Majesty has refrained from granting them such means of redress, “ but hath rather sought to recompense divers of them spoiled by other princes' subjects, and other princes' subjects spoilt by hers,” by bestowing on them somewhat of her own, which example she wishes he would follow.
	For Don Antonio, I have moved her Majesty, but can as yet draw no resolution from her. “You know how hardly a matter of charge doth here receive answer.”
	Green, of whom you write, had no such directions from me as he pretends, therefore you will do well not to be too liberal of your purse to him or to any other whom I shall not recommend.
	Draft, Endd. with date. 4¼ pp. [France XI. 128.]
June 6.	660. Stafford to Walsingham.
	This bearer is he of whom I have so often written, who says he has been enticed to attempt something at Berwick. He has often been with me to know your answer, and now thinks the fault in me and presses me to give him this letter to you, that he may declare the matter himself. Hearing him costs nothing, and trying of him will prove what he can do. He desires that you will favour him so much “as to make by my brother Drake's means one of my brother Drake's brothers his friend,” which I advised him to do by your means rather than mine, that, if he be employed to do anything, he may not be known to come recommended from me.
	My Lord Easter Weemys (Esterwems) is come hither from the King of Navarre, and stays to hear news from England, to know how things in Scotland doth. Then he will go secretly into England and to see you and thereafter govern himself as you shall think good.
	Men of judgment at Rochelle fear that the ships there “for the colour” of Don Antonio will prove to be for Scotland. I find no cause to suspect it, but it is good to provide for the worst.
	The note I sent you by Peter Browne, I think will prove false, and he that gave it, “the cozeningest knave that ever came out of Ireland. . . . I have him in my house fast enough, and when I have drawn out the bottom of him,” I will advertise you more at large.—Paris, 6 June, 1584.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1¼ pp. The italicized words in cipher, undeciphered. [Ibid. XI. 129.]
June 6.	661. [Walsingham] to Stafford.
	From your letters, and the answers given you by the French King and Queen Mother, it seemed to us that the said King had no disposition at all to intermeddle any further in the action of the Low Countries, saving that he would do somewhat for Cambray, yet we now understand by a letter from the Prince of Orange and divers advertisements which his agent here has received, that upon some offers made to that King by the States, at the time when doubt was perceived of Monsieur's recovery, the said King “hath been content to hearken to the embracing of the enterprise,” for which purpose there is a treaty begun between them; one Asseliers is sent to the King, and the arrival of deputies here, to require the Queen's advice in the matter, is daily expected. Which contrariety of proceedings being a matter of importance, I beg you may consider of accordingly.
	One Vaughan, sometime Mr. Wolley's man, but not long since condemned to the pillory, being fled into Ireland and there feigning himself a malcontent and prosecuted about matters of religion, has promised to discover great things, and will shortly be with you. Her Majesty wishes me to warn you “to beware of him and to carry a watchful eye over him,” as he has shown himself more subtle than honest.
	Draft. Endd. 1¼ pp. [France XI. 130.]
June 7.	662. [Walsingham] to Stafford.
	Immediately on Tupper's arrival, I conferred with my Lord Treasurer upon the two points wherein you desire resolution.
	Concerning the debt due to her Majesty by the late Duke, his lordship promised himself to give you direction.
	Touching the funerals, we are both of opinion, “considering the great goodwill and inward friendship professed between her Majesty and the said Duke,” that you should do all the honour unto his corpse that you can without ministering any just scandal or offence for matters of religion, wherein the best pattern we can give is the example of the protestant electors of Germany, who in times of coronations and obsequies, are accustomed to accompany the Emperor and King of the Romans to the place of celebration of their mass and other like ceremonies, during which they retire themselves into some by chapel.
	The like order the Admiral and I observed, at the ratifying of the treaty [of Blois]. You will do well to let them understand what you mean to do, which if they disallow, then upon pretence of sickness or some like excuse, you shall forbear to deal therein.
	Touching the nuncio, forasmuch as he has always had place given him by the ambassadors of the rest of the princes of Christendom, “there is no cause of competency between you and him,” and as the King of Spain has no ambassador there, “you shall avoid the strife that otherwise was wont to fall out for precedentship,” though of late it has not come to trial, as the English ambassadors have withdrawn from any public assemblies on pretence of sickness or some like impediment.
	For other points in your letters sent by John de Vygo and Peter the post, for the using of yourself when a nobleman shall be sent with the Garter and other things, you shall hear more at large by the next. Choice is made of the Earl of Derby for that charge, whose repair over I think meet to be stayed, upon the death of the Duke, for a season.
	Draft, corrected by Walsingham. Endd. with date. 3 pp. [Ibid. XI. 131.]
June 7/17.	663. Pietro Bizarri to Walsingham.
	Although many firmly believe that Monsieur is dead, yet many others believe the contrary, and the Grand Chancellor of Brabant and also the States have received letters written on the last of last month and signed by his own hand, which showed that he was alive and recovering from his dangerous illness. It is held for certain that he means to assist the States, according to their treaty. It is here also said that Marshal Biron has routed four or six troops of the enemy's horse near Cambray.
	We hear certainly that the States have made proclamation, with severe penalties, that no victuals of any sort shall be sent from Holland or Zeeland to the enemy's camp for three months, yet some affirm that just before the proclamation they had assisted them by many vessels laden with divers provisions by way of Nieuport, showing their avarice and the small affection they have and have had for the good cause, having sustained and fomented the war by sending victuals to the enemy from time to time, whence great injury has come to these poor countries.
	The Elector Truchsess is still in Holland, with the States and his Excellency.
	Count Neuenaar has been proposed as Governor of Guelderland; and all those lords will lose, or rather have as good as lost their territories unless aided by the Protestant Princes, who, it is said, with the free cities of the same religion, are at present making new leagues and alliances, together with her Majesty, the King of Navarre and the King of Denmark, which may be of great consequence. It is also said that the Elector of Saxony has gone into Hesse to hold conference with the Landgrave William and other great personages. God grant that it be so!
	The ambassadors of the Kings of Navarre and Denmark are daily expected at Delft to christen, on their Princes' behalf, the last born son of his Excellency.—Antwerp, 17 June, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Sent by means of Signor Philip Cataneo. Italian. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 2.]
June 7.	664. Stokes to Walsingham.
	Yesterday the Duke of Aerschot departed towards Tournay, and the Prince of Parma has sent M. de Haultepenne as governor of this town, until he comes hither himself. The coming of this new governor greatly discontents the burgers. The Prince will be here at the end of this week, and already they begin to make pageants and other costly shows in the streets against his arrival.
	The Prince of Chimay was very “trimly” received at Tournay, being met without the town by most of the nobles and gentlemen of the Prince of Parma's court, by his commandment, “who in like order did receive him very friendly.”
	This week, 250 more Scots have gone from hence to the Prince of Orange, for they will not serve on the Catholic side and with Spaniards. Only about a hundred remain, and it is thought they will not tarry long after the rest.
	At Cambray there are about a thousand horse and as many foot, all French, who trouble those parts very much, burning and spoiling the country, for which cause M. de Montigny (Montaignie) is sent with seven cornets of horse to lie thereabouts.
	Ghent is so closed in by bulwarks that no victuals can pass in. They are yet of good courage, hoping to be succoured, but it is feared they will be deceived.
	Those of Ostend seem to be somewhat fearful, for they are sending away all that is worth it, and it is said here that when they hear that the camp is marching towards them, they will burn the town and depart into Zeeland, “and yet that is the place that troubles this town and the country a great deal more than Sluys doth.”
	The Scots colonel and captains are gone to the Prince of Parma to show him that they cannot accomplish their contract with him, to serve him with twelve ensigns of foot and one cornet of horse, all Scots, as their soldiers will not serve on this side.
	Those of Sluys opened your letter of the 23rd of last month, and then sent it me open, by which-means it was read by divers before it came to my hands. In it you give me licence to come into England, so that I mean to depart from hence at the end of this week.—Bruges, 7 June, 1584, stilo Anglie.
	Postscript.—This afternoon we hear that the Gantois keep their gates shut and let no man in or out; but one let himself over the walls, and swam the town ditches, and brought news to the Marquis of Risbourgh that they are in great discord in the town, some wishing to make an agreement with the Prince of Parma and some not. Also there is trouble amongst them for victuals, for some have a great deal and some have none, and it is thought these discords will shorten their time.
	Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 3.]
June 8.	665. Geoffrey le Brumen to Walsingham.
	I have received letters from Paris of the 8th of this month according to their date, saying that the Queen Mother had set out for Chasteau Thierry to see Monsieur, but went only half way; also Messieurs de Marchaumont and La Vergne were gone to recreate themselves in the country, who were melancholy, which gave rise to conjectures that Monsieur was dead, with other tokens that if he is not dead he is in great weakness and misery, with little hope.
	Many things have been said concerning M. d'Epernon's journey; some thinking that it is to induce the King of Navarre to become Catholic and to marry the Princess [his sister] according to the King's wishes. Others say that the King, foresaw his brother's death and that the King of Navarre would wish to be lieutenant, to avoid which he wished to make the Due d'Epernon Constable, and this with the King of Navarre's consent.
	M. de Foix has died at Rome and M. de Pibrac at Paris. For the rest, I hope to send you the two hackneys of which I wrote to you, at the end of this week by one named Gabriel Martin. I pray you to send me a letter for the officers to let them pass freely.
	Madame de la Noue has been ill, and also M. de Chassincourt, but they are better, thank God. The ambassador does not believe that Monsieur is dead. This bearer will carry your letter if it pleases you to write. Both he and his mistress praise much your favour in behalf of Madame de Mauvissière.—London, 8 June, 1584.
	Add. Endd. “From M. Geffray.” Fr. 1¼ pp. [France XI. 132.]
June 8/18.	666. M. de Gourdan to Walsingham.
	By the reply which I have had from M. de Mauvissière to my request that he would find me two pedigree dogs for M. de Lorraine, I learn that you have promised to give him two, and the gentleman who carried his letter tells me that, for love of me, you will send him two very good ones. It is an obligation for which I know not how to thank you, but I pray you to believe that if occasion arises I shall be ready to do you service.—Calais, 18 June.
	Inside the covering sheet is written:
	“In all the world if it be sought Fair words 'inowe' a man may find,
	They be good cheap, they cost right naught, Their substance is but only wind;
	But well to say and so to mean This sweet accord is seldom seen.”
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XI. 133.]
June 8/18.	667. Ségur-Pardeilhan to Walsingham.
	I have written seven or eight times, but think you have not received my letters, for I have not heard from you since I left England. I pray you let me do so, when your weighty affairs allow it. [Gives the names of the Princes he has visited, as on p. 449 above.]
	I have sent to the other Protestant Princes, not being able to go to them, for when I returned here at the end of March I was warned that the Emperor had ordered the Dukes of Bavaria and Cleves and many others to have me arrested and sent to him, and had even summoned the Circles of the Rhine and Westphalia to break my negotiation.
	I complained to the Electors and other Protestant Princes and even .wrote to the Emperor, but after waiting ten days at his Court, my man returned without any answer. The Electors were much surprised by this new dealing of the Emperor (as was also the King of Denmark), yet some are colder than they formerly were, from their fear of displeasing him.
	I have not yet received a settled resolution from them, for when they were gathered for the wedding and betrothal of two of the daughters of the Elector of Saxony, one to the Bishop of Halberstadt, eldest son of Duke Julius of Brunswick, and the other to the Prince of Coburg, eldest son of Duke John Frederick of Saxony, now a prisoner, the said Elector, rather than have anything concluded, went off to the baths near Mayence [qy. Wiesbaden], which has delayed my business. And the Emperor's ill-will has kept me two months and a half at this stay, by the advice of the Landgrave William, who thought that in future I must negotiate by letter, as I have done.
	But some days ago, Duke Casimir sent for me to go to him on a matter of importance, and the Duke of Brunswick and the Landgrave promise to send me so well escorted that I shall run no danger on the road. And although the Emperor, the [French] King, the King of Spain and their followers, and the devil himself whom they serve do their utmost to stop me, I promise you I will not give up what I have begun, not even if I kill myself by doing it.
	I have also to tell you that Jacob Andreas, Vigandi, Kemnicius [Chemnitz] and other Ubiquitarian doctors, both by writing and preaching, are trying to put Princes and people in dread of my negotiation; so that the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, being asked if they would appoint a synod to consult how to put an end to the differences amongst ourselves, although they have not dared to advise to the contrary, have referred it to the said Princes to do what they think best, and have declared that they would not come to it, excusing themselves on the ground of age. There is nothing in the world that these doctors fear so much as to come to a synod, for it would be very easy to show the Princes that they have been deceived by them.
	If you write, address your letters to Mr. Menson, minister of God's word at Embden, or some other Englishman, who will send them hither to M. Pesclius, superintendent of the churches of this place, who will always know where I am.—Bremen, 18 June, 1584.
	Add. Endd. “1584, 8 June.” Fr. 2 pp. [Germany, States, III. 33.]
June 8.	668. Instructions for William Herle.
	A memorial for W. Herle of matters to be communicated on her Majesty's behalf to the Counts of Embden.
	To inform himself immediately upon his arrival what dealings there have been between Count Edzard and the King of Spain's ministers, either for sale of his interest in the said county, or “to be at his devotion, and to grant him the free use of the river of Ems.”
	Also how Count John and the town of Embden stand affected.
	In case he finds that such a compact has been dealt in by Count Edzard, he shall, as of himself, dissuade the said Count from proceeding further therein, “putting him in mind how great a wound it must needs be to his own conscience and a dishonour to his whole house,” to “open a gap ” for the King of Spain in these parts, to the prejudice of the Empire and the whole of Christendom, and the overthrow of the religion himself professes.
	In case these persuasions do not prevail, Herle is, as of himself, to deal secretly with Count John and those of the town of Embden, to find means to break the progress of this compact with Spain, putting them in hope that her Majesty will concur with them by all the good means she can.
	And if he see any likelihood that bestowing a pension upon Count Edzard will stay him from his course, to assure him that (he believes) her Majesty may easily be induced to grant him one.
	In case the Count perseveres in his intelligence with Spain, Herle is to acquaint the Princes of Germany therewith, and to pray them to counsel the said Count to desist, and, in case he will not follow their advice, to employ all their forces against him, as an enemy both to the Empire and the Religion.
	If the neighbouring Princes are already acquainted with Count Edzard's proceedings, Herle is to inform himself how they are inclined, and which are accounted likely to assist in case of necessity. He is also to thank Count Edzard for his favour and good usage shown to the merchants, and to desire the continuance thereof.
	Lastly, as it is hard to give any certain direction what to do in furtherance of the service, her Majesty refers it to his good discretion to take such course as he may think best to that end.
	Draft, partly in Walsingham's hand. 3 pp. [Hanse Towns I. 75.]
June 9/19.	669. François Perrot de Mezières to Walsingham.
	Since writing to you, three or four days ago, I have received a letter from M. du Plessis, which has followed me from England, telling me of his return into Gascony and of the journey which the Duke d'Epernon was shortly to take thither. He begs me to remember the discourses which we had together when I left Paris to go to you, which is, I believe, to recall to your memory what I have said to you. It is now more than ever the fitting time for counsels, advices, visitations, offices of friendship and correspondence, amongst princes of the same mind and who have the same object, the honour of God, as to which one may say that the preservation of one is the safety of the other.
	What was said to you of Monsieur the brother of the King is now fulfilled, he having died on the tenth of this month, and the eyes of all this State are upon the King of Navarre, as “le Monsieur de la France,” and as it seems, by the great things discovered, practices and intelligences with the ancient enemy of the kingdom, God has disposed the King's heart to acknowledge the sincere intention of the King of Navarre, and to love and favour him, and support his right against those who seek to insinuate themselves by means of fresh troubles, as the journey of the Due d'Epernon proves. The neighbouring princes, who have the same cause, and are menaced by the same tempests, perhaps by the same instruments, ought to join together more than ever, to strengthen and confirm each other.
	There is no need to urge you to report faithfully what you think proper for her Majesty's ears, which will be to second what I have told you Plessis had done in the matter of the King his master. Nothing else is talked of except that they are bringing Monsieur's body hither, which ought to arrive in two days at Notre Dame des Champs, thence to be carried on Monday, the 25th, to Notre Dame de Paris, and the day following to St. Denis, where, on the morrow, the usual service will be celebrated. After that the King goes to Normandy, taking all his Council with him.—Val de Grace, three leagues from Paris, 19 June, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1¾ pp. [France XI. 134.]
June 10.	670. Nicolas Carenzone to [Walsingham ?].
	Stating that when he negotiated with the Duke of Alva and the States his payments, exclusive of his diet, amounted to two per cent; therefore, what he now undertakes for her Majesty involving the like time, care, labour and experience, he thinks that she ought to grant him at the rate of [blank] per cent. of what from time to time she shall be re-imbursed by the agreements concluded; submitting himself, notwithstanding, to her royal judgment and that of his honour and Mr. Sidney, and believing that at the conclusion of the negotiation they will find that the money has been well employed.—10 June, 1584.
	Endd. Italian. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XXII. 4.]