Elizabeth: July 1580, 6-10 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 14, 1579-1580. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.

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'Elizabeth: July 1580, 6-10', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 14, 1579-1580, ed. Arthur John Butler( London, 1904), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol14/pp341-352 [accessed 22 November 2024].

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July 1580, 6-10



July 7.	358. COBHAM to [THE SECRETARIES]. Since I last wrote by Mr Windebank, nothing has happened. As for Monsieur's affairs, and what passes in his Court, I suppose this bearer returns thence well instructed. The king and Queen Mother hold their Court at 'St. Moro,' and the plague and other disease in Paris is such that it is thought the Grand Conseil will remove hence ; but no place at present appointed. It is desired to see whether there will be occasion for the king to repair to Compiégne, toward la Fère. It will be according as the pacification may be procured by Monsieur ; or otherwise that the siege be advanced, which hitherto is not altogether in readiness, though companies are now daily marching thitherward. Marshal Matignon lodges five leagues from la Fère. M. de Mouy and the other gentlemen make daily sallies on horseback. It appears that Monsieur is treating with the king very favourably on behalf of the King of Navarre and the Prince. The affairs are yet in deliberation 'in some staggering manner,' so that it breeds suspicion of an attempt towards the Low Countries. The king seems to 'stomach' the partial proceedings of the Pope towards King Philip and the slender respect had in Rome of Frenchmen's dispatches and suits. There was 'no counsel made of' the Queen's manner of receiving the Prince to her presence, and her friendly show towards his Majesty, with which they are well content, thinking it will be a means to peace. There is no news from Spain, but that King Philip was expecting better means to bring the Portuguese to his dovotion by practice rather than by using force, and that some of the nobility had resorted to him. The Earl of Westmorland has left Paris in company with the Spanish contador Navaretto, and had not returned this morning. Mr. Copley still remains here.—Paris, 7 July, 1580. P.S.—I have in my hands the names of the Cardinals, with their dispositions and manner of dealing in several countries, ready to send when you command. 1 p. [France IV. 114.]
July 8.	359. "The copy of a letter dated at Lisbon the 8th of July last.' On the 14th of last month Don Antonio was in 'Santaryne' in the company of the Pope's legate and the Bishop of Guarda and other gentlemen, being ready to build a fort in a place called Marvilla. The people rose in a mutiny, saying that since the Governors would deliver the Kingdom of Portugal to the Kingdom of Castile, rather than it should be so they would have his Highness for their king. He would not consent to it at first, but being desired and almost forced by the legate and other noblemen and burgesses who were present, he was chosen king within two days after, and sworn by those that were present with great rejoicing of all. So he left that town accompanied by 500 horse and foot, and as he came on his way was sworn king in every town, and so arrived in this city of Lisbon. The Governors, who were at 'Centuvall' [qu. Setubal], understanding that Don Antonio was sworn king, began openly to show themselves on King Philip's side, and sent letters to Don John 'Teloe' (Tello), Governor of 'Bedlem,' that he should not permit but 'defend' the king's coming to Lisbon, which he did 'effectually,' sending seven companies of soldiers to the gates of the city. But as soon as the king arrived at the gate called the 'Mororia,' the soldiers who were in the gate turned down their pikes and received him with great joy, and likewise all the people that were in the city, though they were a little company by reason of the sickness ; and so he was accompanied by all the people to the chief church of the city, and there received with great solemnity by the clergy. Thence he went to his palace by the river-side, and within four days assembled as much people as he could, and 'took his passage' to go to 'Centuval,' to take possession of the town and apprehend the Governors. Also he sent by sea four ships to stay their going by sea, but they went away before in a carvell that was there, and took ship in the night time from the lodging of one of them that was hard by the water-side ; and they durst not go 'out of doors,' but went out of a window by ropes, and escaped with much ado, because the men of their guard rose against them, because they are 'tretors' how the [sic ; qu. to] deliver their country into the Spaniard's hand. And so the four Governors escaped, that is to say Don John 'Mascarinius,' Francis 'De Sawe,' 'Dewgolopis' (surnamed the Devil), and Don John Teloe ; and remained only the 'Archepiskte.' There went with them a great many gentlemen, Antonio of 'Caskallies,' the Earl of 'Lygnaris' the younger, 'Lewis Seaser,' Don Edward of Castelbranke, chief constable, 'Dewgolopis Desekira' and ten more. The Spanish ambassador came away by land with 20 men, and before he went he bribed the captain of the castle to suffer them to pass without danger. Don John Teloe, when he went to 'Sayntuvall' in the galley, gave leave to the oars to go away, that they might flee with more security ; and so the Governors did steal away that night. But the next morning the Earl of Vimiosa, called Don Francis Portugal, made ready boats with soldiers to go to the galley and follow the Governors, and if possible apprehend them. But when they came to the galley, all the oars were gone, which was a great grief to him, because 'it' is a good 'Portingale,' and loves the king very well. The king entered 'Saintuvale' with 8,000 horse and foot, and was received with great joy, and sworn king, and went into the castle ; and leaving all in good order returned to this city three days ago and remains here with all the nobility of the realm. He has strengthened the river with a good navy, and the castles are all in good order. In two days he will go back to 'Santaryne' to make his soldiers ready to resist King Philip's camp, which is already in possession of divers towns in the 'shire of Alentegio' without resistance, because the Governors had by letter commanded them to submit without fighting ; and because it was done suddenly and unknown to Don Antonio, he could not give order to the contrary, and so the king is determined to 'present the battle' to the enemy. God sent him victory, for he is a prince worthy to be beloved. Note in Burghley's hand of the names mentioned in the letter. Endd. by his secretary. 3 pp. [Portugal I. 33.]
July 10.	360. "A Memorial for matters of Council at Nonsuch." It seems that the Prince of Orange and the States are disposed to commit themselves and their countries to the government of the Duke of Anjou, and he to be admitted by them, so far as they can confirm it, to be sovereign lord over them, with certain limitations. It also seems that Monsieur is contented herewith, and that he will have the aid of the king, his brother ; so that it is very probable the countries will be annexed to the Crown of France in time to come, notwithstanding any limitations to the contrary. It is also likely that the Crown and realm of England which have of old been confederate with those countries for their mutual defence against France, will by this alteration be weakened, and for lack of the ancient league become subject to the power of France. Besides, by this 'adjunction' of the Low Countries to France, especially of the islands ; as Holland, Zealand, and the other maritime countries, as Flanders and Brabant, England will be at the command of France for the usual traffic by sea, and will also become inferior to France in navigation and power by sea ; whereas now England is known to be far superior to France. Besides these, many incommodities are like to ensue. The question hereupon is : what is presently to be done by the Queen to prevent these perils? Before answer be made the following things are to be considered. On the part of France : her Majesty is in treaty with the French king and Monsieur for a marriage sought by Monsieur with herself, in which so much progress has been made, that it was only left for her Majesty to declare whether she would have certain commissioners to come from France to conclude the matter ; and though she has delayed some time therein, she has not in the end rejected them, but has 'pretended' certain difficulties to Monsieur, to move him to forbear from sending the Commissioners in respect of what he might mislike here, and not of anything she 'shows' to mislike for herself. Whereupon Monsieur has, notwithstanding these difficulties, determined to send away the Commissioners, to be here August 15, and professes constantly to desire the marriage. Besides, it is to be remembered that there is a great preparation of forces in France, partly on the king's side, to pursue the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé and their party, for religion ; insomuch that the king has sent forces to besiege la Fère, where the Prince of Condé has left a force to keep it. The King of Navarre also has an army to defend himself as he may. Monsieur has also entertained great companies, on the plea of serving him for the cause of the Low Countries, where he already has in his possession the town and castle of Cambray, and has had Bouchain surrendered to him lately. Yet he certifies that as he has power from the King of Navarre to agree to peace for those of the Religion, so also he has authority from the king, his brother ; so that by appearance that civil war 'may chance stay,' and he is more ready to 'follow his action' to recover the Low Countries. On the part of the Low Countries : The Queen's credit is not so good as it has been with the Prince of Orange and the States, for she has forborne to give them such aid as they required ; which if they had received they think they had prevailed in their actions, and if her Majesty had consented thereto, they would have committed their whole estate to her, to be their protector, or, if she would, to have the 'propriety' of their countries. Besides this she has shown her unwillingness to favour their cause, in that she has not payment [sic] to Pallavicino and Spinola for money which they lent the States at her request and upon her bonds, for which she has the counterbonds of the States ; but as it seems they either will not or cannot make payment to the merchants, so that there remains this difference between her Majesty and them both for those sums and others heretofore lent them. On the part of the Malcontents in the Low Countries : There are a great number of noblemen combined together, offering their obedience to the king, and yet with the limitation that they are promised all the liberties they can justly demand and not to be governed by strangers, not to keep [sic] any strange forces among them other than they themselves shall require ; being only bound to the obedience of the see of Rome for their religion, and to the king as their sovereign lord. It is to be noted that this party is very great, having almost all the noblemen of the Low Counties as heads of their faction against the Prince of Orange and three or four noblemen, not of any title ; but in possession of great towns they are far inferior to the Prince. Yet considering they have the pay of the King of Spain, and may have help of strange forces, as Spaniards, Italians, or Almains, they are the more animated to hold on their course, and to 'keep war' against the Prince and his party ; who therefore having no other aid but of themselves are moved to seek aid from the French king and his brother, which it seems they will not have without taking Monsieur for their lord or governor. It is also to be remembered that the Duchess of Parma is coming to the Low Countries by direction of the King of Spain, and offers to give reasonable conditions of peace to all the countries ; but the Prince's party are not ready to believe it, but rather fear to be 'abused' thereby, to stay them from receiving aid from Monsieur. Upon all these different matters it is now to be considered by how many means it were meet for her Majesty to prevent the perils to the Crown of England already mentioned. Before any special means can well be thought of and set down these things are to be observed as principles to be maintained. First, the Prince of Orange and his party, professing their religion against the Pope, cannot and will not accept any conditions of accord with the King of Spain, nor will they submit to M. d'Anjou save with very great assurance of continuing free for ever in their religion ; for upon that point almost only stands the difficulty of peace betwixt the king and them, and betwixt the Malcontents and them. Now to proceed to show advice by sundry degrees. If the Queen will yield to the Prince's demands for a substantial aiding of them with men and money, or either, as they shall require, it is likely they would choose her protection rather than that of France. And it is very likely that the realm of England in Parliament would consent to the charge thereof, than [sic] for want of aiding them, to see those countries fall to the Crown of France. If this course like her Majesty, it were necessary to send some trusty man secretly to the Prince of Orange : the same person to speak secretly with such special persons on the States' side as he may understand have been hardly disposed to yield to France. These might be dealt with to prolong their treaty with Monsieur by devising such difficulties as might stay his conclusion with them. This 'party' is to understand what would be a reasonable aid to preserve them in their present state until further provision may be made to restore them to their liberties with security for their religion. It were also convenient to send one well-informed to the King of Spain 'to let him now, upon this extreme peril, understand the final loss of his Low Countries,' and to show him that hitherto her Majesty has used all good means, 'yea, by suffering them to be aided both with men and money,' only to keep his Low Countries from the possession of France, and has herself forborne to take possession of any part of them, as she might have done ; but now seeing the matter brought to this extremity that her own Crown and realm will be a partaker in the king's loss, and considering that the mutual friendship and conversation that there has been for the benefit of her kingdom and those countries, will by this adjunction be turned into hatred and hostility, the king ought not to mislike that she does all she can to 'impeach' this defection to France, and therefore, till he may be more willing to accord them their desires, by which he may both end these civil wars, continue their sovereign, and enjoy his ancient revenues, her Majesty has by great advice of sundry her Estates determined to try if by giving them some aid she may dissuade their junction with France. And that the king may see that her intention does not proceed from any particular regard of herself that might be hurtful to him, she prays him to consider how in this case she will directly offend the Duke of Anjou, to whom she thinks herself more bound in friendship for the love he has shown her, and still continues, to require her in marriage, with such honourable conditions as she can justly demand. If God should so direct her that she should take him for a husband, and he should first be made lord of the Low Countries, as unless he be hindered by her special means, it is evident he shortly may be, it may appear that she does not so much regard any private interest for him that may be her husband, as she does the public interest which her people have long had and which should continue for the mutual benefit of the king and his successors, her Majesty and her successors, and their countries and people. And to conclude this part concerning the King of Spain, he is to be pressed not to delay any longer, but with all speed for ending all these civil wars and the imminent danger of the loss of his countries to send ample commission thither, that the Prince of Orange and his party, who are ready to yield themselves to France, may have assurance of their 'estates' in the matter of religion, without which it is manifest they will not stay ; and that being granted, the king may be assured of their obedience to him in all worldly duties, for more assurance whereof her Majesty will if it please him, bind herself to compel them to continue in the same. It were also necessary to send with all speed to Monsieur, to remind him of his former promise to her Majesty that he would acquaint her from time to time with his proceedings towards the Low Countries ; but because she understands by reports from thence that they have sent commissioners to treat with him, and the treaty is almost 'at a perfection,' whereby it is reported that he is to have some interest in the Low Countries, but in what sort she understands not ; therefore, according to the sincere terms of friendship, she hopes he will, before any full conclusion herein, make her privy and 'be content therein to have her allowance,' for which purpose she now requests him to prolong the treaty and to advertise her of his proceedings. She cannot but let him understand that if their treaty results in the conclusion of marriage between him and her, as she has advertised him of some difficulties lately arisen to move him to forbear from concluding marriage (of which as it seems by his own letters he makes no such account, but persists in his purpose of sending commissioners to conclude the marriage), yet surely this one matter of his treaty with the Low Countries may carry with it a difficulty greater alone than all the former that have been mentioned, and may prove to be so much disliked by her people, of all sorts without exception of degree or religious profession, that 'without' the same be wisely and speedily provided, though the marriage should inwardly content both him and her, yet with such universal discontent of her whole realm, she could never 'be satisfied to think her marriage happy to her.' Therefore as he shall show himself constant in the pursuit of this marriage, for which she 'knowledgeth' herself bound more to him than to any person living, she requests him not only to advertise her how far he has proceeded in this treaty with the Low Countries, but also to forbear from concluding it till either by conference with his commissioners for the marriage, or for more speed, by some special person, it may be considered how far his plans for the marriage and for his action in the Low Countries, may concur to her just 'cause of liking.' Further, if she intend to marry Monsieur, it were meet that the commissioners should come, and that being signified to him, he may be precisely required, if he mean to have the marriage take effect, to forbear concluding with the States till there has been a conference between her Majesty and him by his commissioners, on both 'actions' at once. If her Majesty take the first course, by aiding the Prince of Orange, thereby to 'detorn' him from the French, because the cause is of great weight, 'and the burden and sequel thereof must belong to the whole body of the realm,' it were necessary, because Parliament cannot meet before August, that her Majesty might besides her ordinary Privy Council send for some special noblemen, and some chief men of the Lower House, to impart this matter beforehand ; that it may not be said that so great a cause, belonging to the whole realm, is either taken in hand or left by the advice of a few. Memo. in Burghley's hand, and endd. by him with date. 11 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIII. 36.]
July 10.	361. "The substance of the considerations." The ways to stay the 'adjunction' to France of the Low Countries. 1. To dissuade Monsieur either wholly, or to forbear the conclusion until her Majesty's advice may be given. 2. To send to stay the Prince of Orange and the States. 3. To persuade the King of Spain to grant them the conditions moved at the last 'treaty' at Collen. 4. To procure the Duchess of Parma, if she have power, by means of the most temperate among the Malcontents, to grant the States their requests. Order how to proceed. 1. By a message to Monsieur declaring how much it will offend her and her whole realm, and, therefore, that he should forbear to conclude till her Majesty further imparts her meaning. If that do not move him, then, if she shall 'like of' marriage, to move him to send commissioners, who may treat both of marriage and of the other case. 2. The Prince must be assured of her Majesty's help to withstand his enemies until they obtain an assured peace from the king. In this it is needful to have the allowance of Parliament, in respect of the cost. 3. A special man to the King of Spain, to set forth the danger of the Low Countries, to show the just defence of her Majesty's actions for preserving them from defection to the French. 4. Another to deal 'obscurely' with some of the Malcontents, to show them the danger of their 'estate,' to see whether the Duchess of Parma has authority. Memo. in Burghley's hand, endd. by him : 10 July, 1580. Memorial, L. Ch. L. Tres. L. Chamb. L. of Leicester. Mr Vich. Mr Sec. W. at Nonsuch. 1 p. [Ibid. XIII. 37.]
July 10.	362. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON. Her Majesty having occasion to send to the Prince of Orange, and minding to use you, has willed me to send for you to come hither forthwith, where you will receive further directions. You are therefore to repair hither immediately. You will do well so to dispose of yourself, 'and other your things,' that you may 'be gone in post' with two servants only as soon as you have your instructions here.—Nonsuch, 10 July, 1580. Add. : 'at his house in Wood Street.' Endd. ¼ p. [Ibid. XIII. 38.]
July 10.	363. "Ways to prevent the coming of Monsieur into the Low Countries." The ways, in my simple opinion, are chiefly three : either by continuing the troubles in France, or by 'travailing' with the Spanish king to yield to a peace, or else by breaking off the marriage, and the Queen to oppose the enterprise of the French and assist the States. By continuing the troubles the means for attempting the Low Countries are taken away, and although peace follows, by the inconstancy of the French, who are suddenly at war and as soon at peace, time will yet be gained, which may bring forth some accident to hinder that enterprise another way ; for chi ha tempo ha vita, and the States are at this time in no such extremity, the faction of the Malcontents being in some 'declination' and no Spanish or foreign forces to any purpose in those countries to press them to a sudden resolution for Monsieur. To protract the troubles in France will serve to 'impeach' the enterprise in the Low Countries, or, by a peace to be made, provide in some way to hinder it. The Queen should assure herself of the Churches in France, and of Duke Casimir, so that, though the Princes would yield to a pacification without good assurance, they may be bridled by the Churches and the Duke ; who, once entered into France, will be able by the goodness of the country to feed them at least a whole year without pay, as he did last time, upon expectation of a full and good pay from the king. His credit among his countrymen is such that he may be backed secretly by the Queen ; and an army once entered will be augmented by great numbers of gentlemen and others on this side the Loire, who now dare not stir. The second way, by 'travailing' with the King of Spain to induce him to a peace—it is likely he will now rather than heretofore lend his ear to it ; for he may be assured by the last enterprise of Monsieur and by his present intent in treating with the States, that there will be danger of losing it. For he will now see that his plot in dividing the people in the Low Countries, thereby to weaken and overthrow them 'each by other,' has in a sort failed, and that he has no forces in the country to withstand the French ; and that the charges of an army to be 'dressed' in haste in the Low Countries will beggar him, considering the great charge he is at in Portugal, where he would be loth to 'take a foil,' being entered so far as to claim the Crown by force. It will be hard to end that war to his honour unless he lay hands on the Crown, which he can only do with length of time ; to his own ruin perchance if that nation may be any way assisted from abroad. And though Spain be not able to deliver a puissant army into the Low Countries, yet it is likely that to divert the French he may be brought to give some ducats to lengthen the troubles in France. The last way is breaking off the marriage, which on the sudden may seem too violent, and is a course that her Majesty will haply not be brought to. By opposing his enterprise openly, it must redound to her great charge to be continued ; whereby she will not only exasperate Monsieur and the King, but also draw the King of Spain into a hard conceit of her doings. He hates in any sort to see her intermeddle in the Low Countries, though it tend to their safety and his own. Withal this course will be less honourable for her Majesty than any other. So she is to employ ministers 'into' Germany, France, and Spain ; to Duke Casimir, to the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé ; to the King of Spain. Besides negotiating this peace, they may explore many things for the service of Ireland, deal for the merchants, and also do the voyage of Portugal, 'if it shall be considered with its circumstances.' Endd. by Burghley : 10 July, 1580. Mr Wilks at Nonsuch. 2 pp. [Ibid. XIII. 39.]
July 10.	364. "The heads of certain speeches delivered by her Majesty unto the Ambassador of Spain, the 10th of July, in the presence of certain of her Council." (fn. 1) Her Majesty finding by advertisements received from divers places, matters with which she thought the king his master should be made acquainted, since they touched him no less in honour than they did her in safety, was moved to impart them to him, not so fully as she received them, being in themselves ample and many ; but summarily and in few words, both to avoid tedious discourse, and in order that by easy insight into them, more speedy redress might ensue, in case the reports given out should not be found untrue. Therefore she first told him of an intelligence she had received from sundry parts, that the king together with the Pope and other princes had entered into a confederacy, not only to dispossess her of the realm of Ireland, but to attempt something against the realm of England, as soon as his enterprise in Portugal is finished. She was advertised that preparations for this were being made at a place called 'Farolle' not far from the Groyne, the charge of them being committed to a certain Irish bishop, who had amassed there great quantities of munitions, and had about February last sent some frigates to Ireland under some person of mark, to put the rebels there 'in comfort' of some aid to be sent from Spain this summer ; all which preparations were 'coloured' to be made at the charges and solicitation [Lat. sub auctoritate et mandato] of the Pope and furthered by the king, as appears by attestations under public notaries' hands of some of the ports in those quarters. Notwithstanding the probability of these reports, witnessed by the hand of the king's officers, she could not have been easily induced to credit them, if she had not last year actually seen something attempted ; when James Fitzmorris accompanied by certain Spaniards made a descent into Ireland, by the king's order and maintenance, as was confessed [Lat. adds : cum ad supplicium duceretur] by one Captain Julian, a Spaniard, who accompanied him, and was taken in one of the rebels' castles, having seized it to the king's use. The king's privity to this assistance given to the rebels was further confirmed by a supplication exhibited by one B.C. [Lat. cuiusdam præfecti militum] in which he complains of default of reimbursement of such sums as he had disbursed in the levy of soldiers to accompany Fitzmorris, by virtue of the king's commission to that effect. And as it might be objected that the king was no more to blame for assistance given to Fitzmorris than her Majesty for support given to them of Flanders, she declares it might well be answered in honour and truth that the cases were far different, if the following circumstances were considered. First, when the Low Countries were sundry times offered to her and the principal towns presented to be delivered into her hands, she utterly refused them [Lat. adds : spoliis opimis nolens se ornare optimi sui fratris Catholici Regis]. Secondly, when she heard of the French practices, and the disposition of the people of the country to incline that way, she sent to the king and his governors there 'welnere' a dozen of her ministers, to advise him to look to those practices, and meet them betimes. Lastly, about two years ago she sent certain persons of quality into the Low Countries, on seeing clearly that France openly sought under colour of protectorship to possess himself [sic] of the countries, to dissuade them from assenting thereto ; "by whose travail at that time the same was impeached and stayed." If the king would show that in the case of Ireland he had used the like friendly offices towards her, he would be justified, and she would have no cause to find herself aggrieved. Her dealings in the Low Country causes never tended to any other purpose, for which she appeals to God and her own conscience, but to the preservation of the countries for him ; whereas his towards Ireland manifestly show they were to a contrary end, as the proceeding therein too apparently bewrays. Notwithstanding, she doubts not that through God's goodness and those means she has, she will be able, if either the king or the Pope or any of his confederates attempt anything against her, to defend herself, whatever traitorous rebels may slanderously report touching the alienation of her subjects' hearts from her. In the end she doubts not he will find them illdeserving of the pensions he bestows on them [Lat. in eos tantam pecuniarum summam male collocatam] ; a matter with which she has at times with good cause found herself aggrieved as contrary to the leagues and amity between them, but could never get any redress, though it cannot be proved that any pension was ever given by her to any of his subjects. In spite of all which unkind dealing, which might have alienated any other prince than herself, and caused them to take revenge, her Majesty having always in the course of all her actions 'laid the foundation' that neither private revenge, nor ambition, nor desire of increase of dominion could ever cause her to swerve from the line of justice, and having regard to the ancient amity between their predecessors, she would be loth to leave undone anything that might move a prince, who is not transported by passion, to condemn his own error in so unkindly requiting her friendly dealings ; and to justify her, whose proceedings towards him, if they were thoroughly known, could not but be allowed even by her greatest enemies, if they respected the matter rather than the persons. And since she would not willingly break off the course of her good offices towards him, and to make her sincerity more apparent, notwithstanding these unkind dealings, she cannot but let him know that she is informed that his subjects in the Low Countries are fully determined to give themselves over to the protection of France ; and though she means to give what impediment she may, and stay them for a time she doubts that unless he yield to some speedy remedy, she will not be able to prevail. Therefore she would advise him rather to hard conditions, having regard to necessity, which has always overruled the greatest monarchs, than to hazard the loss of those countries, and thereby weaken himself and strengthen his enemy. And in case he profits no more by this admonition than he has done in former times, she must plainly let him understand considering the great danger that will grow to her dominions in case the Low Countries are annexed to the Crown of France, she will be forced, against her liking to 'set in foot' and make herself a party. Draft in writing of L. Tomson (one or two corrections by Walsingham), and endd. by him and L. Cave. 4½ pp. [Spain I. 52.]
July 10.	365. Latin version of the above. Draft in writing of L. Tomson and endd. by him. 3¾ pp. [Ibid. I. 52a.]