Simancas: October 1586 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1896.

Citation:

'Simancas: October 1586', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586, ed. Martin A S Hume( London, 1896), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp632-644 [accessed 27 November 2024].

October 1586



7 Oct. Paris Archives, K.1564. 192.	489. Sampson's advices from England. Captain Pardin has arrived here, having been sent by Don Antonio from London, which place he left on the 1st instant. With regard to the conspiracy against the Queen, he reports that up to the time of his leaving, none of the prisoners had been executed, because as they were about to execute them they discovered two more. One hundred persons are in prison, and Babington had confessed that he had reached the Queen's carriage with a pistol for the purpose of killing her, but that his heart had failed him. It is reported that they have discovered another conspiracy, arising out of the first one, namely, a plan formed by all the Catholic London apprentices, who were to rise and kill the heretics, which would have been an easy thing to do if they had known how to conduct such an affair. Thirty or forty apprentices had been arrested, when, on the following day, some threatening papers against the justices were found posted on the Lord Mayor's door. With this the persecution of the apprentices was stopped, and no further search was made. He (Pardin) reports with regard to Don Antonio's affairs, that the Queen is willing to pay his debts and give him a good pension. She makes much of him, and Drake visits him constantly. The time of Drake's departure was uncertain, but it was said that 20 or 25 ships were being fitted out for him to return to the Indies. Pardin brings letters from Don Antonio to the King and Queenmother, asking them whether they will promise to help him to go to Portugal, when they have made peace. Villeroy has received him very well, and give him hopes of aid.
8 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 196.	490. Charles, Earl Of Westmoreland, to Philip II. Thanks him humbly for granting him an extension of the pension he conferred upon him in Flanders as a Catholic English exile. Is in great need, having received nothing for two years, and supplicates him to allow him to be paid the back pension. He will pass all his life striving and praying for him.—Signed, Carlos Conde de Westmerlande. Note.—The body of the letter is in the handwriting of Maldonado, the secretary of Mendoza. It is accompanied by a letter to a similar effect from the Earl to Don Juan de Idiaquez, the King's secretary, begging him to use his influence with the King in the petitioner's favour.
11 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 73.	491. Statement of the Shipmasters Manuel Blanco of the "Buen Jesus," from Pernambuco, Brazil, with sugar and dyewood ; Christopher Martin of the "St. John," from Brazil with a similar cargo ; and Benito Martinez, of the "St. Mateo," also from Brazil. On the 30th September last at one o'clock in the afternoon, in 30° (north latitude) 30 leagues from the rock of Cintra, before they sighted land, they fell in with a number of ships on the outward tack, which they thought where a flotilla of Flemings from Lisbon or St. Ubes. When they approached a tender came alongside each of their ships, and as the men that boarded them were Englishmen of the fleet, they (the deponents) surrendered. Blanco was conveyed to the flagship and Martin to the vice-flagship. The commander of the whole fleet was John Hawkins, who is the man who escaped from the port of San Juan de Ulloa with his ship when the late viceroy of New Spain, Don Martin Enriquez, captured some portion of his fleet. He is a man of over 50 years of age. As soon as (Blanco) reached the flagship John Hawkins asked him whether Diego Flores had gone to the Indies with a fleet, and whether the marquis of Santa Cruz was in Portugal or Castile. The pilot (Blanco) answered that the Marquis was at Lisbon with the troops and his Highness, (fn. 1) and that he (the deponent) knew nothing of Diego Flores, only that when they left Spain a fleet was being fitted out in Castile. John Hawkins said the Queen was raising a great fleet and that she had Don Antonio with her. If the Spaniards thought of taking England, the English would first come with Don Antonio and take Portugal. He said they had come now by the Queen's orders, as it was said that the king of Spain had seized much English property and many ships ; but he, Hawkins, said he came unwillingly as he was tired of seafaring. His fleet consisted of four great galleons of 800 tons each, belonging to the Queen which in appearance were like the great galleons of this country (i.e. Portugal). John Hawkins was kind to deponent, and left him plenty of clothes, &c. He showed him over the flagship, which was very well armed and fitted. He counted 44 great bronze guns, and was told that she carried 300 men. John Hawkins told him that besides the harquebussiers and bowmen, he had in the fleet 1,200 musketeers, and that the other ships were from 150 to 200 tons burden each. There were six tenders, the total number of vessels being 18. The value of his cargo of sugar and dyewood was 12,000 or 13,000 ducats, and John Hawkins gave him (Blanco) a patent forbidding any other English ships from taking more men from his vessel, as the flagship had taken some of his and a passenger. There were other English ships about, besides the 18 mentioned, but as he did not fall in with them the patent was of no use. He saw four Rochelle ships, one of which again plundered him, but he at last arrived with his ship at St. Ubes where he left her. The deponent was asked whether he thought this English fleet looked as if it were going to the Indies, or if any of the English said they were going thither. He replied that the fleet was excellently found, with new sails, and the hulls newly cleaned so that they sailed very well, but he only heard men say they were going to the islands, and especially to St. Michaels, there to await the ships from the Indies which were expected. He thought the fleet must have recently left England, because they had fresh apples and pears, and many sheep, sucking pigs, and the like. Christopher Martin of the "St. John" deposed that they had taken him on board the vice-flagship, which was even larger than the flagship, and almost as large as our great galleon "San Martin." (fn. 2) The captain of the vice-flagship was a stoutly-built man of 60, good looking and hearty, but he did not learn his name. The captain asked him whether he knew what fleets were being fitted out in Spain. He replied that he did not, as he left for Angola 18 months ago. He then asked him whether there was a good harbour at St. Michaels? He said he had never been there. He (the captain?) replied that he knew of a very good one where men could be landed between two cliffs. He asked him whether he knew anything of the Indian flotillas? He said he did not. The captain said he wanted to meet the Portuguese fleet that went to the Islands, and he was going to await the Spanish Indian flotilla. He said also that the English fleet consisted of 24 ships, nine of which had been separated from the rest, but he did not know whither they were bound. The vice-flagship was very well fitted, and carried 54 bronze pieces, all very large, and had 350 men. The outside of the poop of the vessel was much gilded with the queen of England's arms thereon, the other three great galleons being similarly decorated. He heard them say that they were fitting out a great fleet to come to Portugal, and that they had built one ship of 1,200 tons. He did not hear who was coming in this fleet, but they said that next year they would come and capture the ships from the Indies. They were very kind to him personally, but took his pilot (mate) from him. The captain told him that if he found what he was seeking he would at once let the pilot go. The sugar and dyewood they took from him would be worth about 9,000 ducats. He was also plundered by the four Rochelle ships as he came in company with Manuel Blanco. All the four great galleons belonging to the Queen were similarly armed, and the other ships and the tenders were also well manned and armed with cannon. Benito Martin of the "St. Mateo" from Pernambuco, Brazil, said that three English ships overhauled and captured him on the 6th September. His cargo of dyewood and sugar was worth 10,000 ducats, and at the same time they captured another ship in his company, the cargo of which was worth 10,000 ducats. He heard them say nothing particular. The ships of Domingo Gonzales, Juan Cardoso, and Gregorio Alfonso, all loaded with wood and sugar, were taken at the same time. Their cargoes were worth together 50,000 ducats. Two ships from St Thomé are also missing, worth 50,000 ducats. The said Manuel Blanco, Christopher Martin and Benito Martinez signed their names to this in Lisbon on the 11th October 1586.
15 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 201.	492. Bernardino De Mendoza to the Prince Of Parma. By the enclosed despatch from His Majesty, your Excellency will see the proposal made to him by some of the principal Scottish nobles some time since, together with the conditions they requested, and a copy of the letter I wrote to His Majesty on the subject. As this letter will speak for itself, I only need add here, in fulfilment of His Majesty's orders, my own opinion on certain points specified by His Majesty. It would only tire your Excellency to recount how long I have urged this matter, and I will simply say in brief that ever since I going to England I have pressed it upon the Scottish nobles, and more recently upon Claude Hamilton, when he came hither exiled from Scotland and became reconciled to the church. He is a person of valour and understanding, devotedly attached to the queen of Scotland, and his family is one of great influence in the country. Your Excellency will recollect that the king of Scotland, for these reasons, was induced to recall him, and he took the opportunity of encouraging the other Catholics and pointing out to them how small had been the protection extended to him in France in the pursuance of their aims, assuring them that it would be useless for them to expect efficient aid in the fulfilment of their hopes from anyone but the Pope and His Majesty. My design in bringing this about, was (according to my poor judgment) to convert that country (Scotland) to the Holy Catholic faith, which is a matter of inestimable importance and so closely connected with His Majesty's interests ; that its predominance and extension in all parts cannot fail to be of advantage, especially in regard to the peace and quietude of the Netherlands, which reason has double force now that the queen of England has so shamelessly taken under her protection those rebellious provinces. All this is so evident that I need not further seek to prove it, but your Excellency is aware that in a thousand instances, the Scots in the service of the rebels have given you more trouble than any other foreign troops. Seeing that, the Scottish Catholics make this move at the present time, which, for many reasons is the most favourable that could be, and intend to extirpate heresy from their country, it is quite evident that great apprehension will be caused thereby to the queen of England, who has so large a number of Catholics amongst her subjects, whom she oppresses, but upon whom, nevertheless, she will have partly to depend, whenever she tries to impede the Scottish designs, so many of the northern counties bordering Scotland being Catholic. She has already spent large sums in counteracting these designs, maintaining pensioners in Scotland even before the Queen left there, by whose aid the Queen was forced to escape from the country, owing to the civil wars which were fomented for the purpose. The queen of England looks upon herself as unsafe the day she has not in her favour the majority of the people of Scotland, and this she has hitherto managed to secure, as the English faction has been paramount, and she has been able, through them, to subsidise so liberally the Flemish rebels with soldiers. From what I have said, it will be seen how extremely important it is that His Majesty should, under some pretext, aid the Scottish Catholics in their objects, and how great an advantage may thus be gained in his interests. This is the first point upon which His Majesty orders me to give you my opinion. The second point is whether the Scots will be strong enough, if they are given the pay of the 6,000 men they ask for, to resist any invasion of the queen of England. The Scottish nobles themselves in their first clause promise, with the help stated, to resist any such invasion, and their promise may well be accepted, when it is considered that even without any such assistance the Scots have encountered the English successfully in their various wars, without losing a span of land, and at times when the forces of England were much stronger and more united than they are now, and when the kings of England could depend upon their subjects, as this Queen cannot do now that suspicion and distrust reign supreme, and most of her best men are engaged in Holland. The third point is whether the plan of the Scottish nobles may serve as a diversion to prevent the queen of England from sending so many of her forces to Flanders. This is evident, as when she sees in flames a country so close to her own, only separated from it by a mere brook, fordable in most places, she will, of course, fear that the sparks therefrom may set her own place alight, especially as the English Catholics will be sure to sympathise with the Scots, and the Queen will certainly conclude that there is an understanding between them. To this consideration may be added, that now that England is at war with His Majesty, there is no sufficient store of money, men, or munitions, to sustain the war in Flanders, to man with extraordinary garrisons the Scotch and Border fortresses, and to fit out the ships with which they intend to plunder His Majesty's flotillas, and disturb his Indies, since their own commerce has been destroyed by His Majesty's prohibition. (fn. 3) From these points it may be safely concluded that the Queen would have to concentrate her forces at the place where the greatest danger existed for her country, and slacken her efforts where her own interests were not so directly at stake ; and it may be reasoned, that if His Majesty (whom God has made so great and powerful a monarch) was diverted and troubled by the queen of England's sending Drake with his 1,500 shoeless vagabonds to the Indies, how much greater will be her perturbation when she sees the Scottish Catholics endeavouring to extirpate the heretics, and knows that their success would give new courage to the English Catholics to act in the same way. Although these arguments are all in favour of His Majesty, it may be added that the present condition of France is such that, even if the King were to forget his duty and endeavour to obstruct the Scottish Catholics in their righteous enterprise, he could not do it, as he cannot send troops, and the Huguenots will not by that time have disarmed. Still, however, the business is of such great importance that it should be managed with the utmost firmness and care, in order to obtain from it advantage without injury. The latter would certainly result if the Scottish Catholics were to be precipitate, as the heretic forces and the English would at once become more cohesive, instead of separating, as is desirable. For this reason I am of opinion that the Scottish nobles should be written to, saying that His Majesty highly approved of their zeal and the righteous resolution they had adopted, and then in general terms saying that His Majesty will not fail to aid them in the execution of their design, on the condition that it is undertaken on the solid grounds which are needful for the success of such an enterprise, and that they assure him, for their own sakes, that they will carry it through. He therefore wishes to know whether the pay they request for the 6,000 men is for the employment of Scots troops or foreigners? and if the latter, of what nationality? at what port they could disembark? and what personage should command them? They might also he asked if the Catholic lords have entered into this enterprise with the connivance of the King? and if not, whether it is their intention to detain him in a castle after the execution of the design? Whether it will be necessary, in order to get the King out of the hands of the English faction and of the preachers, to fall upon them sword in hand and kill them, or whether they will be forced to leave the country? because in the latter case, as they are so near England, they will go thither, and undoubtedly will obtain assistance to return, with the countenance also of their friends in Scotland. If the soldiers are to be foreigners will the Catholics declare themselves before their arrival, and will they be made masters of the fortresses of Dumbarton, Stirling, Edinburgh, and other places of importance in Scotland? If the money is required for the pay of Scotsmen, how and where are they to be raised, and who are to be their leaders? What season of the year is considered most fitting for the execution of the enterprise? and if it be necessary for His Majesty to reinforce them, whether the troops should be sent from the Netherlands or Spain? and in what port they could disembark? These points must be necessarily cleared up before any armed action can be taken, or His Majesty afford them any specific help ; and by this means we shall learn on what footing the Scotsmen are in this business. We shall be able to judge also whether His Majesty's help to them is likely to be beneficial. With regard to the affair being pressed forward promptly, or otherwise, no one is a better judge than your Excellency, who has upon your shoulders all the burden of the war, and can best calculate the pace at which it would be most advantageous to move. It is certain that, in order to prevent the war in Flanders from becoming chronic, it will be necessary to sting the Englishwoman either in Scotland or Ireland, or both, if not resolutely in her own country. This now involves the dignity and prestige of the King, seeing the many insults she has heaped upon him, and the world will judge, if he fail to punish her, that he is unable to do so. If action be not taken against her, she will necessarily attack His Majesty ; but still, withal, this business must not be undertaken without the assurance of being able to carry it through, and at a season when we shall run no risk of losing what we have gained in Flanders with the expenditure of so much blood and treasure. On this point, as I have said, your Excellency will be the best judge. By sending such a reply as I suggest, according to my scant understanding, in which His Majesty accepts the proposal in principle, they will be pledged to us without our being bound further than the advantage to be gained may render advisable ; and at the same time we shall be able to discover the ground and see whether a smaller sum of money and fewer men will serve for the execution of their plan, which is obviously as much for the service of God as for the advantage of His Majesty. Whilst he is at war with the Englishwoman, His Majesty should on no account fail to welcome the Scots, and keep them in a good humour, because whenever His Majesty wishes to invade her, any movement in his favour in Scotland will be of the highest importance, and, moreover, the Scottish intention is so holy a one that it may be hoped that God in his clemency will crown it with success. I have thus laid before you Excellency my ideas upon the subject, and send my letter specially by one of my servants, who will bring back the reply which you think should be given to Muzio (the duke of Guise), as His Majesty instructs me not to give him any decided answer until I hear from you. I will try to keep him in hand in the meanwhile, but I pray for as prompt an answer as possible, so as to avoid the distrust of Muzio and the Scots.— Paris, 15th October 1586.
19 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 79.	493. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza. I quite understand that your not having sent full reports of English armaments lately, arises from the closing of the ports, and the renewed imprisonment of Catholics there, but now that the first rush is over, and the rigour probably relaxed, you must exercise extraordinary diligence in this matter, as I have often said. It is not only most important that we should know promptly what they are doing, in order to take the necessary steps, but in the absence of trustworthy news from you we get conflicting reports, which cause much anxiety, like those I now send you which reach me from Lisbon. (fn. 4) Let me know what you can learn about this, and pray in future exert the utmost energy in reporting to me all armaments prepared in England. Employ fitting men in the ports to see for themselves. Do this by the means formerly suggested, and let the men correspond in commercial terms, which may be made to form a cipher. They must inform you of all preparations direct, because to depend entirely on correspondence from London will sometimes be too long a process. In addition to this it is most useful for us to hear from there what news they have from Flanders. Your intelligence about the raising of the siege of Bergen was the first news we received of it here.—Madrid, 19th October 1586. Note.—A letter of the 4th November again urges this point of intelligence from England in the most emphatic manner. "It is now more important than ever. Even though the ports are closed he must try to learn and transmit all he can about armaments."
19 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 80.	494. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza. [Extract.] The copy of the queen of Scotland's letter to you also came to hand. I grieve for her trouble all the more for her invariable firmness in our holy faith, and her steadfast desire for its increase. I hope that God will help her. If you get an opportunity of renewing your communication with her, console her and encourage her from me. With regard to the matter of those poor Catholics, there is nothing more to be said, except to deplore their misfortune, for which they themselves are, no doubt, mostly to blame, in consequence of their being unable to keep the secret, and of having communicated it to so many people. It was inevitable that it should become known under the circumstances. You did well in not sending the letters to the duke of Parma when you saw how things were. As they are now useless you had better burn them. —19th October 1586.
20 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 81.	495. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza. A Portuguese named Antonio de Vega will address himself to you under the feigned name of Luis Fernandez Marchone. (fn. 5) He may be trusted, and you may employ him confidentially, if you think well in supplying you with intelligence.—Madrid, 20th October 1586.
20 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 203.	496. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. In accordance with orders, he has written to the prince of Parma about Scotland, copy enclosed (see letter of 15th October). I have not delivered the letter to Muzio yet, as the Scotsman has not appeared nor has Muzio pressed for a reply. I am afraid that there will be a great objection to persuading them (the Scots) to appeal to his Holiness for aid, as it will be necessary to explain to him the names of the leaders and the details of the plan. He (the Pope) will instantly tell Cardinal Rusticucci (fn. 6) (as Muzio's many experiences will prove to him), and Cardinal D'Este will know all about it directly afterwards. He will advise the king of France, who will inform the queen of England, and she will immediately write to the Scots of the English faction, telling them to make ready and seize the Catholics. Muzio is so cautious about it that he told Nazareth that he did not write anything to his Holiness that he did not desire the king (of France) to know, as the latter heard of everything through Cardinals Rusticucci and D'Este. Nazareth himself told me as soon as he arrived here, that in order to get over this difficulty he had left in Rome a nephew of his who is bishop of Gayaza, to whom he wrote confidentially what he desired to be conveyed verbally to those there. I understand that the General of the Jesuits (fn. 7) spoke to the Pope about the members of the Order who are in Scotland, and of the great good they were doing, which would be greater if they were helped with money for ornaments, the printing of books, and other things. The intention of this was to see how his Holiness took it, and, if advisable, to tell him of the offers made by the principal Catholics. But he found the Pope very hard about the question of money, and ready to communicate everything to Cardinal Rusticucci, and consequently carried the matter no farther. (Gives an account of the disorder and inattention of the king of France and the despair of his Ministers.) I managed for the Scots ambassador to send a man to England, through the intervention of his mistress' councillors here, who have the management of her dowry. They were got to represent to the King that it would be advisable in her interests to send such a man, who might then stay in England and send reports of what went on. The King consented, and the gentleman left, but when he had only been in London a week M. de Chateauneuf, the ambassador, sent him back again, saying that it was most unadvisable for him to be detained there, in order to avoid giving rise to more suspicion in the Queen's mind than at present exists. I am therefore unable to advise your Majesty as fully as I should like. The man confirms the departure of Master Hawkins from Southampton with seventeen sail, but with small provision for a lengthy voyage.—Paris, 20th October 1586. Postscript.—I close this letter on the 24th, having kept it since the 20th waiting for a passport. It will be impossible for me to forward my despatches with the necessary punctuality and secrecy, unless the management of the posts be given to Isuardo de Capelo, as I have written before to your Majesty. (fn. 8)
20 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 204.	497. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. They have executed 14 of the English Catholic prisoners in England, the names of whom I enclose. (fn. 9) They all died as Catholics, confessing that they died for religion's sake, and saying that if they had as many lives as they had hairs on their heads, they would spend them all in the same cause. They did not incriminate anyone else. Ballard the priest was the first one they executed, and he exhorted all of them to be of good heart, since they who had been Catholics in life should prove themselves Catholics in death. When Babington's turn came the rope broke and the hangman cut him open alive, as is the custom, to take out his heart. They affirm that whilst the hangman was in the very act of tearing out the heart Babington was heard to pronounce the word "Jesus" three times. M. de Simier, who is hand-in-glove with the English ambassador here, says that he has letters asserting that Ballard confessed that he had seen Charles Paget and me, but that neither Paget nor I knew anything about their having conspired in England against the person of the Queen, and that even he (Ballard) was not aware of it. Since the execution, and in order to incense the people, they have published that the day the Catholics murdered the Queen, they intended to set fire to London, burn all the Queen's ships, and spike all the guns in the kingdom, whilst Babington was to marry the queen of Scotland the next day. The French ambassador writes that Cecil told him that he was present when Babington was tortured, and that he had confessed to him alone with great secrecy, that the queen of Scotland had promised to marry him. This is a very badly invented lie, as Babington was married already and was a good Catholic. On the 14th the English ambassador had audience of this King, and stated the causes of complaint his mistress had against the queen of Scotland in the matter of this conspiracy. The King replied to him in a long speech, signifying that he could not avoid helping the queen of Scotland for many reasons, and especially as she had once been his sovereign. If he forgot this, even the queen of England would think badly of him, and he should judge of her friendship towards him by the way she treated the queen of Scotland at this juncture. He dwelt at length on this point, and after the audience he again sent by Gondi to beg the ambassador, personally to use his good offices in her favour. He replied that he would comply with the request, not as English ambassador but as Edward Stafford. I cannot learn that the King has taken any other steps, except to write to his ambassador. The latter sent one of his servants hither with letters dated 14th instant, reporting that Lord Admiral Howard and Lord Hertford had gone with a force of infantry and cavalry for the purpose of bringing the queen of Scotland from the place where she was to another castle in the county of Cambridge, 12 miles from Windsor ; (fn. 10) and that the Queen had summoned Parliament for the 14th instant. The soldiers and sailors who had gone with Drake had mutinied in consequence of their having been given only 80 reals each. The Queen sent two Councillors to pacify them, who ordered them to be given 160 reals each. They are still fitting out ships to go on the Indian voyage, (fn. 11) saying, however, that they would not be ready to sail until some time next month. Letters from England dated the 8th instant report the departure of Hawkins from Southampton at the beginning of the month, with 17 sail under the English flag. His destination was unknown, but it may be believed he has gone to Rochelle, in view of what I write to your Majesty in another letter advising the arrival at Rochelle of a similar number of English ships. Advices from Rouen of 17th say also that a ship had arrived at Havre-de-Grace from Lisbon, reporting that she had fallen in with Hawkins and 26 ships in Spanish waters, and that they had said they were sailing to the Indies. Six of the ships were large ones, and apparently belonged to the Queen. I am sending this courier expressly to take the news to your Majesty, as I have no knowledge that Hawkins remained at Rochelle, and he will have been joined probably by some pirates. It is true they laid in no great store of victuals or arms in England, but perhaps they depended upon what they could capture on the way, and afterwards intended to encounter the Indian flotillas, since no news of the arrival of the latter has been received. I do not believe the Queen would give any of her own ships for a long voyage, but that the sailors who bring the news thought some of the vessels must be hers because they were large. The Jesuits in Scotland write that they are raising such a harvest by God's help that more priests are required to garner it.—Paris, 20th October 1586.
20 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 206.	498. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. Although I am still trying to arrange to keep a man in England by the plan I have described to your Majesty, I have failed in my attempts to avail myself of Muzio's (the duke of Guise) assistance, as any person connected with him is looked upon with double suspicion. I have therefore thought of making use of M. de la Triell, (fn. 12) a rebel subject of your Majesty's, he having been the lieutenant of Prince de Antona (Epinay?) at Tournai. He has appealed to me through some of his relatives whom I knew in the Netherlands, asking me to use my influence with the prince of Parma in his favour. I have written to the Prince, asking him whether the man's error deserves forgiveness now that he acknowledges it, as he truly does, and whether he may be employed in discovering the rebel plans in Cambrai, and other particulars of Holland and Zeeland where Trielle has great connections. He is a man of understanding, whom the Prince (of Parma) wished to withdraw from the rebels before, and I therefore asked him what connections he had in England? He said that he was in the habit of receiving letters from some of the rebels resident there, but if I wanted to learn anything particularly he would find me a man from the Netherlands who, like himself, was in disgrace with your Majesty, but also, like himself, was anxious for pardon. This man could go with a passport from the English ambassador himself, and would see and report whatever I might desire. I had him brought hither from Abbeville. He is a native of Douai, and his name is Hugo Frion, a horse dealer. On a charge that he was sending horses out of the Netherlands, he fled to Cambrai, where he favoured the cause of the duke of Alençon, and was therefore declared a rebel, and an income he possessed of nearly 200 florins a year was confiscated. He seems to me to be a convenient instrument to send to England for the purpose of reconnoitring armaments, and to Holland and Zeeland, as his business has brought him into connection with all sorts of heretics, and he is a cunning fellow. He promises to do as I wish, and act as a loyal subject of your Majesty, if I would assure him that he should receive pardon. I humbly beg your Majesty to instruct me as to whether I may give him such assurance, and make use of him and M. de Trielle in accordance with their offers. In order to obtain full particulars about both of them, I have written to the prince of Parma, and point out to him the need for making use of such instruments as these for discovering the machinations of the rebel leaders.—Paris, 20th October 1586.
24 Oct. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 209.	499. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. Since my last advices about England, I have letters from Rouen dated 19th instant, reporting the arrival of a French ship at Havre de Grace, which left Lisbon on the 24th ultimo and was taken on the high seas by Captain Hawkins. The latter had with him 12 well-armed ships, five of which were of 700 or 800 tons burden, and the rest of about 100 tons. They told the Frenchman that they were going in search of your Majesty's Indian flotillas, in the direction of the islands of Terceira, where 30 English ships were to meet for the purpose. The French shipmaster reports that before he left Lisbon, Juan Martinez de Recalde (fn. 13) had sailed from there with 15 ships, which he thought would be unable to overcome those of Hawkins. This intelligence is more detailed than that which I sent in my last letter. Perhaps the other ship counted all the English vessels she saw, pirates and all, in Spanish waters, and concluded they were all under Hawkins, or else they had got scattered when this French ship met him, at which time, of course, he would be nearer Spain than when the first ship saw him.—Paris, 24th October 1586.