Simancas: September 1586 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1896.

Citation:

'Simancas: September 1586', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586, ed. Martin A S Hume( London, 1896), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp614-631 [accessed 27 November 2024].

September 1586



5 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 67.	475. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza. The German captain's relation was always looked upon here as being too long-winded and minute, and your information on the same now proves more clearly than before that much was wanting in it. You will be most careful to send constant and full news of English movements and armaments, especially now that Drake has approached here. It is true, as you say, that when they began to report from England (his arrival) it was impossible for him to have arrived ; but according to the news brought by a German hulk which has entered Lisbon, he would not be long after, as they say they sighted him on the 6th ultimo in the English channel. Your vigilance must therefore be doubled, and you must learn all they do and think there, reporting it to me very frequently. The little book in French you send about the disqualification of heretics to succeed to the crown has been considered. You are right at being indignant at the false testimony it bears against one who was so good a Catholic. (fn. 1) It is not well to let so great a lie be current, and as the author is a Catholic, and probably known to Muzio, you will through him cause all the copies that have been printed to be re-called, and the objectionable part eliminated, after which the book may be re-printed and issued.—San Lorenzo, 5th September 1586.
5 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 68.	476. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza. By your letter of 13th ultimo I am informed of the mission upon which Master Gifford was sent to you, and the reply you gave thereto. As the affair is so much in God's service it certainly deserves to be supported, and we must hope that our Lord will prosper it, unless our sins are an impediment thereto. It would appear to be based on a solid foundation, and to have the countenance of many Catholics, but as it is difficult to keep a secret entrusted to so many people, it is a cause for anxiety that it should be so widespread, and that even the schismatics have been let into the secret. I cannot understand how Catholics can trust them, or what security they can have for them. Let me know specifically the points upon which they differ from the English heretics. But still, considering the great importance of the matter, if God bless it with success, and that perhaps the time at length has arrived when He will strike for His cause, you did well in welcoming and encouraging the gentleman who came, and those who sent him, to persevere in their enterprise. It was wise also for him not to return quickly to England, and so arouse suspicion. The warnings you sent thither as to certain other executions which you thought should follow the principal one, were well advised ; only that if your letters should perchance be seized, it might cause the secret to be endangered and imperil the whole business. It is to be hoped that you did not sign them, and sent them by safe hands, so that God will protect them for the end in view ; but, nevertheless, for the future it will be best to confide such matters only to the credence of trustworthy persons who will convey them verbally rather than write them. I merely mention this point as everything else was well done. I recollect some of those whom you mention as being in the plot, and in other cases their fathers. (fn. 2) A business in which such persons are concerned certainly looks serious ; and in the service of God, the freedom of Catholics, and the welfare of that realm, I will not fail to help them. I therefore at once order the necessary force to be prepared for the purpose, both in Flanders and here in Spain. It is true that as the whole thing depends upon secrecy and our preparations will have to be made without noise, the extent of the force must not be large enough to arouse an outcry, and so do more harm than good, but it shall be brought to bear from both directions with the utmost promptness, as soon as we learn from England that the principal execution planned by Babington and his friends has been effected. The matter has been deeply considered here, with a view to avoiding, if possible, the ruin of those who have undertaken so holy a task, and as a consequence all the rest of the Catholics in the country, which would be a great pity. In order not to increase their danger by arousing suspicion at the movements of my forces or fleets, which suspicion at such a time might cause the Queen to put an end to them before they could carry out their intention, it is considered unadvisable that my force in aid should be moved until the principal execution has been effected. By that time the necessary preparations will have been made in Flanders, Lisbon and other ports of Spain, for the prompt sending of support to them, and of this you may assure them. The same reason (i.e. of the avoidance of suspicion) militates even more strongly in England itself, since the safety of the Catholics, now that things have reached their present stage, depends solely upon secrecy, which in its turn depends upon promptness in the execution of their design. Make this truth clear to them, although they cannot fail to know it already. Send Gifford back himself with the message, if he be still with you, as he has been there long enough now to go back without suspicion ; if not, send some other safe trustworthy man. Show them the danger they are in until they ensure themselves by swiftly carrying out the principal execution, by which means their own safety would be secured, and their power in the country established, whilst aid would then at once be sent from here. Exactly the contrary happens, and they are cutting their own throats if they delay or fail, and you will therefore urge despatch and caution, upon which all depends. You will in this way support and forward their design with all earnestness, and especially promote their intention of at once liberating the queen of Scotland and acting in her name, as she will probably have a large following. Refresh their memory, too, about the other executions you mentioned, and also as to taking possession of the ships (fn. 3) and about Don Antonio and the Councillors, as it is all very important for the settlement and security of affairs afterwards. It would be rather late to advise the duke of Parma after the affair has been carried out, because if he is not prepared beforehand he could hardly send the help as promptly as is necessary. As, on the other hand, it is most unadvisable to go on spreading the secret abroad, I have decided to write to him in the way you will see by the copy of the letter, in which both points have been provided for. You will send him the despatch, and in due time he will give the orders to M. de la Motte. I have read the letter written to you by the queen of Scotland, which is as good as usual. Her deep Christianity makes me hope that God will surely help her. You will already have assured her that she will find in me always an earnest desire to help in all that concerns her, as my efforts to come to her aid will prove. The statement you send of the counties of England and their forces has been read. If these forces be united and declare themselves, they will be of considerable importance ; but it is clear that this, like everything else, depends upon the one act which is to be the commencement. When this is done, it will be possible for them all to raise one voice and the way will be smooth, whilst if the intention is discovered before it can be carried out, each one will be destroyed separately and no union will be possible. As all hangs upon this, and the cause is God's own, we must hope that He will favour it. You will keep me well posted on all that happens, by means of private letters, treating of this matter alone, and do not allow a single hour to be wasted. I approve of the allowance to the earl of Westmoreland being continued in Paris, as he is better there than elsewhere at present. You may tell him you have orders to pay it, and do so with the rest of the pensions to his countrymen. A fresh credit of 8,000 crowns shall be sent you for this and other purposes. You did well in sheltering him when he came to you, and he will, doubtless, when the time arrives, lend his support where it may be required. —San Lorenzo, 5th September 1586.
5 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 65.	477. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza. Since the other letter to you about England was written, it has been thought advisable to send you two letters for the prince of Parma. The first one is simply to prepare the ground, and this, if you think well, you can forward at once, without appearing to know what it contains, and I think in the interests of secrecy this will be the best course. The other letter you will keep in your own possession until, by God's grace, you receive intelligence that Babington has carried his intention into effect, In such case only will you send this letter to the Prince, so that he may be able with all speed to furnish the aid required without awaiting fresh orders from me ; this second letter, as you will see by the copy, containing the fullest instructions for the purpose. If the case does not happen you will on no account send the second letter.—San Lorenzo, 5th September 1586. Marginal note in the King's hand :—"All this must be duplicated and even triplicated, as it is so important."
6 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 69.	478. Secretary Idiaquez to Bernardino De Mendoza. His Majesty has instructed you in his letter about the principal business, that his second letter to the prince of Parma must remain in your hands until after the first stone of the edifice has been laid, as you say. The King has ordered me again to urge you to be most careful not to send the letter, or to give any hint of the purpose for which the preparations are to be made, until you are quite certain that the thing has been effected. You will report how the whole matter stands when the principal act has been done. I remind you also as to your remark about seizing Don Antonio and the Councillors. As an attempt to capture him by horsemen in the way suggested might fail, it will be in all respects safer to reject the instrumentality offered, and serve him (Don Antonio) like the rest. Let the proper people know this, and tell them to be sure not to neglect anything that may afterwards give trouble, as this may be an important point for them. Juan Iñiguez wants to find a trustworthy man, a Frenchman, whom he can send to England about Don Antonio's affair, and tells me that you said you would find him one, if you were so instructed from here. You may consider such instruction to have been given, and provide the man, unless you think this new plan is more likely to succeed, in which case you can wait until you see how it turns out, and delay Iñiguez in the meanwhile.—San Lorenzo, 6th September 1586.
6 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 165.	479. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. Since my last letters to your Majesty I have advices from England dated 20th ultimo, new style, saying that Drake had brought with him 18 ships in very bad condition, very little money, but a large quantity of hides, sugar, and ginger. The Queen had ordered him to put to sea with seven ships well armed and to sail for Spain, with the object, it was understood, of discovering the designs of your Majesty's fleet. The earl of Arundel's imprisonment had been made closer than before, and fresh guards have been placed over his wife. Master Babington had been arrested, but he escaped the following night in his shirt. They arrested at the same time a secretary of Hatton's, a strong Catholic, and they say also that Master Gifford had been taken for having shot a harquebuss at the Queen. The matter is related in various ways, some accounts stating that the shot had killed another person who was following the Queen. Little dependence can therefore be placed upon it until fresh advices are received. The French ambassador in England writes that the Queen had a fortunate escape, but without giving any particulars or saying whether they had actually made an attempt upon her or a plan for a rising had been discovered. The Queen was arranging to send troops to the Isle of Wight to fortify it, for fear your Majesty's forces might attempt to effect a landing there. Postscript.—Since I wrote the above a courier from England has arrived, who left there on the 26th ultimo. He reports that arrests continued to be made in consequence of the discovery of a plot against the Queen. It was not true that a harquebuss had been fired at her. I have not been able to learn more, as the courier only arrived at this moment. I also hear the Queen has sent troops to garrison the place called Milford Haven, in the west country, near Bristol.
6 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 166.	480. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. [Extract.] Doubts of the peace in France between the King and the Huguenots being concluded. The archbishop of Nazareth (fn. 4) is favourable to the Spanish cause. He (the Nuncio) had been pressed by the archbishop of Paris and Beliévre to tell them frankly whether the Pope would be pleased for the English enterprise to be undertaken by your Majesty. He (the Nuncio) had answered that the only interest of his Holiness in the matter was the conversion of the country to the Catholic faith, and that this end would shortly be attained by some means, and it was equally welcome to the Pope no matter whose was the hand that did it, your Majesty's, that of the king of France, or anyone else. This quieted them without his appearing partial. Nazareth approves of the Queen-mother having gone to treat for peace, as he thinks that otherwise the King will be obliged to undertake the war with energy, and if peace be effected it will be so scandalous that the confederate Princes will be forced to take up arms again. Nazareth is in secret intelligence with them, and Muzio (i.e. the duke of Guise) has written telling him to write warmly to the duke of Nevers about his going to see Bearn and Condé, after he had been urging the Pope so much to declare them schismatic. Babington, whom I have mentioned, is the leader of the plot about which I wrote to your Majesty. Master Gifford offered on his own account to kill the Queen more than a year ago, although he knew nothing of the conspiracy of the six Catholics, notwithstanding that one of them bears the same name as himself. I have no news of the arrest of any of these, although, as I write to your Majesty, the affair being so widespread I fear it will not be possible to conceal it.—Paris, 6th September 1586. Note.—In a cipher letter of the same date to Don Juan de Idiaquez, Mendoza mentions that he had news from London dated the 26th ultimo, saying that at that date great bonfires were being lit in the streets for joy at the discovery of a conspiracy against the Queen.
9 Sept.	481. Count De Olivares to the King. On the 29th ultimo I sent your Majesty the summary I had given to the Pope, drawn up from the contents of your Majesty's letters, with some alterations to suit his humour, and, as I reported, I was afterwards for some days without speaking to him. I have subsequently had two audiences, and have conferred with Carrafa several times, at length on the business, and at last managed to bring him to the terms stated in the enclosed paper, of which I retain the original signed by Cardinal Carrafa, your Majesty not being pledged in any way. This end has been assisted by the Pope's having been informed, I expect by the Nuncio, that your Majesty was not thinking of undertaking the enterprise. It will be well to maintain the Nuncio in this opinion. There was a great deal of pro and con about the first clause, but I do not repeat it to your Majesty, as the substance of it all was the same as I wrote to your Majesty on the 24th February, in the margin of clause 4, namely, to exaggerate the recent abuses on the part of the English, against which I urged the facility with which your Majesty could come to terms with them, and consequently that the enterprise was not needful for your Majesty. They were at last brought to admit this, although they did not really believe it, such is the regard in which vengeance is held here. No more can possibly be got from them on this point, and it is of no use to refer to it again, but we must accept their admission such as it is. With regard to the money, the previous arguments were gone over again as detailed in the said paper, and there is no need for me to repeat them here. After a great deal of discussion they have agreed to the terms set forth in the enclosed paper. This is a gain to us in four particulars : First, we get 200,000 crowns more, because although in the previous offer there was something to a similar effect, it was saddled with a condition as to time which made it valueless—for God forbid that two years after the army landed the country should still be undelivered to the person who is to rule it, which was the condition upon which your Majesty was to earn this 200,000 crowns. The periods for payment of all the instalments have been much shortened. We are also to have security, which is a great point gained and may open the door to some ecclesiastical concessions, although the document was moderated by me in view of the limitations the Pope introduced into his conversation on the matter, and their urgent assertion that the (Spanish?) clergy is already greatly burdened (although it was clear that some such terms must necessarily be conceded to us). I also moderated what your Majesty wrote to me about the clergy, and merely said that the subjects of these and all other countries were also much burdened. I am inclined to think that, notwithstanding what the Pope says about his purse and concessions, that if the enterprise were undertaken in a favourable year as much as 1,500,000 crowns might be got. I told his Holiness verbally what your Majesty will see in my despatch in the note to clause 4 ; and it also might be possible to get from him a good part of the 500,000 crowns paid in advance to fit out the fleet, as your Majesty wishes, if your Majesty gave security in goods or otherwise that the Pope should be reimbursed if the expedition was not undertaken. The prolongation of the grants in order that your Majesty may be repaid for the other expenses of the enterprise is a new point, and I do not know how it could be arranged, but the Pope would readily agree to the English (ecclesiastical revenues) paying it, he bearing his part. His Holiness returned to the point of his contributing Italian troops, and I placed before him the difficulty of secrecy in each case. It ended in the way your Majesty will see by the paper, without my binding myself to anything, and if your Majesty has no need to raise many Italians for the enterprise, the question is settled ; but if you have to do so, it would be troublesome to dissuade the Pope from contributing them. The question of the successor to the queen of Scotland has not again been referred to, but the words I got from the Pope, without his seeing the effect of what he was saying, and almost against his will, as reported in my dispatch of 24th February ; are now being confirmed, mixed up with the other points, in the memorandum now submitted, in which they are mentioned. I will watch this point with the care its importance demands and your Majesty directs. I await the instructions on the other points which your Majesty says you were sending, and as my duty requires that I should state my opinion in the interests of your service, at the risk of my being considered too inquisitive, I venture to say that if this business is to succeed it should be done promptly, or else deferred. Even though its execution may depend upon certain events or information which may make your Majesty doubtful as to whether it will be carried out or not, it is highly necessary that I should be thoroughly acquainted with all the details of the aims your Majesty has in view in the conclusion of the business, so that, as far as present circumstances and opportunities allow, I may direct negotiations here in accordance therewith from first to last. If I am entirely enlightened I can at once begin to weave the web around the Pope, and place my snares where necessary by reason of the constant changes and his small inclination to secrecy. By this means I will try, without pledging your Majesty a hair's breadth, to have everything ready for the moment when your Majesty may order me to put the screw on. The more time I have the better I can ripen and dispose things in our favour. In case your Majesty should be awaiting the taking of some place in Flanders, or the issue of some secret arrangement being made by the prince of Parma, I venture to point out to your Majesty how much more efficaciously could I work here, and how much time would be saved if the prince of Parma were to give me the countersign, so that I might through an intermediary draw the Pope on—by pointing out that this was the opportunity to send a despatch to your Majesty with a new and splendid offer—so that I could net him at once, without the loss of time and effort that would occur if I waited until after your Majesty had received the news. I will only instance the favourable way in which the question of the English succession is proceeding without the Pope even noticing it. By this means also secrecy and dissimulation will be more easily preserved, and it is very necessary in order to negotiate successfully with the Pope that everything should be settled here before he hears of the great preparations, or of your Majesty's reported voyage to Portugal, which he will look upon as a certain prognostic. It will also be very advantageous in the matter of his paying the money in advance, because although he will promise and will seek expedients, I consider it will be extremely difficult to get him to do it when he sees the matter has reached a certain stage. I am quite aware that in saying this I am exceeding the bounds of my strict duty, and that I am laying a burden upon my shoulders to which my strength is unequal ; but my ardent wish that your Majesty should be satisfied with me, makes me shut my eyes to all else, in the certainty that your Majesty will judge me aright, and pity my shortcomings whilst you applaud my zeal. With regard to Allen's hat, Father Robert, (fn. 5) who really is very prudent, intelligent, and zealous, urges strongly the advantage of not deferring this, as your Majesty says the Englishmen in Spain also do. The reason why I have hitherto inclined to delay the matter was because I did not think the enterprise would have been so long deferred, but as circumstances have caused this, I think it would be well not to delay granting the hat later than this Christmas. I had thought that the most secret way would have been for him (Allen) to disembark with the army, and have the hat sent to him there (in England), but he might go to Flanders secretly during the last few days, or to some other place your Majesty might command, but it would greatly encourage the queen of Scotland and the English Catholics, and would lend them new courage to have this man at the side of the Pope. It would also be beneficial, because when the time came to press the business home, he could speak more frequently and efficaciously to the Pope about the subsidy, and his opinion about the succession will have more weight. These reasons for making him a cardinal are so strong that if all others disappeared, they would be sufficient. If he be given the hat soon, it will also do away with the danger that the Pope may appoint others at the same time, whilst if he includes him amongst those he intends to elevate this Christmas, the affair will look less mysterious. (fn. 6) Your Majesty will recollect what I wrote about the Pope's desire that the request to give the hat to Allen should come from your Majesty. It is desirable in your Majesty's interests that we should be friendly with him, and, in view of this, seeing him in such poverty, I ventured to aid him with 100 crowns in February, and if he be detained here he must have as much more. He has been made to understand that the gift comes from your Majesty, and the limitation alone from me. If your Majesty do not order otherwise, these sums will be discounted from what your Majesty may grant him. If your Majesty should be short of pensions, and should not scruple to grant him a church, his Holiness would not act as he usually does. Cassano or ... which would be sufficient, are shortly to fall vacant, and should fall this time to a foreigner ; and in the meanwhile your Majesty should provide for him, but your Majesty will recognise the great need for secrecy in this. Father Robert tells me that they have recently received letters from the queen of Scotland, who says that she has had no possibility of writing hitherto, since they removed her. She charges them to thank your Majesty warmly for your aid and favour to her ; and says that the proposal made to her formerly for her release, which might easily have been carried through previously, is not now possible, unless she can manage to win over some go-between, as she was now beginning to do. She prays, for God's sake, that the enterprise may not be delayed, as the present time is most opportune, seeing the confusion and dissatisfaction that reigns everywhere. She begs that her own personal risk may not be allowed to delay the execution, as that, she says, is of no importance, if in exchange what is fitting be done.—Rome, 9th September 1586. Enclosed in the above letter there is a document in which the Pope, whilst declaring his poverty, undertakes to pay 700,000 crowns, 500,000 on the arrival of the armada in England, 100,000 six months later, and 100,000 after the lapse of another six months. Under certain conditions as to security the first payment might, if the King wished, be paid in advance in the form of bills on merchants at Lisbon.
10 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 169.	482. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. Since writing my three letters of the 6th, a secretary of the French ambassador in England has arrived here, he having been despatched with great haste by his master on the 29th ultimo to inform this King of the discovery in England of a conspiracy against the Queen, in respect of which I mentioned in my last letters that some arrests were being made, although one of the prisoners named Babington had escaped in his shirt. It appears that they captured him again with several others of the principal leaders in the affair, and a priest named Ballard, whom the Catholics sent hither some months since. As some of the conspirators divulged what was going on, this caused the arrest by the Queen of two secretaries of the queen of Scotland, and the seizure of all their letters and papers ; the two secretaries themselves being prisoners in Walsingham's house. It was feared in consequence of this that the queen of Scotland's life might be endangered, and it was to report this to the king of France and her Guise kinsman here that this (French) secretary was sent hither. Walsingham also writes to the English ambassador here, that never before in the Queen's time had so deeply rooted a conspiracy been formed as this, but that God had so cared for the life of Her Majesty as to allow it to be discovered miraculously. It was, he says, an affair of your Majesty conducted by me, as this priest said that he had come to speak with me, and learn whether if these conspirators rose your Majesty would succour them, which your Majesty naturally would do, even if they had not appealed to you as Catholics, considering that the Queen had begun war upon you. I have said this to some of those who have come to discuss the matter with me, and that I should feel no less injured by the Queen's considering that I would advise any of her subjects to conspire against her life, she being their sovereign and a woman, than at being thought capable of neglecting any possible means, even at the sacrifice of thousands of lives, of utterly destroying and conquering her country by the sword, and taking away her crown, with all the zeal which a good subject of my King should display against a power with which he was at war. I would, I said, never cease this course whilst the state of war continued. Drake is hurrying forward his preparations to put to sea with the ships I mentioned.—Paris, 10th September 1586.
10 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 168.	483. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. As the secretary of whom I speak in my general letter to your Majesty has arrived from England, I send off this despatch to catch the merchants' post which starts from Rouen. The whole of the affair that was being planned appears to have been discovered, some of the leaders having confessed. Of the six men who had sworn to kill the Queen, only two have escaped, namely, the favourite Raleigh and the brother of Lord Windsor. I am of opinion that the queen of Scotland must be well acquainted with the whole affair, to judge from the contents of a letter which she has written to me, which letter I do not enclose herewith, as it is not ciphered, but will send it with my next. Doubtless, it is God's will to give England to your Majesty by the strong arm only, since He has allowed so much Catholic blood to be shed, as will be by the discovery of this business. There has been hitherto nothing said about my letters, but, even if they were discovered and printed, they are so worded that they may have another construction placed upon them easily.—Paris, 10th September 1586.
18 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 70.	484. Statement made by the Master of an Easterling Ship which cast anchor at Lisbon on the 18th September 1586. He was bound from his own country to Lisbon with a cargo of cordage and other merchandise, and touched an English port on the way, where he was well treated, as he said he was bound for France. He was told in England that Drake had arrived there, and as he had brought back great treasure he intended to fit out another expedition of 80 vessels, which it was said would sail during October. After he (the deponent) had left England, and not far from the coast of Spain, he fell in with some armed ships from Rochelle, which captured him and sacked everything he had in his ship, his loss being 20,000 ducats. As they did not want his ship they let him have it, with sufficient stores for him to arrive at Lisbon, where he has made the present declaration. Note.—In letters of 18th and 28th September, and indeed in most of the letters of this period from the King to Mendoza, the latter is urged in the most pressing manner to keep the King well informed as to what is going on in the English ports with regard to armaments, and as to the intentions of the Queen and Council. By means of money or with the help of Muzio (the duke of Guise) trustworthy men must be kept in England to send or bring sure information. The fact of the ports and passes being closed, instead of excusing this makes it the more necessary.
26 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 173.	485. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. In accordance with your Majesty's reiterated orders, I have used the most energetic efforts to learn what is passing in England for your Majesty's information, but these disturbances render my endeavours less efficacious than I could wish. Both at Dieppe and Rye, as well as the rest of the ports, they have recently opened all the letters that pass, with the sole exception of the letters from the king of France and the queen of England to their respective ambassadors. The queen of England has ordered the arrest of all people who travel, even from one village to another, without permits from the justices. This can hardly continue, but whilst it exists there are very few men who will undertake the risk of going ; besides which, in view of recent events, foreigners there are in such a state of alarm that they dare not write about their own business matters. It will be necessary, therefore, to give time for the cloud to pass over before we can get intelligence. I am doing everything I can to open up communications, and in the meanwhile am sending your Majesty the information which I consider the most trustworthy gathered and compared from all quarters. I mentioned in my last that the French ambassador in England had sent a secretary hither, but the accounts he gives and that written subsequently by the ambassador himself, are so confused, that it is very difficult to construct a clear and trustworthy relation from them of the events that have happened in England. The (French) King's Councillors said thus much to Madame de Montpensier, who went to beg them to urge upon the King at the present juncture to take such steps towards the queen of England as his close connection with the queen of Scotland demanded. The Councillors answered that they did not gather from the ambassador's letters in what respect the queen of Scotland was inculpated, nor what grounds there were for the trouble, so that your Majesty will see how difficult it is for me to say anything decided, except where the ambassador is confirmed from other quarters. The ambassador bases his letters upon Walsingham's assertion to him that the prisoners had confessed that, although the ambassador, Chateauneuf, was a good Catholic and an honest gentleman, they did not trust him or discover their design to any person other than Don Bernardino de Mendoza, which is the same song they have always sung in any similar case, inventing fictions like this with the object of persuading the French that it behoves them to draw closer to them (the English) and arousing their indignation against the queen of Scotland for appealing to your Majesty for help. They adopted the same course towards the former French ambassador when I was there, and especially at my departure, when they invented all sorts of chimeras with this end. I reminded the Scots ambassador of this, although he recollected it well, in order that he might point it out to this King (of France) and his Councillors. The King has written to his ambassador, Chateauneuf, telling him to take such steps as he considers fitting with the queen of England, for the purpose of ensuring the safety of the queen of Scotland, and to report to him (the King) whether it was necessary to take up the matter more strongly than this. The arrest of the secretaries of the queen of Scotland took place in the following manner. Paulet, who was in charge of her, entered her apartment, and said that, as the weather was so fine she could if she desired it go out hunting. She accepted the offer with the pleasure that any prisoner would feel, and Paulet ordered the principal members of her household to mount for the purpose of attending her. When she had gone about a mile from the house Waad, the man who went to Spain, came and told her that he had orders from the queen of England to convey her to another castle, with her secretaries and other servants prisoners When the queen of Scotland heard this she proceeded, with great lamentations, to another house belonging to a gentleman, where she is now confined to a single room, without one of her own servants to attend her. Her secretaries and steward were taken to Windsor. whither the queen of England has retired for greater safety. Waad went back to the queen of Scotland's former lodging and examined everything, breaking open the boxes and desks, and taking the papers he found in them. The ambassador Chateauneuf writes that Waad asserts that he had found a large quantity of ciphers buried in a garden, and amongst them the copy of a letter from me—a curious place to keep papers in, forsooth! but as he (Chateauneuf) is a new minister he considers it necessary to write whatever they tell him. They also affirm that the secretaries of the queen of Scotland have confessed, but no particulars are given of what they confessed. The report that comes from the English embassy here is to the effect that the secretaries have confessed that the Catholics had sent her intelligence of a conspiracy that they had entered into against the queen of England, but not that she had persuaded them to it. As soon as the arrests were effected, the Queen (of England) wrote to the city of London thanking the citizens for their fidelity to her, and on certain vessels being discerned from Southampton near the Isle of Wight, either because of them, or by chance, a haystack caught fire, which caused the guards to set light to the beacons they have set up, consisting of barrels of pitch, to summon the country to arms. Upon this Lord Buckhurst, the Governor of the province, mustered his men to the number of four or five thousand, all armed and ready. Some people who have come hither from England, and were present at the scene, are never tired of recounting it with infinite laughter, describing the confusion and alarm of the English. The rumour reached London that 10,000 Frenchmen had landed and captured three villages. The fear was as great in the capital itself, and when the Queen wrote ordering that the city guards should be doubled and the citizens be prepared for defence, they said this is what comes of the war in Flanders. Some people say that this alarm was sounded in England in consequence of three ships having entered the port of Southampton to take soundings, which does not appear likely. The French ambassador has sent an account of Drake's voyage in Latin, which I enclose herewith. The account was written specially, and is accompanied by a portrait of Drake sent to Secretary Villeroy, who values it very highly, and copies have been ordered to be made from it for presentation to Joyeuse, Épernon, and other favourites of the King. The ambassador asserts that Drake did not bring 200,000 crowns worth of plunder from the Indies, and that he lost 1,000 men. The best jewel he brings is the cross from the great church of Santo Domingo, and the English ambassador here confesses to the Huguenots that the Queen had not received a single groat from the result of Drake's voyage, as all the booty was taken by the soldiers in the sacking of the place. The Queen had ordered a great number of cattle to be slaughtered for salt meat to provision the ships with which Drake is to go back to the Indies ; and letters from England of the 13th (which is the 3rd according to the English style) report that the decision as to Drake's sailing with seven of the Queen's ships to reconnoitre the coasts of Spain and watch your Majesty's fleet has been changed, and orders have now been given for all of the Queen's ships to cruise in the channel, as sails have been sighted there. The preparation of the ships for Drake's voyage for the Indies, however, still goes on apace, but they could not be ready for six weeks. The Queen's councillors argue that if your Majesty's fleet do not invade them this month (September), it can hardly do so in so dangerous a winter month at sea as October ; and they will prevent you from being able to invade the country next spring by the return of Drake to the Indies, whither your Majesty will be obliged to send a strong force of ships. Secretary Walsingham, in his last letters to the English ambassador here, says that the priest Ballard had confessed that Charles Paget had brought him to speak to me, and that I had sent him to persuade the Catholics to rise in mass against the Queen. He also writes that four English ships had arrived from the Levant. Sir George Especan (Peckham?) and Sir Thomas Chaset (?), who are co-fathers-in-law and good Catholics, greatly attached to the queen of Scotland, and persons of great influence, had been apprehended and lodged in the Tower of London. It is said that rooms are being made ready in the Tower for the queen of Scotland. The son-in-law of Secretary Pinart, who went as ambassador to Scotland, has returned hither through England and stayed in London for some days to speak with the Queen. He only reports from Scotland that the King is still in the power of the English faction, who are reported by last advices to be sending 1,500 or 2,000 Scotsmen to Holland under the Master of Grey. (fn. 7) —Paris, 26th September 1586.
27 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1564. 178.	486. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. The instructions your Majesty has ordered to be sent to me in the letter of 5th instant, as to how I am to behave in the English affair, and the reprimand which your Majesty deigns to administer for what I have done in the past, are so highly esteemed by me as a sign of your favour that I cast myself prostrate at your royal feet in gratitude for the grace thus extended to me, in the hope that my desire to serve you successfully may partly deserve your Majesty's goodness. (fn. 8) This ardent zeal to serve was the reason why I wrote the letters, (fn. 9) as I knew the humour of the English Catholics, and that it is necessary to ply the spur upon them directly they pledge themselves to such undertakings as this, and send them forward with a rush before they have time to cool and turn back, whilst at the same time keeping them in hand sufficiently to prevent them from precipitating themselves unless on solid grounds. To this must be added the consideration that the business was very widespread, and it was to be feared that if any delay occurred it might come to light. This latter suspicion was well founded, as only four days after Gifford came over to France advice was received that the Queen's officers were in search of him, and two days subsequently Ballard was captured (that was the priest who came to me with general proposals), and his arrest was followed by that of Babington. It will thus be seen that, although I acted promptly in a matter so important for your Majesty's interests, my letters still arrived too late in London to be of any use, as the plot was discovered and the men prisoners. I also considered it unadvisable that Gifford should return, and as they decidedly told me that they were so deeply pledged in the business that unless I instantly sent them an assurance, signed by my own hand, that they should be supported, they would all be ruined, I had no time to seek another confidant to take back the reply, even if such a one had been obtainable. It would have been very dangerous to trust the reply with a person upon whom I had no dependence, particularly at a time when they would certainly arrest every Englishmen going from here without a passport ; the ports being so closely watched. This difficulty was obviated by my taking advantage of so safe a way of getting my letters to London, as was the forwarding of them through the man who sent the queen of Scotland letters. I wrote that as I had heard from their messenger of their resolution, and considered it holy and good, I would give your Majesty an account of it, and believed that you, too, would approve of it, with other general and vague expressions to the same effect, and if the letter had been shown to the Queen herself she would see that it was in answer to proposals that had first been made to me by Englishmen. The word "resolution" might be construed to mean the taking up of arms for the sake of religion, which your Majesty is bound to approve of, even if the Queen had not insolently broken the peace towards you, whilst the defence of Flanders, the recovery of Flushing and the release of the queen of Scotland, are such righteous aims as to be fully justifiable. The letters were, moreover, sent without superscripture, and with an English cover directing them to be sent to Flushing. The only result that could come from the discovery of my letters in England was the indignation which the Queen might feel personally towards me, which is not worth consideration, since God only gives life to subjects that it may be employed at all times, and in all things, which the interests of their sovereigns may demand. If my letters even are disclosed by the conspirators themselves, I do not see why that should have prevented me from writing them, since reasons of state demanded the step (the Queen being at open war with your Majesty), in order that her suspicions might be aroused as to the little confidence she could place in her own subjects, and to the fact that they were in communication with your Majesty's officers. This causes the French to be very shy of pledging themselves too closely to her, as they think she will have a difficulty in keeping her footing. That this is their feeling is shown in the present case, because as soon as the news came from the French ambassador of the large number of the conspirators, and the English ambassador here, said the affair had been managed by Charles Paget and others here, Secretary Villeroy advised them secretly to leave Paris for a few days, thinking thus that they (the French) would oblige the Queen. On another occasion the king (of France) authorised the servants of the English ambassador to arrest these men, as they did Morgan at dead of night. The fear that my letters might cause the Queen to persecute the Catholics in the belief that your Majesty was about to invade her country, may be met by saying that, although her cruelty might be greater than it is, she is so convinced already that you will attack her that she is hourly expecting to see your Majesty's forces. All sorts of people write from Spain that your Majesty's fleet is being fitted out for England, and even the General of the Minorites in Spain has sent word to his friars, and to a bookseller here, that the Armada was ready to sail for England, and directing them to pray to God for its success. There is therefore not a Frenchman who meets one of my servants, who does not ask him when the Armada is coming to England. The rumour has reached the queen of Scotland, as is proved by two letters from her which I received together on the 8th, and of which I send copies enclosed. It is also plain from these letters that the Catholics had informed her of their resolution, as she bespeaks credence for the man she will send to me. I have not replied until I see whether I shall have a way open after this business has blown over. I handed to her ambassador the 8,000 crowns that your Majesty instructed me to pay to her representative. I wrote to him (the Scots ambassadors) and enclose copy of his reply, saying that he had ciphered orders from his mistress (which he showed to me) to receive the money. He assures me that it shall be employed in setting her at liberty, and for no other purpose. He sends the gold to her at once in boxes of sweetmeats, as he has done before, and I understand that the object of this is that she should have it at hand, and so be able to avail herself of any opportunity which presented itself for her release. It is true, as things are now, that no such opportunity appears probable, as they have removed her to another castle and are keeping her very closely. As God for our sins has not seen fit to allow the plans of the Catholics to succeed, it is an indication of His intention to bring the country to submission by force of the arms of your Majesty, upon whom He will confer the realm with many other crowns and thrones, to be followed after many years of life by an eternal crown in heaven for your services. I kept back the despatches your Majesty sent for the prince of Parma, thinking it would be useless to send them now that the affair had been discovered. If the business had been carried through the Catholics were in such a position that they would not have needed hasty help. Your Majesty asks me in what respect the Catholic schismatics in England differ from the heretics. They acknowledge the Catholic religion as the true one, and profess it in their hearts, but their love for their property makes them obey the laws of Queen so as not to lose it, and leads them to listen to the perverse preachings, and in some cases to partake of the abominable communion. Apart from this, they always express a desire to be reconciled to the church, and for the country to be converted, and offer much help to that end. This causes Catholics to speak plainly with them, as they (i. e. the Catholics) are not so suspicious as they ought to be. There are a great number of these schismatics, who would undoubtedly join the Catholics and the cause of the queen of Scotland if the latter declared themselves, and they saw them fairly strong. There are also influential heretics so much attached to the queen of Scotland that they would follow her. They advise her of anything they learn which threatens danger to her. In order to have a safer channel for my correspondence with England, when M. de Chateauneuf left here, I had him approached secretly by religious persons, and told how great would be the service he would render the cause of God if he allowed letters and money from Catholics here to pass under cover of his despatches. He willingly consented to this and has punctually fulfilled it without opening a letter. (fn. 10) The secretary he has sent hither is the person who ostensibly does it, in order that the ambassador may not be compromised ; and as he is here, and it would be imprudent whilst this fury lasts to attempt communication with Catholics there, most of whom, moreover, are in prison, or have fled from London, I cannot send your Majesty such full reports from there as I could wish, though I am bravely helped by the Scots ambassador, and endeavour by every possible means to get all the information I can. The earl of Westmoreland whose need is very great, has been informed by me of what your Majesty had ordered to be done for him. He humbly thanks your Majesty to whose service he says he has devoted his life and wishes to employ it where it may be most useful to you.—Paris, 27th September 1586.
28 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 75.	487. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza. The Scotsman who you said was coming hither with letters from Muzio (Guise) and offers from some of the principal men in Scotland, has arrived here. His mission and the instructions and signatures he showed were all in agreement with what you reported, and the effect of them therefore need not be repeated here. Their intentions are no doubt good, but it is hard to believe that the country would be so easily converted to the Catholic faith, seeing how it is permeated with heresy. This fact, and also because we are less able to judge at this distance as to the time and juncture when anything good could be effected, than you who are nearer, has caused me to defer my decision on the business until I have communicated with the prince of Parma, and have heard his opinion and yours upon it, having in view the present state of England and Scotland, and other considerations. With this answer, with fair words and a letter for Muzio (copy of which is enclosed), Robert Bruce is returning. As he informs us that those who sent him have also given an account of their good intentions to his Holiness, it will be well for you to advise them to try to obtain money aid from him rather than from me, as you know that so much is wanted here for necessary things that we can hardly provide it at all. Before a formal answer is sent to their proposal, however, I wish you to inform the duke of Parma what advantage could be gathered from the good will of these people, and whether, in case the English attacked them, they could hold their own even with the aid of the 4,000 men they request. Give him your opinion also as to whether the revolution they mention on the English border would serve as a diversion to attract Englishmen thither, and so diminish the number employed in affairs outside of the island. You will send me also similar information, and will likewise consider with the prince of Parma the answer best to be given to these people, accepting his decision upon the subject. In the meanwhile you will keep them in hand without giving any pledges or cause for complaint, and, at the same time, you will make much of Muzio's zeal in helping the Catholics in all parts. Tell him that I desire the good of the cause no less than he, but all these things must be undertaken only on solid foundation, and after the fullest knowledge has been obtained, which convinces us that success is probable, and as much more to the same effect as you think advisable.—San Lorenzo, 28th September 1586.
28 Sept. Paris Archives, K. 1448. 76.	488. The King to the Duke of Guise, sent by Robert Bruce. By your letter and the statement made to me by the bearer of it, who also carries back with him this reply, I have learnt of the present state of Scotland, and recognise the zeal which moves you to strive so sincerely for the promotion of our holy Catholic faith which zeal is greatly to be praised and esteemed. I may say the same with regard to the good intentions and spirit of the three earls whom you mention, but whose letters I do not answer to avoid bringing harm upon them if my letters should miscarry. You, however, may assure them how they have risen in my estimation, and that when an opportunity offers they shall see how deeply I am attached to them. As to their proposal, a portion of it is of such a character that it is difficult to decide or prepare for it here, and I have therefore decided to consult the prince of Parma about it, as you will more fully hear from him and Don Bernardino de Mendoza, together with all else which I may desire to communicate to you with reference to the business. Your goodwill towards me and my interests in general, is no new thing to me, and I thank you warmly for it, repaying it, as you well know, by my sincere attachment to you and your affairs.—San Lorenzo, 28th September 1586.