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Oct. 22.
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364. The KING OF DENMARK to the Queen.
From your letter of Sept. 11, written at Oatlands, we learn your
entreaty on behalf of your subjects Roger Jenkins and John
Dimock, that we would either order the restoration of their ships
and goods, lost in the recent war with Sweden, or compensate them
at a fair valuation. Your ambassador, our well-beloved Richard
Allen, the bearer of these presents, made a brilliant speech to this
effect before some of our Council, and declared your Serenity's
very kind wish to gratify us.
We thank you very much for your good wishes ; and studying
as we do to prove our reciprocal feelings by such neighbourly good
offices as we can, we could have wished that the affairs of these and
other your subjects who complain of losing their property in the
Swedish war were of such a nature that we could satisfy your, and
their, expectations with regard to the settlement of them with the
ease that they, a little contentiously, seem to demand of us. And
if the above-mentioned and others whose ships were either caught
in a port at that time hostile, or intercepted by ships of our fleet
on their way back from the enemy, had had respect with fitting
observance to the treaties between our two kingdoms, or to our
quiet, timely warning as well as the declaration of your Serenity,
they might easily have relieved themselves and us of all that
trouble, expense, and anxiety.
For by the treaties made between our predecessors, it is provided
that no subject of either sovereign shall render any aid to the
enemies of the other ; so that any communication with such enemy
must deservedly be deemed suspicious and alien to the treaties.
But whereas it is clear that John Dimock's goods fell into commission
when on their way back from the enemy, his letters
especially then intercepted giving great cause for suspicion, while
the ship of Roger Jenkins was intercepted in the very port of
Revel, if we look to the meaning of the treaties between our
ancestors and our own declarations, their business will be readily
enough settled. We are confident therefore that you will take
it in good part if, in the case of John Dimock, we acquiesce in the
decision found after lawful argument of the case by our commissioners
thereunto appointed, and transmitted to you by our letter
of Aug. 18, 1577.
And as we feel sure that you will have regard both to the treaties
and to the convenience of private persons, we deem it superfluous
here to repeat either that letter, or that written July 26, 1574,
in the matter of Roger Jenkins. We add this, however, that if
any subjects of your Serenity, who have done nothing contrary
to the treaties, can prove that they have suffered any injury from
our sailors or other our subjects, and wish to pursue their right,
we will in administering justice show ourselves such that they
shall find nothing lacking in us that befits a Christian prince and
a lover of equity. Nor do we doubt that your Serenity, by
directing on your side the restitution of or compensation for the
ship and goods wrongfully taken from our subjects by the pirate
Callis, will kindly satisfy the expectation of ourselves and our
subjects, as well as our mutual treaties. For the doing of which
we fraternally beg.
We commend your ambassador, and are confident that he will
not fail to carry back our statement with as much dexterity and
fidelity in settling out his business to us.—Given at our Minster of
Andworskow, 22 Oct. 1577.
Endd. on dispatch and on receipt. Lat. 4½ pp. [Denmark I. 4.]
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Oct. 23.
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365. DANIEL ROGERS to WALSINGHAM.
By reason of the troubles in the Low Countries and the solicitation
of Don John's deputies, the Estates of the Empire assembled
at Frankfort are diversely troubled. Some, being Papists and
politic men are afraid that the Catholics will lose their living if
they go about to defend themselves by war, and therefore think
that peace should be granted to the Protestants in the Low Countries,
with liberty of conscience only ; for they have perceived that
Charles V could not maintain the Papist religion by war without
granting liberty to the Protestant religion. Others, seeing that
the King of Spain is not minded to govern the Countries according
to his oath and their privileges, which the Estates are now resolved
to maintain, foresee that they will be compelled to demand aid of
some prince, as of her Majesty or the French King, and would gladly
make their profit of them. They labour therefore to persuade them
to embrace the amity of the Empire rather than to ask aid of others,
and counsel them to join the Low Countries with the Empire. To
this intent the Estates assembled at Frankfort have sent a gentleman
to the Estates of the Low Countries, to declare to them that
as the Empire has been required to take up their matters, so they
are minded shortly to appoint and send certain for that purpose,
though the Emperor has for some months had his commissaries
among them for the same effect. The envoy has taken with him
a discourse (of which I enclose a copy) to communicate to the
Estates, and learn their opinion of it. It tends to the effect abovementioned,
and is worth reading. The author affirms that the
Estates ought not to trust the French, who have always been
enemies to the Low Countries. As for England, he says that the
realm has no certain heir, and therefore thinks the Estates cannot
well hang upon England. I tell you this that you may know the
'presumption' of the Empire in this matter.
Meanwhile news is come, as the Count of Heideck and others
who daily receive letters from Vienna tell me, that Matthias, the
Emperor's third brother, is secretly departed from Vienna, as the
4th of this month, about 11 o'clock at night, with certain of the
Estates of the Low Countries, as though he hoped to be made
governor of those countries. The Emperor sent messengers and
some of the Court after him, to overtake him and 'reduce' him,
but he was not to be found. The Emperor has also written to the
Archbishop of Mentz, seeming to complain of his brother's
departure. No one can yet tell what to think of this matter ; for
though they know that the Emperor has many brothers and uncles,
and therefore should provide governments for them, especially now
when the brothers are urging the 'partage,' yet they are afraid
lest there be some collusion between the house of Austria and Don
John ; the rather because an Ambassador from Spain has lately
come to Innsbruck, as is reported, to treat of the Emperor's marriage
with the King's daughter, and to bring the Emperor back to
Spain, as she has long intended. Meanwhile the Bishop of Würzburg
and the Abbot of Fulda wait diligently upon the Emperor to
have their controversies decided ; the bishop asserting that the
abbot resigned his living to him, on condition of receiving from
him 10,000 guldens yearly ; but the Landgrave's deputies who
are here, and others who know the Emperor's dealings, fear lest he
will compound with the abbot on the terms of one of his brothers
becoming abbot and enjoying the possession of Fulda.
The above-mentioned Count of Heudeck showed me a letter from
Vienna, stating that news was come to the Court from Spain that
the King had fallen into a kind of 'phrenesy,' and the chief men
were therefore consulting how to constitute a vice-regent ; which
you may compare with such other occurrents as you shall receive
out of Spain.
Nothing is settled touching the election of the new Archbishop
of Colleyn, save that the election is said to be deferred till Dec.
2. Yesterday news came that the Archbishop of 'Breme,' who
is of the house of Saxony, and is Count of Lauenburg, is chosen
Bishop of 'Padelborn.' That see belonged to the last archbishop,
of Coleyn, but he resigned it, with his other ecclesiastical livings.
The Diet continues at Frankfort, but so few things are concluded
among the deputies, that I have the less to write.—Frankenthal,
23 Oct. 1577.
Add. Endd. 2½ pp. [Germ. States I. 36.]
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Oct. 23.
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366. DANIEL ROGERS to WALSINGHAM.
After my return hither I understand that certain colonels were
with Duke Casimir, 'capitulating' for his journey into France.
Wherefore I thought good to stay here, partly that it might not
be known to them that her Majesty meddled in this affair, partly
that the Duke might better compound with them ; for as he told me
at his going to Oppenheim, if the colonels knew I was sent from
her Majesty they would ask more Anrittgelt than they otherwise
would do. He wrote lately to the Elector his brother, desiring
him not to 'evert' the schools which his father had maintained,
advertising him that he could not dissolve them without injuring
him, for by his father's will they were bound to him as well as
to the Elector, and were erected to serve them both. The Elector,
fearing lest the Duke should invade 'Newhousen,' where one of
these schools flourished, and was dissolved by this Elector about the
beginning of this month, sent 200 harquebusiers thither to assure
it. Since then an ambassador is come from the French King to
the Elector, who I fear will increase the fire kindled amongst them.
This will not, however, hinder Casimir's journey into France, for
as long as he has an army the other will be afraid to attempt anything
against him. M. Languet affirms that the Duke has had
too much regard for his brother, and that he should not have
suffered him so notoriously to break his father's will ; and thinks
the Duke has greatly injured his estate thereby. It may be that
these things will engender great bruits, so I thought it well to
tell you the truth. I await your letter that I may know if her
Majesty remains constant in her former resolutions ; for the
rumours spread here touching the peace in France, make me doubt.
No certainty of them is to be gathered, for they have not hitherto
seen the peace pointed.—Frankenthal, 23 Oct. 1577.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. 37.]
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Oct. 23.
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367. DON JOHN to the ESTATES.
I wrote to you on the 14th to let you know his Majesty's determination,
as I promised to do at my departure from Namur. I
await your answer, hoping that you will remember your oath to
the King, and to maintain the pacification will, like loyal subjects,
conform to his wishes ; since all he asks is just and reasonable,
tending to your own repose and the public good. Yesterday I received
a letter by express from the Emperor, telling me that the
Archduke Matthias had gone off by night without his knowledge
or will on the 3rd instant, having caused a gate in the city of
Vienna to be opened. Having heard this with great regret and
heart-breaking, he had sent his own and the Archduke's servants
to fetch him back, and had written to the Electors, and all about
the neighbourhood, to stop him and send him back, as you will
see by the enclosed copy. The Admiral of Castile, who is at the
Emperor's court from the King, writes that he assured him of the
same on his word as Emperor. I have thought right to tell you of
this, because I was informed some days ago that some gentlemen
had been sent to the Emperor's court to induce the Archduke to
come here ; though I do not know to what end or by whose orders.
But forasmuch as you know that no one has any business to come
and command the King's subjects, unless sent by him with the
usual forms, we desire to inform you that if there is anything of
the kind (which we are loth to believe), you are not to receive or
respect him, but to obey his Majesty only and me his lieutenant ;
since you cannot act otherwise without falling into the crime of
rebellion and breach of the treaty. I have thought good to inform
you of this, that you might not be deceived and circumvented by
any depraved persons, studious of novelty, who for their private
interest and passion would seduce you and lead you to the precipice
of disobedience of your liege lord.—Luxembourg, 23 Oct. 1577.
Copy. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fland.
III. 58.]
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368. Another copy. Endd. in French. [Ibid. 59.]
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369. Another copy. Endd. by Burghley. [Ibid. 60.]
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370. Another copy. Endd. [Ibid. 61.]
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Oct. 24.
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371. The ESTATES to DON JOHN.
In our letter of the 8th, on your Highness's of the 2nd, we dealt
sufficiently with the matters put forward in yours of the 14th. As,
however, you ask for some answer to it, we will say that you would
have done better for the Catholic Religion and the obedience due
to the King, as well as for your own reputation and the good of
these countries if you had in effect followed the edict of pacification,
as you promised so often by word and writing. But it is
so evident how little good has followed, as is contained in our
Justification, that we need not repeat it here. Instead of pacifying
the countries, your Highness has by your causeless retreat thrown
them into greater mistrust than ever. Your actions have forced
us to put forward the matters we set before you, in no way wishing
to diminish the King's authority. We only want to see this
duly administered free from all suspicion, without derogation
to our privileges, assured by his Majesty and your Highness.
If anything has in these last days been done to the Citadels, which
his Majesty, being misinformed thereof, might resent, let him impute
it to the fact that your Highness wished in this sort to make
use of what these peoples tolerated in the past ; seeing that the
intention was to use them not for their defence but for their total
suppression, and to establish foreign tyranny. He deceives his
Majesty whosoever would persuade him that since the Edict any
injury has been done to the Catholic Religion, or due obedience
to him.
Your Highness has forced us to take up arms. We have done
only what God and nature permitted, not against the King, but
for our own protection, that of the people, of our wives and
children, of our lawful liberties. To this effect we have summoned
the Prince of Orange and those of Holland and Zealand, as bound
with us to mutual assistance by the Pacification of Ghent. We
have also observed the Perpetual Edict, which in fact does not
touch the Prince or the States of Holland and Zealand, except
through us. We cannot see that they have up to now done any
of the things which your Highness imputes to them.
As for the government and other offices that have been filled
up since your retirement, you were the cause of this, seeing that
you had won over those who held them, to our ruin. If again the
people go on arming, your Highness is the cause. Indeed, they
charge us, to speak plainly, with too easily confiding in your
Highness, in spite of the letters intercepted before we began to
treat with you, and those since then from one day to another discovered
in your correspondence with Spain, from which it is clearly
seen how your acts follow the designs which you and they have
so long formed for the extermination of the inhabitants of this
country. It is right that those who have already been backing
these schemes should bear the punishment. Touching Amsterdam,
through our good offices they have received satisfaction from
the Prince, and everything would have been reasonably settled, if
you had not hindered ; and if everything had been carried out as
agreed by this pacification, we might now be at the meeting of the
States-General, so important for our religion and for the repose of
the country. This we protest has been delayed by the action of your
Highness. If you continue on the way of force, and carry out
your threats, you will be responsible if we do the same. His
Majesty, all the world, God himself, will call you to account for
any disorders that may follow. We cannot believe it of the King's
justice and clemency that he would give you any such order, as
you pretend, under the fine pretexts contained in your letters.
We think nothing of what you say his Majesty has written, which
does not correspond with your statement that you had leave to quit
the country. As to what you told us by our last envoys, his
Majesty cannot have answered upon the points which you said
you then meant to refer to him. We believe him to be too prudent
to let himself be led by the passion of another, without better
information, or to undertake without consideration what will be
felt by all Christendom. All which we would frankly represent
to your Highness with the respect ever due to princes.—Brussels,
24 Oct. 1577.
Copy. Endd. by L. Tomson. Fr. 2½ pp. [Ibid. 62.]
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Oct. 24.
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372. M. DE BERSELE to the STATES-GENERAL.
I have just come to Maestricht, and hearing that his Highness
Matthias, Archduke of Austria, was on the road hither, I went
towards him. Having met him between Jacquemont and this
place, accompanied by M. de Nytshen and a good number of arquebusiers
who had been to seek him at a place near Juliers. He had
dined at Faulquemont, and been honourably received by the
Governor of Oultremeuse, who also accompanied him with a good
troop of gentlemen of the country. The citizens of this town, by
order of M. Nytshen, did in like manner. But as his Highness
set out in great haste, unknown to almost everyone, having had
no time to provide himself with cash, as you may have already
heard from M. de Malstede, and as M. de Nytshen has already
disbursed on the way more than 50 florins both for his Highness's
suite and for the soldiers he has brought with him, it will be more
than necessary to assist him at once with money, and that with all
diligence. Praying that my Lords will give me orders how I
am hereafter to conduct myself towards his Highness, I commend
myself with all my heart to your Lordships.—Maestricht, in haste,
in the evening, this 24th Oct. 1577. (Signed) Jan de Witthen.
Copy. Endd. in Fr. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. 63.]
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Oct. 24.
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373. OPINION of the PRINCE OF ORANGE upon the reception of
the ARCHDUKE MATTHIAS.
Probable disadvantages and possible advantages shall be duly
considered.
i. (a) If at the summons of the Estates he undertakes the government
against the will of the King of Spain it will look like
an attempt to dispossess the King, and a breach of the
promise of "due obedience" so often repeated ; it will cause other
Christian princes to blame us as rebels, and give only him but
his heirs, including the Archduke's elder brother, cause to make
relentless war upon us ; it may set on others, e.g., to princes of his
own house, to compete, with disastrous consequences to Germany ;
it may excite the jealousy of other princes, as the King of France
and the Queen of England.
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(b) If on the other hand he comes with the King's consent, he
will surely obey the orders he has from Spain, and execute the
King's vengeance. He may dissemble for a time, but he will
watch his opportunity.
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(c) But again, whether he has or has not the King's consent,
may not his reception as Governor cause internal dissensions?
There may be some among the nobles who will be glad to have
this opportunity of separating from the rest, and even taking the
side of Don John, on the plea that the promise of "due obedience"
has been broken ; while those of the commons who do not fancy
him may say that no invitation to govern the countries ought to be
sent without the consent of the generality, who of a truth are
much concerned therein, and this again may breed great discontent.
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(d) Lastly, when he once has his foot in the government, he
may easily seize the fortresses, especially in Holland and Zealand ;
where if he is once master of some port like Flushing, Brill, or
Enkhuyzen he can do what he likes with the rest of the country,
and either put it into the hands of Spain or some other foreign
power, or bring it under a worse yoke than ever. For to win over
some by favours, others by fair promises and courtesies, to intimidate
others again by threats, to get rid of yet others by trumped-up
accusations, or the bestowal of offices, to break up the union of the
nobles and the concord of the people, to sow dissensions among
friends, to dissemble with some, to threaten others, to temporise
with all, these are artifices so ordinary and so generally practised
that there is no need to remind you of them, the less so that the
traces of them which we have had before our eyes are yet fresh,
and we have good cause to dread fresh examples of them.
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ii. On the other side we must weigh the advantages to be expected,
and the means of avoiding the above-stated inconveniences.
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(a) It cannot be denied that in this difficult time it would be
very desirable to have a chief whom all could look to for orders
and obey ; for judging by reason and our experience at this moment
it is certain that anarchy and disobedience breed nothing but confusion.
Also a good symbolization of a people or republic with a
chief, and the harmony which coming down from a supreme command
spreads in legitimate proportion among all ranks and vocations
each in its degree, are the sole and sovereign remedy for
disorder. Whence by the coming of the Archduke we may expect
shortly to see all affairs, now in very bad order, redressed, and all
discussion and jealousy gradually removed.
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(b) To descend to private and personal considerations, he is a
prince, the legitimate issue of the right house to inherit these
countries, and of the blood of a prince who was a native of them ;
of such authority that we may hope he will be obeyed by all
without anyone wishing to resist his orders ; a German by birth,
which nation has always been held for one which goes roundly
to work without colour or feigning, and usually carries on its affairs
with sincerity, and which has sympathy in humour and modes
of action with this nation, and in many cases conformity of
language ; brought up in Germany without having imbibed the
poison of Spanish insolence and high-handedness, or Italian
dissimulation.
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(c) Another point worth considering is that being a prince
without much means, he will try in every way to win and attract
by humanity the hearts of the inhabitants, since all experience
shows evidently that the goodwill of subjects is the greatest riches
and most assured bulwark of princes. Similarly, for want of means,
he is not likely to exercise tyranny or make war upon the Estates,
nor fill the country with strangers, or corrupt the inhabitants with
gifts and presents.
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(d) As he is young and without experience, if good advice is
given him he will have to follow it without submitting all the
world to his fancy, as some others do who take no advice but from
their own headstrongness.
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(e) Further, considering his position, his credit joined with the
means of the Estates may draw aid from Germany, and draw closer
the amity between these countries and the Emperor.
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iii. It is true that some of these considerations may be turned
the other way. Thus what has been said of the German nation
may make us aspire to one actually belonging to this country, a
good patriot, of our own humour and fashions ; his poverty may
make us fear that in an emergency we shall not get as much good
from him as one expects to get from princes, while he may help
himself from the substance of the people ; his youth may make us
esteem his advice and authority less ; and his credit with the
Germans may cast us back into the fear from which his poverty
delivered us, seeing that the lack of means to fill the country with
strangers might be compensated by means of that credit.
But against all this must be set the fact that nothing is perfect
in human affairs, and that what seems in one respect the worst
course, may in another be the best of all.
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iv. Therefore without staying too long to weigh the possible
inconveniences, we must see by what means they may be remedied
or obviated, and that the advantages may be fully enjoyed.
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(a) Now in this it appears that the chief point is to give him a
good council composed of persons (1) natives of the country ; (2)
loyal to the fatherland, and free from all suspicion of avarice,
ambition, and above all of passion connected with bygone parties ;
(3) wise and experienced alike in politics and in war ; in short the
best qualified that can be found.
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(b) After this good order must be taken on the following points :
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(1) That it be not lawful for the Archduke, as governor, to take
whomsoever he shall please into his council ; but only those who
shall be appointed by the Estates and approved by the provinces ;
by whose advice he shall conduct all affairs of State.
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(2) That he shall do nothing of importance concerning the generality
without the consent of the Estates-General.
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(3) The Estates themselves, in matters of consequence affecting
the generality, such as levying taxes, making war or peace, alliances
with foreign princes and peoples, shall before coming to any
decision be required to report to the notables and communes, since
it is reasonable that what concerns all should be approved by all,
and this is conformable to the ancient privileges and usages of the
country.
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(4) In short, in all matters in which the national prince as Duke
of Brabant is bound to take advice from the Estates of Brabant,
the governor shall be required to take the advice of the Estates-General,
with a previous report to those from whom the deputies
to the Estates are wont to trace their authority ;
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(5) He is not to open or read letters on state affairs except in
presence of the council, or some members of it, who shall report
to the whole body ;
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(6) No business shall be transacted at the council unless at least
a stated number of members are present ;
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(7) All acts of the council to be countersigned ;
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(8) The governor shall restore all the ancient privileges and
usages which can be shown to have been infringed or abolished by
violence ;
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(9) The Estates shall remain assembled for the conduct of business
as long as shall seem to them expedient ; and the Estates-General
shall meet as often as they please.
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(10) At the summons of any one province in which anything of
importance occurs requiring a meeting, the other provinces may
and ought to meet without waiting for orders from the governor.
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(11) Similarly the Estates of each province may meet when they
please.
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(12) No placards or ordinances involving any new general
custom to be issued without the consent of the Estates-General,
lawfully met for the purpose.
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(13) The Pacification of Ghent to be maintained in all its
articles, and not violated on any pretext.
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(14) In order that in interpreting the pacification inconvenience
may not arise through prejudiced cavils or captiousness the point
there mentioned touching scandals shall be explained, as well as
other similar points contained in it.
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(15) The governor may neither demand nor have more than
a fixed number of men in his guard.
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(16) The governor may not create any admiral, general, colonel,
nor any similar rank of importance save by the advice and discretion
of the Estates, to whom shall appertain the appointment
and payment of those ranks, after hearing the opinion of the
governor and council.
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(17) He shall have no power to make any extraordinary levy of
troops or put a garrison in a town unless with the consent of the
Estates and of the town itself.
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(18) He shall not appoint a governor of any province without the
consent of the Estates of that province ; as far as possible, such
governor shall be a resident or own property in the province, or at
least be agreeable to it.
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(19) In time of war he shall administer by the Council of War
which the Estates shall appoint him.
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(20) Those of the Council of War may not come to any decision
affecting the generality of the people without previously reporting
to the Estates.
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(21) The Governor-General, and all governors of provinces and
towns, colonels, captains and officers shall take the oath to the King
or natural prince, and to the Estates.
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(22) Binding themselves to the above points, and especially to
redress, re-establish, keep, and observe all privileges, rights, and
customs of the country.
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(23) Soldiers shall take the oath to the Estates and generality of
the country as well as to the King or the natural prince.
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(24) The distributing of the finances and pay shall be administered
by the Estates and those whom they appoint, having regard
to the intolerable burdens on the King's domain and the country
at large.
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(25) The Estates may accept and will accept the offer made by
the Queen of England, and the governor, so far as they concern
himself, and regulate himself in conformity with them.
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(26) Judicial steps to be taken against those who have taken up
arms against the Estates and against their country, following the
party of Don John, without any hindrance or delay to their course
and execution.
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(27) The governor will make oath that in the event of his violating
his promises on these points, the Estates shall not be bound
to render him obedience, and if he tries to constrain them by force,
they may take arms against him.
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(28) That all the privileges of Brabant affecting the generality
and doing no injury to other provinces shall be common to all the
provinces, to bring them to an indissoluble union.
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(29) That such castles as are not yet demolished but it is agreed
to demolish, shall be pulled down ; and the same shall be done to all
others the demolition and dismantling of which is desired by the
inhabitants.
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v. Such or suchlike are the means by which our fatherland may
be prevented from again falling into servitude to foreigners or such
as would tyrannize over her.
As for the other possible inconveniences, the way to remedy
them will be to keep up a continual correspondence with other
provinces and potentates of Christendom, often pointing out the
justice of our cause, the reasons of our action, and the motives
which have led the Estates to call on the Archduke, serving to
justify that act and to show that the King of Spain would have no
cause to take vengeance on the Estates ; which being prolix and
divers are not mentioned here, but may be set out separately.
As for the evil we may fear from Spain, we must with all diligence
provide what is needed for war, without going to sleep, or
persuading ourselves that what we have done will ever be taken in
good part, but seeing that we are not surprised by sea or land.
If we know what we are about, and follow the course above
stated, I think that with the grace of God we shall not only avoid
the suggested inconveniences, but shall render the Archduke's
coming beneficial to the country.
Copy. Fr. Endd. by Burghley. 11½ pp. [Holl. and Fland.
III. 64.]
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374. Another copy. Endd. in French by L. Tomson. 8½ pp.
[Ibid. 65.]
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Oct. 25.
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375. The DUKE OF ANJOU to the ESTATES-GENERAL.
I have your letter of the 15th by Nepveu, and subsequently, by
MM. d'Aubigny and Manshart, the other of the same date, informing
me of the state of your affairs, which can never be as prosperous
as I wish them, and apologising for the delay in sending me news
as to your treaty of peace with Don John, which I think might
well be more secure. Such things, however, are in the hand of
God, though depending in some degree on the wise conduct of well-advised
men ; and though to my regret matters have not fallen
out entirely as you wished, they have not been wholly successful
as regards the designs of your enemies.
Now is the time then carefully to consider how to hinder any
fresh pernicious enterprises on their part. You know the singular
desire I have always had for the furtherance of your affairs, the
repose of your country, the conservation of your privileges. I
shall employ all possible means to support you, as I have repeatedly
given you to understand. As to this you have never come to any
decision, nor as I learn from MM. d'Aubigny and Manshart, and
from the instruction handed to me by them have you now done so.
You say that you come to me for aid without declaring your own
intention. I make no doubt as to the means you may have for
getting help at need, even by your nearest neighbours ; but consider
the choice you should make of them, and see that instead of
escaping from imminent peril you fall not upon a greater precipice
by calling to your aid one that might set your cause back rather
than forward, by being more devoted to those who seek your ruin
than your good, as you will hereafter recognise. I have written
ordering M. de Guise to withdraw his forces from the frontier, and
to give no aid to your enemy ; and I am sure he will do so for my
sake. Nor have I omitted to write thereof by your envoys to the
King my brother. They presented me with some tapestry, which
I would not accept, though thanking you cordially ; as I have
charged M. Theron, the bearer of this, to say to you from me.—La
Fère, 25 Oct. 1577. (Signed) Francois.
Copy by Davison. Endd. in French. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and
Fland. 66.]
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376. Another copy, 2 pp. [Ibid. 67.]
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Oct. 25.
K. d. L. x. 44.
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377. M. DE BOCHOLT to DAVISON.
M. de Grevenbrock my father, being as Colonel-General of the
camp with his people before Remonde, has toiled so much for the
good of the country that he has caught a fever and been compelled
to retire to Venlo. Madame went at once to join him there, and
in her absence I have received the beer, with the letter which you
were pleased to send. I cannot thank you for them humbly
enough, seeing that we have never deserved the honour, nor your
kind remembrance of us ; but I will beg you to believe that you
will never find persons more ready than we to serve and obey you.
—Brussels, 25 Oct. 1577.
Add. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. 68.]
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