Cecil Papers: July 1609, 16-31 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 21, 1609-1612. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1970.

Citation:

'Cecil Papers: July 1609, 16-31', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 21, 1609-1612, ed. G Dyfnallt Owen( London, 1970), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol21/pp88-113 [accessed 17 November 2024].

July 1609, 16-31



	The Bishop of Durham to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 19.	Reports proceedings taken in the sale of wood in Gainford Wood, and asks directions. Mr Haggatt will attend Salisbury to justify his charges against Mr Johnson in connection therewith. Bishops Awkland, 19 July, 1609. Holograph 1 p. (132 104)
	Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Lord Treasurer
1609, July 19.	By the conference which I have had with some persons since the dispatch of my secretary to your Lordship, I find that it is as yet held very doubtful whether Tyrone be himself gone for Spain or not: or if he be absent from Rome that it is not to any far remote place, but of the continual posting of his instruments between Rome and Spain there is certain advertisement, as namely, of the passage lately of one Routh from Spain to Rome, and within a few days after of the passage of Florence McTartie, the titulary Archbishop of Tyrone in Connaught, from Rome into Spain, both which persons went by way of Genoa, and it is said that the latter, who is of all others the chief negotiator in Tyrone's business, used greatest diligence in his journey, and here the Irish are persuaded and make great brag, that there is an assurance of some great matters to be done for Tyrone.
	The Audiencer was on Sunday last dispatched from hence to carry the ratification to the States, the which whether it will give them satisfaction I find that they are not here very confident. I have been told that there are inserted therein words of restriction to limit the same to be no longer of force than while the truce shall last, which, if it should be true, I suppose that the authority of the truce concerning the point of sovereignty which is granted in indefinite terms, would be much weakened, if not overthrown thereby. There has been no means here to get the copy of the said ratification, though they know that as soon as the same shall come to the States' hands it will be made common. But there is newly fallen out another accident, which may besides give great occasion to embroil the affairs of these parts. There are come news hither of the arrival of the Archduke Leopold, a younger brother of the Queen of Spain, in the town of Julliers, where he has been received by the governor in the name and right of the Emperor to the depriving of the other pretendants of that estate, and therewithal there are sent heralds to cite the said Princes pretendants to appear in the Imperial Chamber for the trial of their titles. Howsoever the Emperor's name and authority, which is but a shadow, is used in this matter, yet it is known to be only wrought by the King of Spain, and for the serving of his own ends to possess himself or some of his house of that estate, contrariwise wherein the French King and the States have professed that they will be assisting to the other party for the preserving of their right, and now the French King is in good earnest put to his trial whether he will maintain his declaration made very strongly to that effect within these few days by his ambassador to the Archduke. The Ambassador has taken a great alarm by this news and has thereupon immediately dispatched his secretary into France. Both the ministers of Spain and the Nuncio have earnestly debated with the Ambassador why his master would undertake the favouring of the cause of heretics, whose right they think should be exposed for a prey.
	They are here, I assure your Lordship, very much afraid of the French King stirring in the business, and the rather in respect of the horsemen which be already drawn up into Champaigne, whereof the number is bruited to be far greater than they are, but it is thought that they will find the means to qualify the heat of the French King by the Pope's mediation, seeing it is question of hindering those countries to come under the Protestant princes, which being so near adjoining unto the United Provinces make a great body of that party. If otherwise it should fall out that the French King should resolve to assist those princes, they would here be put to great extremities.
	I send your Lordship an extract of the last advertisements out of Germany, whereby you may perceive that the Protestants of Bohemia have at length obtained full satisfaction of their demands in the free exercise of their religion. 19 July, 1609. Copy 2½ pp. (227 p. 322)
	Depopulation
1609, July 21.	Hunts. At the Assizes held at Huntingdon, 21 July, 7 James 1. Upon the examination of the cause touching depopulation made by the Lord Clifton at Buckworth and his reformation thereof, it appeared that there were 10 several leases made by him to ten persons of several tenements with lands to them belonging, viz, to John Tompson, a baker, Richard Baker, a warrener, Humfrey Fresby, a mason, — Harwold, a falconer, — Robertes, a shepherd, John Coles, Thomas Saunders and Oliver Warboyse, labourers, which leases were to begin about Hallowmas last past, and that immediately after the sealing and delivery of the leases, the same were in the same place redelivered to Lord Clifton or one for him and do still remain in his custody.
	It also appeared that none of the said tenants keep any plough or any servants of husbandry but do buy their corn for their expense, and some of them are forced to fetch it home on their necks for want of a horse. They are for the most part so poor that the neighbours are much annoyed with them by stealing their peace and otherwise. It was confessed by John Tompson, one of the said lessees, that he did not pay any rent at our Lady [day], and he thought it was so with the rest.
	It was further confessed that about the time when the leases were first made, there was a plough borrowed, and therewith there was about a rigg of every tenant's land ploughed up and no more, insomuch as if all were laid together there is not above 2 acres ploughed. It is confessed that the lord's flock do feed over all the demised lands.
	Bucks. At the Assizes held at Aylesbury, etc. Upon examination of the cause concerning Mr Thos. Tyringham, who was ordered to re-edify one farmhouse and to lay 30 acres of land to it, I find he has performed the order in outward show, but in truth the tenant is a foreigner and for this proportion a grasier, and uses the tenement for a shepherd or a cottager at the most.
	The names of such as have reformed the offences of Depopulation, either in converting tillage into pasture, or by decaying of tenements or by holding of several farms.
	Bucks.—Simon Lambert of Buckingham, indicted for one messuage, decayed.
	Edward Tyrrell, knight, indicted for divers messuages.
	Suzanna Temple, of Stowe, widow, indicted for 50 acres converted.
	George Dyons, of Hogson, clerk, indicted for 20 acres converted.
	Edward Alexander, of Beechampton, indicted for 30 acres converted.
	Beds. —Thomas Hillersden, of Hockliffe, gent, indicted for 160 acres converted.
	Robert Fouler, of the same, yeoman, indicted for 40 acres converted.
	John West, of the same, yeoman, indicted for 40 acres converted.
	Hunts.—William Walden, of Buckworth, gent, indicted for one messuage, decayed.
	Richard Ginlett, of Spalden cum Upthorpe, indicted for the like.
	Thomas Peete, of Kimbolton, indicted for the like.
	William Carryer, of Yaxley, gent, indicted for the like.
	William Mattyson, of Fenton, John Raby, of Upwood, John Ashmore, of Sawtry, yeoman, indicted for the like.
	William Walden, of Buckworth, gent, indicted for 30 acres converted.
	Thomas Thoroughgood, of the same, gent, indicted for 80 acres converted.
	Matthew Pratt, of Berry, yeoman, indicted for 10 acres converted.
	Henry Saunders, of Brampton, gent, indicted for 140 acres converted.
	Edward Ley, of Sawtry, gent, indicted for 40 acres converted.
	Thomas Dereman, of Alconbury, indicted for 118 acres converted.
	Thomas Palmer, of Kimbolton, for 2 farms.
	John Richardson, of Upwood, for the like.
	Cambs.—Felix Stallibrasse, of Ellesworth, John Collies, of Melbourn, and William Curtys, of Bassingborne, yeomen, indicted for a messuage, decayed; John Paman, of Ellesworth, 'doctor', indicted for the like.
	Suffolk.—Nicholas Garnish, of Redsham, esquire, indicted for a messuage, decayed.
	Robert French, of Knattishall, William Girling, of Walpole, John Howard, of Worlington, Thomas Pleasans, of Brandon, yeomen, indicted for the like. Nicholas Coates, Henry Tyrrell and Robert Peach, of Myldenhall, indicted for the like.
	Norfolk.—Edmund Framingham, gent, for one messuage, decayed.
	Thomas Methould, of Langford, gent, for the like.
	Richard Todd, of Thorneham, yeoman, for the like.
	William Davye, of Attlebrige, gent, for the like. Latin 3 pp. (129 10)
	The Bishop of Limerick to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 22.	How 'tranquillous' this country is, there [are] none but know and 'infinite' rejoice at it. What certainty may be expected of the continuance, seeing many buzzing bees, crawling out of the old beehive of treasonous conspiracies, swarm here about daily, your watchful eye can easiest discern. Yet the multitude and presumption of 'mistary' priests (who, more than ever was usual, exercise all papal jurisdiction as confidently as if Italy were in Ireland: prescribe frequent masses almost openly: insolent pilgrimages of many thousands in an assembly, and some of them armed: procure secret offerings for unknown uses: publish toleration by suggestion of warrant from his Highness: proclaim penny pardons for sundry years past and to come: proscribe his Majesty in printed pamphlets to be no Christian), are prologues, as wisest prognosticators here affirm, of some consequences, the catastrophe whereof may prove a tragedy. These things I write but out of my study, and with silence pass them over, as being a mere divine and no politician, assuring myself that whilst the religious pillars of commonwealth stand, Holy Church can never miscarry. Therefore, fearing that these suspicions by the 'understandinger' sages may be called needless carefulness, I only solicit the all-ruling power for continual peace, and for your prosperity as one of the chiefest stays of true religious maintenance and the safety of God's saints. Limerick, July 22, 1609. Holograph 1 p. (195 109)
	Henry Atkins, George Turner, Ralph Wilkinson, Richard Palmer, John Argent and W. Poe to the Lord Treasurer
[1609, after July 22]	On July 22, 1609, you committed to us, by the hands of Dr Atkins, a certain liquor in a small phial or glass to be examined, as well for the body and substance thereof as also whether it contained any matter of poison or not. We have made just trial thereof, both by smell, taste, sight and comparing it with other of the same nature out of the apothecary's shop, and have dissolved and examined the same by all such means as it can be tried; and we absolutely find and know the same liquor to be natural balsam of Peru, and no other thing but simple and 'impermixt.' For the more certainty we gave a great quantity thereof, at least 3 'dragmes,' to a little dog, and kept him fasting all night after it, who received no manner of hurt nor offence thereby, which quantity, if it had been poison, would have killed 5 great dogs, not only one little cur. Undated. Signed Endorsed: 'A report from divers physicians concerning the "fained poyson" delivered by Bird.' 1 p. (127 99)
	The Earl of Worcester to the Earl of Salisbury
[1609] July 23.	I feel some melancholy disposition with this separation from our company, but with hope it will not be long I will satisfy myself. Yesternight we arrived here about 9 of the clock. The King presently repaired to the Queen's chamber, where tarrying somewhat long I thought to go to supper. The King, being with child to hear from you, sent for me to his bedchamber, demanding what news from you. I told him that I had some negotiation for him, but because it was late I would reserve it until next day. Being impatient of delay, he would needs know what it was. I told him somewhat I had in charge from you to show him that came from Sir Thomas Edmonds, but I desired he would take some fitter time. He would needs see it, and taking out my bundle of papers he snatched them out of my hand, perused the titles of all, and finding the memorial took out that and read it every word, being well pleased with your conclusion, laughed and said 'my little fool.' I told him that he saw no more than myself did know, that no earthly cause but his important affairs could withhold you from the comfort of enjoying his personal presence. He sware by God he thought so. He then gave me the papers again, and leading me by the arm asked what we had done concerning the Venetian Ambassador. I made the whole relation of that morning's work, and that we had sent Mr Chancellor to the Ambassador's house to hear the examination of the priest, with the good liking of the Ambassador, which as soon as it was dispatched you would send unto him. But I find him much distasted with him, saying he was sure that the State of Venice would never endure it without a severe censure. I 'sweened' [? sweetened] him what I could with telling him how grievously he took the misfortune, and how willing he was to have the matter sifted by examination of the priest, and withal the course you had taken to have the priest forthcoming. With that and all your proceeding he was exceedingly pleased, and so for that time we parted. This day after dinner I waited on him again, and then I showed him Sir Thomas Edmonds's letter. To that he said you had acquainted him therewith before his departure. 'Sir,' said I, 'but he did not acquaint you with his answer,' and so gave him that, which he read, saying he knew not how you could concur with his heart's conceit unless you had been in his bosom; only desires this addition, that upon Sir Thomas's departure he would of himself say and lay it home to the Archduke what he had heard there, not meaning to make any advertisement thereof, but if by some other occasion his Majesty should hear the like, he might be able from his own mouth to give him satisfaction, when upon his return he should give his Majesty an account of his proceedings; and withal to let fall thus much, that if it were true, the slight account that his Majesty would make of it was but an expense of so much money as he daily bestowed amongst his followers and servants.
	For your project of Irish soldiers he doth exceedingly approve, to gether with your care of supply of money and munition. Touching the conduct to Sweveland, he rather inclines to the Lord of Wormeston than Sir Robert, for the reasons you alleged to me; but his doubt was how he could both dispatch these soldiers already provided, and undertake the conduction of the other out of Ireland. I answered that when Sir James Fullerton came, I made no doubt but you would satisfy him how it should be undertaken. For satisfaction of the competitors, he cares not greatly for the satisfaction of Sir Robert Steward, but refers all that to your determination. He was a little troubled with the examination of Strange, but for that I told him he need not trouble himself until your coming, which would be time enough for direction in that matter.
	For Sir Rafe Wynod, I moved him and [he] was very well pleased with the alteration. He demanded whether you would not send the like despatch to Spain to the Ambassador there. I showed him that was your intention, and the memorial that showed you had so done.
	PS.— As you may, send with expedition the advertisement of the Venetian's business, for he has asked many times, saying it could not be but that it was dispatched on Saturday night; and I pray you take notice of the addition to Sir Thomas Edmonds's letter in your next, for he told it to me three or four times over that I should not forget it. Windsor, 23 July. Holograph Endorsed: '1609.' 3 pp. (127 100)
	[Printed in extenso in Lodge, Illustrations of British History, III, pp. 375–378, and the first part in Nichols, Progresses of James I, II, pp. 261–62.]
	Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 23.	His Majesty this afternoon commanded me to advertise you that concerning the clock, of which you sent to him a message by me to Wansted, the owners have been here with him (so as the way you took with them works to good effect, as his Majesty says), and have offered it to him at such price as Bull, his clock keeper, shall esteem it to be worth. So as his Majesty thinks now it will fall to be reasonable; and although he trusts that Bull will not abuse him, yet he wishes you did a little season him with some admonition that if he would make profit by such a matter, he may hope for more of his Majesty's favour by his just dealing than he can by any reward from them.
	After this he willed to advertise you that Nesmith had made report to him that upon my message delivered to his Majesty from you (which I also imparted to Nesmith) concerning his suit for a like grant of selling wines by retail in Ireland as has been granted to my Lord Admiral here, that the same suit was proposed by my Lady Arbella, and that if it were meet to pass, it would be more convenient for her than any other. His Highness says that Nesmith has yielded to trouble him no further if my Lady Arbella persist in it, but does not remember that he ever heard of her in that matter; yet supposes she has been in hand with some of your Lordships about it, and thinks the best way to be that before anything be done in it the Lord Deputy and Council's opinion be taken, which he desires may come to him before it be imparted to either of them. Nesmith has offered him 400¹ a year, which if the sale take place he is willing to reserve to whomsoever it pass, but when he shall be informed by you of the value will make difference of the persons as he shall find there is cause.
	His Majesty having perused the extract of the Duke of Holst's letter written in Dutch, concerning cloth and ordnance, and your notes upon it, thinks it unreasonable to be granted; but yet because he is a Prince so near to him in alliance, is pleased that his denial be with fair language; and wishes you to send for his servant who is appointed to make the provision, as the letter says, and to let him know that for cloth he has found by some favours showed at the beginning of his reign here so great abuse to himself in his customs, and so little benefit to those Princes whose names were made the pretences for obtaining such grants, as he did after the discovery thereof make denial to all that sought the like, and gave them good satisfaction when they were informed how it served for a colour to hinder his profit, and not to further them; for that the merchants who made the provisions abated little to the Princes in the price. So as that being a resolution fixed in him, he hopes the Duke will not move him to alter it. As for ordnance, those licences became so odious to his Majesty's people, as that in Parliament suit was made to him to forbear to grant any, which he promised to his Estate so assembled, and cannot now break for kindness to any person; especially considering that those who obtain the same licences for the most part sell the ordnance to such as his Majesty has no cause to furnish with arms or munition, but to reserve them for the store of his own dominions. The man's name that brought the letter is mentioned in it, and when he has received this answer from you, if he shall press to have his Majesty's letters, upon advertisement from you he will give order. Court at Windsor, 23 July, 1609. Holograph 3 pp. (127 103)
	The Enclosure
	He [the Duke of Holst] signifies that he has every year need of a certain quantity of English cloth for his own use and such servants as attend upon him in his Court; and also of some pieces of ordnance for the arming of his ships; that though heretofore he provided himself with the cloth at Hamborough and other neighbour cities, yet now finding himself much overreached in the said cloths, as also that those parts cannot afford him such as he desires, he has dispatched into England Albricht Shultzen to buy sufficient for a year's store, as also the said pieces of artillery, and begs leave to transport them.
	Note by Salisbury: God forbid this should be granted, either for cloth or ordnance, though for ordnance it has been granted to one Prince whom his Majesty holds so dear and has cause to do. Besides, his Majesty has denied it to Princes and Dukes in Germany already. Undated 2 pp.
	The Duke of Lennox to the Earl of Salisbury
[1609, July 23]	Details the reasons which led him to write his letter to Christ College, Cambridge. Some friends, of whom Sir John Wentworth was one, moved him thereto, but he forbore till a certificate came to him from the Vice-Chancellor that he might lawfully do it. Those of the College did not stand upon any prejudice it would be to them, and it was only urged that his letter did not satisfy the Statutes because he had not mentioned the employment of Bambrigge to be for affairs of State. On this exception he prayed the Master to urge no such exposition, but either to do it upon his first letter or to leave it undone. Thus was the business effected by an act of the University, set down by the Vice-Chancellor and others, and he thinks with so little disadvantage to their College that if this favour had been to be showed to some other better affected by them, it would never have been stood upon. He begs, seeing he has been induced to proceed so far in it and that he may lawfully do it, that it might extend to the benefit of him for whom he wrote. Nevertheless he will be governed by Salisbury's judgment. Encloses a petition from a gentlewoman and begs Salisbury's opinion upon it. Undated Signed Endorsed: '23 July 1609.' 2 pp. (127 105)
	Sir Thomas Waller to the Earl of Salisbury
[1609] July 23.	This day were embarked from hence John Roberts, Edward Rogers and Mark Broughton, upon the word of the French Ambassador that such was your pleasure, and that I should give you notice thereof. He sends the enclosed letter to you, imparting the cause of his stay here, and the uncertainty of his going hence. Dover Castle, 23 July. Holograph Endorsed: '1609.' 1 p. (127 106)
	John Lepton to the King
1609, July 23.	I understand the reversion of the secretary's office at York is either passed or ready for your signature. I beg you to give order to Sir Thomas Lake that it may be so drawn that there may be no question in future betwixt this grant and my office which you have given me. 23 July, 1609. Holograph 1 p. (127 107)
	Sir Francis Fortescu to Lord [Salisbury]
1609, July 23.	His adversaries, Sir John Townsend and others, under pretence of examining offences done in spoiling woods in Wytchewood Forest, intend to take away his office therein. Prays that Townsend may not be made a commissioner in the matter. Salden, 23 July, 1609 Holograph 1 p. (132 105)
	Nicholas Smith to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 23.	He was displaced from the customership of Yarmouth by the late Lord Treasurer. Begs that his witnesses may be heard for his clearing, and for liberty upon such like bonds as formerly he was enlarged upon. 23 July, 1609. Holograph 1 p. (127 102)
	The Earl of Worcester to the Lord Treasurer
[1609] July 24.	Your letter I received this day, being Tuesday, at 2 in the afternoon, whereby I found great laziness in the posts. The King was very inquisitive all the morning what might be the cause, examining the hours and miles, concluding it could be no other but the post was 'sonke.' I showed him your letter, wherewith he was well satisfied, saying there needed no dispatch. Not long after he would needs have me write concerning the examination of Strange, that you might be thoroughly resolved by his learned counsel of the state of that cause against your coming to Salisbury. His desire, as you know, is that he might be proceeded with not substantially, mentioning his priesthood or Jesuitical profession, but finding by his confession main points of treason to be his declared opinion; beside his flying from a direct answer to the interrogatories argues his treasonable heart. For example, at the first examination before the Lords, he confessed the King being excommunicated by the Pope, that it was lawful or at least a happiness for any that could light upon him to kill him. Being put from that by the grossness of his argument, he said it was the common opinion, but he would not be the doer of it. Now being urged to declare his opinion, he believes as the Church does; but being demanded what the Church holds in that point, he does not remember: which forcibly must needs be concluded that he thinks the Church holds so, and he is of the same mind, which no jury in the world will doubt to avow him a traitor. This proceeding of the Jesuit he merrily alludes to Peter's thrice denial of Christ, for three times he has refused directly to deliver his opinion, as bound in duty to his Sovereign.
	For the Venetian's cause he will make no judgment until he be advertised what success the confronting will produce: I mean of the priest and Dabscat.
	Yesternight the King's stable fell on fire by negligence of a candle set on a post, which fell into the litter and burned the stable, 20 or 30 horse being in the stable. There miscarried but 4, and but 2 of them burnt to death, the other 2 unlike to recover. If our coach horses had miscarried, which were in the same place, we had made a short progress. I waited on the King as my duty was. He lost a pad horse, I lost another; he one hunting horse, I another; all our saddles both his and mine burnt, and the Queen's coach harness. While this tragedy was acting, it was a world to hear the report here. Some said it was a new Powder treason. An Englishman said a Scottish man was seen there with a link and he fired the stable. Some other said it was a device to set the stable on fire to draw all the guard and Court thither, that they might work some practice upon the King. But God be thanked, neither King, Queen or Prince slept the worse or even waked until the morning in due time.
	One word more touching yourself. You take exceptions to be called 'fool,' and as it will be maintained, not only so but a parrot monger and a monkey monger and twenty other names; which fearing the issue of future inconvenience or challenge I will forbear to speak of any more. Farnham, 24 July.
	PS.—Let this letter be conveyed to my Lord Chamberlain. False rumours may run far. Holograph Endorsed: '1609.' 2½ pp. (127 108) [Printed in extenso in Lodge, Illustrations of British History, III, pp. 378–380, and partly in Nichols, Progresses of James I, II, pp. 262–263.]
	The Duke of Lennox to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 24.	This bearer, Mr Lepton, having delivered his Majesty the enclosed paper, his Majesty is pleased that some stay be made of the grant he mentions of the secretary's place, until it appears to you that it is to pass without prejudice to the place his Majesty has bestowed on him. Windsor, 24 July, 1609. Signed ½ p. (127 110)
	Lord Treasurer Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes
1609, July 25.	The advertisement which you have sent me by this bearer and the collections which you have made thereupon, as they are demonstrations of your continual care and zeal to his Majesty's service, so I thought fit to impart them to his Majesty that he might behold the particulars as they concur, and by laying all circumstances together make his judgment of the matter itself what is most like to happen or not happen thereupon, without apprehending more on the one side or apprehending less on the other than there is just occasion offered. For the general his Majesty agrees with you, that by the concurrency of things there is likelihood that there is some practice in motion, but so far only probable yet as men may conclude that known traitors and fugitives will leave no means unattempted to show their inveterate malice, and often will pretend greater forwardness in their designs (thereby to countenance themselves towards the party) than there is cause. But that this enterprise should be directly carried by open force from Spain, as his Majesty thinks not that the Spanish King's affairs are in such state as to bear it; so for any indirect means either by colouring the sending any numbers of men under the name of the Pope or Church, there is no Prince so simple as to think his Majesty will any whit the less impute the injury to them from whose territories the preparation either moves first or has any supply after; so as I must still conclude that when that action shows itself, the King of Spain will expect to receive that measure from his Majesty which so notorious a breach deserves, such covers and pretexts serving always for those Princes who know their enemies and dare not avow the knowledge for some second end or advantage. And therefore seeing Tyrone's return into Ireland must either be with some foreign power or with some few Irish fugitives (which cannot be prevented, nor can be of greater consequence than to disorder the plantation and put his Majesty to charge in respect of the inward ill affection of the home subjects), this is the best use that can be presently made of this advertisement: first, to continue vigilant how things do move on all sides; next, to take care for money and victual in that kingdom provisionally against such an accident as the descent of Tyrone with some stragglers may prove; and presently to take occasion to speak to the Archduke of it, to see what answer he would make upon the sudden, which his Majesty thinks you may conveniently do before your departure as from yourself: first, by letting him know what you hear; next, by laying before him how impossible it is for such an action to receive any other censure of a wise King (when he shall see any troops transported from Spain or Dunkirk, under whose name or banner soever it be covered) than for a breach of amity, yea, though it be but by suffering them to ship any number of men out of his territories, or to use the vessels or assistance of any of his subjects. This you may let fall as of yourself, without intimating that you have given any advertisement of it hither, because it is not such as may be worthy the alteration of any of his Majesty's main courses further than to prepare his thoughts, and yet convenient to be told him that they may see they cannot walk unobserved.
	It has been also strange to me to understand that the Baron of Hoboque pretends to have some commission from hence to deal with the Marquis Spinola about the breaking of the Irish Regiment, though his Majesty might have just cause to observe it as an argument of no great amity; for I do easily believe that by the colour of dismissing of that regiment upon this conjuncture all this intention may be covered and executed, so as I should think that this may be done of purpose to licentiate them to pass into Ireland to support the party; and therefore you shall do well in that kind to hinder any such direction, for that were to move him to do it, or by not doing what they intend not to value it as an obligation. But for the powder men, it is true his Majesty had some speeches with the Baron for removing of them at least from the face and protection of his Court, which you may still expostulate. I do confess that I have been the most jealous of the breaking of this regiment because I heard the Marquis Spinola is very forward for it. Of these matters and of other just grievances his Majesty will take it well if you can take an answer in writing by way of apostile or otherwise from the Archduke or his principal councillors, as a course fit for you to press at your departure, because you may bring back with you the perfect image of those Princes' minds, which is one of the ends for which all ambassadors are employed, and whereof they must account at their return. This is as much as I can say unto you at this time, who are able enough to judge upon the ground you have received what will be fitting or not fitting to do upon any occasion that is offered. 25 July, 1609. Copy 2¾ pp. (227 p. 327) Abstract from the above. (227 p. 363)
	The Earl of Worcester to Lord [Salisbury]
[1609] July 26.	His Majesty perused your letter, and likes of all/your proceedings, only it is his express pleasure that in your dispatch to Sir Thomas Edmondes you should direct him to say to the Archduke that, seeing he refused his Majesty's book for fear of the Pope's displeasure, he caused his Ambassador to deliver him a book printed in his own territories, which he assures himself the Pope will not be offended at; willing him withal that in the same conference with the Archduke he urge him to express what he thinks of it, whether it ought to be suffered in a Christian Commonwealth, three or four of the principal blasphemous points being by him delivered; and to conclude that his Majesty endures the calumniation the better in that he is coupled with the blessed Trinity, and that whosoever spares not to blaspheme God will not fear to dishonour him with slanderous lies. If it fortune your dispatch be gone before these come to you, his Majesty's pleasure is that you should send another presently after. We are now setting sail for Basing (the King another way), where I will expect your coming. Farnham, 26 July. Holograph 1 p. (127 111) [Printed in extenso in Lodge, Illustrations of British History, 111, pp. 381]
	Lord Cobham to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 26.	Thanks Salisbury for giving command that he should have a window made in his chamber, and that he should have his chamber made warm against winter; and begs him to take order with the surveyor before he goes on progress, as nothing is done as yet. Recommends his wretched estate to Salisbury, and prays God to put it in his heart to help him out of this thraldom. Tower, 26 July, 1609. Holograph, signed: H. Brooke. Endorsed: 'Ld Cobham.' 1 p. (127 112)
	The Earl of Northumberland to the Earl of Salisbury
[1609] July 26.	I held it necessary to give you satisfaction that my having my son here was but for some few days, albeit my intent is to wean him from his nursery company and his mother's wings. You know that children's conversations are not suitable to my humour, if it were not for some other end than to look upon them. I am very careful to make him a fit servant for the King and his country. To desire only that he should live is the care commonly of chary mothers; the care of fathers is as well to make fair their insides as their out. I acquaint you herewith as information has been given out that I meant he should lie here continually, and to be a suitor that sometimes for 4 or 5 days he might be permitted to lie here, that I may examine the profit he makes in those virtues that are fit for one of his birth. July 26. Holograph Endorsed: '1609.' 1 p. (127 113)
	The Earl of Salisbury and Sir Julius Caesar to the High Sheriff of Oxfordshire and the Commissioners for spoils of his Majesty's Woods There
1609, July 26.	Enclosing their commission. The Sheriff is required to pay each Commissioner present at the giving of the charge, 10s, and to the jury 20s, and on receiving the verdict the like sums. Salisbury House, 26 July, 1609. Signed ½ p. (127 114)
	The Same to the High Sheriff of Berkshire and the Commissioners for spoils of woods
1609, July 26.	They send a commission for inquiring of spoils of woods in Berkshire. The Sheriff is to pay to each of the Commissioners, when charged, 10s and to the jury 20s, and the like sum upon receiving the verdict; to be allowed upon the Sheriff's account in the Exchequer. Salisbury House, 26 July, 1609. Signed 1 p. (132 122) Duplicate of the above. (132 129)
	Sir Robert Johnson to George Calvert
[1609] July 26.	His Honour [Salisbury] has given direction for letters to be written to the sheriffs of Northampton, Buckingham, Berks and Oxford, ordering them to pay the charges of the King's commissioners for inquiry of spoil of woods, of the jurors and the witnesses. He prays Calvert to acquaint Sir Walter Cope therewith, and deliver the letters to the bearer. Undated. Holograph 1 p. (132 168)
	Sir William Waad to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 26.	I send you the confession of Mrs Dabscote written out and enlarged in some points. The name of the priest that brought the first message unto her I cannot as yet get from her, who if he could be known and apprehended it is likely he could discover the author of this scandalous work. I conceive it is no new work, but with the addition in the end, lately devised, is now set forth. I have directed warrants for the apprehension of all those to whom she delivered books, who must be examined of the dispersing of them. For her maid, if she might be forthcoming, I see no cause but she might be set at liberty.
	I have sent for the constable of Barking to give direction also to him for the apprehension of Parry and his son so soon as they land, and by these means I hope we shall in the end at the least find out those who have had sight of these books, whom I should brand with the mark of false and disloyal. By Dapscote himself I perceive the conceit that Toby Mathew should be the author of this work is derived from some speech his Majesty, as is given forth, should use. 26 July, 1609. Holograph 1 p. (195 108)
	Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Lord Treasurer
1609, July 26.	The Spanish Ambassador and the Marquis Spinola coming this day to visit him had amongst other things speech of the matters of Cleeves. They both protested that neither the King of Spain nor the Archdukes had any knowledge of the Archd. Leopold coming to Juliers, but that he was only sent by the Emperor to maintain the right of his title. Neither would the said K. or Archd. intermeddle in the cause so long as other princes and states should not interest themselves. Answered that the Emperor had made such an unjust usurpation upon the right of the other pretendants as Christian princes were in honour bound to assist them to recover their lawful possessions. If they were not the principal actors in the wrong, they were maintainers of it, and it was but too apparent to whose profit matters were like to be carried under the specious name of the Emperor.
	These discourses nothing pleased Spinola who has so long desired to make his retreat from hence. All their striving is to remove the jealousy that neither the K. of Spain nor these Princes have any part in the business; but the suspicion thereof is much increased by the observation made of the moneys lately and with such diligence made over from Spain, as if it were chiefly for the use of this occasion. Besides the 60,000 crowns first assigned for discharging their men of war, an extraordinary courier has since been sent from Spain with bills of provisions for 75,000 crowns more, which by the contract with the merchants is to be paid from the beginning of September by 100,000 crowns the month, save that in November there is to be paid 200,000 crowns. It is said that for 200,000 crowns of the said sum the merchants are assigned their payment upon the impost of cards in Spain, and the residue they are promised at the return of the Indias fleet in October. This proportion of 100,000 crowns the month will more than satisfy the ordinary third pays of the army according to the present numbers, and of late they have forborne to discharge any more men.
	The French Ambassador here has been advertised since the dispatch of his secretary into France that the said K. makes great show of persevering in his resolution to assist the M. of Brandenburg and his party. For that purpose he has sent Mons^r. de Bethune and other French captains to return to their charges in Holland, and Mons^r. de Chastillon is also presently to follow. They report that the French K. gives out he will come in his own person to that war, and that they carry letters to the States to take order for the lodging of the French troops upon the borders of Cleeveland. They cannot as yet here believe that the said K. means in good earnest to embark himself in that quarrel, but only that from the present necessitous estate of the affairs of Spain he thinks he may sufficiently work by the favour of his countenance on the other's behalf. So contrariwise it is held that the K. of Spain sets up his resolution against the same, both to make it appear his affairs are not so much under foot and also in hope to weaken the constancy of France. But if it should fall out that the French K. should effectually engage himself, these men would be the first to relent for want of means.
	The Archd. sent one of his secretaries to visit the Archd. Leopold, and since has sent him presents of rich tapestry hangings and some fair horses. There has been also here a gentleman from the said Duke, and it is said he has besides commission to go to the French King.
	Understands that the Pope liberally disposes of the ecclesiastical livings of Ireland, having, besides making Florence McCarty Bishop of Tyrone, created another about Tyrone called Mons^r. Mohan Bishop of Clowger. One Father Nicholas, who lives in these parts, and another are made Abbots. It may be that the present occupations about the matters of Cleeves will change the course of the other designs. Upon this occasion the Irish colonel's journey for Spain may be stayed. His Lordship will perceive by the enclosed copy of a letter written in Dusseldorpe how matters pass in Cleeves and Julliers. Sends an extract of the last advertisements out of Germany. 26 July, 1609. Copy 3 pp. (227 p. 324) [Original in P.R.O., State Papers Foreign, Flanders, 9.]
	Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 27.	I received your letters this morning, being the day of his Majesty's remove, and have delivered the enclosed to my Lord of Worcester and Sir Roger Aston. I acquainted his Majesty with those to myself, who is very well satisfied with your answers to those things I had written of to you. I return herewith all those bills signed which I received. I thought good only to remember you that it seemed to me by your letter there should have been two bills concerning Sir Stephen Proctor, one for his authority, the other for his office, but I received but one which is for the office; except your meaning be that for his authority he shall have only warrant from the Court of the Exchequer.
	You shall receive herewith also a letter to the Lord Deputy of Ireland concerning one Clegorn, a Scottish gentleman, about land supposed to be forfeited, which you signified to me you would not mislike that he had. I have qualified the letter as much as I could (though not with his great liking), and left it in the Lord Deputy's power notwithstanding the return of the commission, howsoever it shall prove, if he know any reason to forbear, that he may suspend the execution of the letter. This I did because it seems a great quantity of land, and is unknown here whom it may concern. I have also sent you his petition, and the answer of the commissioners of Ireland, and have mentioned in his Majesty's letter that the same goes to the Lord Deputy enclosed in the letter. All this I thought good to send to you before the gentleman come himself, because you may consider whether it shall go on that into Ireland, or receive any other consideration here.
	We are much troubled with complaints against deer stealers, and greatly out of patience with it, and are giving to my Lord Admiral very strict directions for his proceedings against them.
	I have not been commanded yet by his Majesty, but it is told me that he said yesterday he would give me order to advertise you that for the complaints of cutting woods hereabouts made against Norden, he is fully satisfied, and finds it came by a pack of a knave that could not have wood of him at his own price. Court at Farnham, 27 July, 1609. Holograph 2 pp. (127 115)
	Sir Edward Holmden
1609, July 27.	Warrant to the Earl of Salisbury. Sir Edward Holmden has sustained great losses at sea, and lately has had his ship consumed by fire, having in her cast iron ordnance, i.e. 18 sakers and 4 demi-culverins, which being overheated are so unserviceable that he cannot sell them in this realm. He is to have licence to transport the ordnance into foreign parts and there to sell the same, paying the usual customs. Palace of Westminster, 27 July, 7 Jac. Signed by the King 1 p. (127 116) [See Cal.S.P.Dom, 1603–1610, p. 532]
	Viscount Haddington to Lord [Salisbury]
1609, July 27.	His Majesty had good liking of the reparation that was made upon the house here, and of the diligence of the workmen for the little time they had, which is not yet finished. He bid me signify that the workmen do not depart till the house be all repaired according as they have begun, with protestation that when he is better stored in money he will bestow more towards the same, for the good liking he and the Queen have taken at this time. Farnham, 27 July, 1609. Holograph 1 p. (127 117)
	Rob. Fludd to Lord [Salisbury]
1609, July 28.	Report of his proceedings as commissioner for sale of the King's woods and surveyor of lands in Anglesey, Carnarvon, Merioneth, Flint and Montgomery. Claims of Sir Edward Harbert and Sir Richard Hopton to woods in the latter shire. Conowey, 28 July, 1609. Holograph 1 p. (132 107)
	Tibbot Gorges to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 29/August 8.	Has accomplished his long voyage to his full contentment, and on his arrival purposed to go to Orleans to know his young Lord's pleasure, but his Lordship's sudden coming prevented it. If it stands with the Earl's liking, the Lord Ambassador will command him to wait upon him into England, if his return be so soon as his Lordship thinks it will be; if not, he purposes to repair homewards. Meantime he will abide in Paris, and endeavour to recover the French tongue, which is much impaired by his learning Italian, with a very little Dutch. which has much disturbed the others. Paris, 8 August, 1609, st. no. Holograph 1 p. (94 124)
	Sir Thomas Lake to the Earl of Salisbury
1609, July 29.	I received your letters concerning Neale Garvey yesterday at Winchester about noon, his Majesty being then on his way to Broadlands, his next remove; and I followed him presently and acquainted him with the contents, though somewhat late, at his return from hunting in the forest of Westbeare. I framed also a letter ready for him to sign according to your direction, which he has signed, and herewith I send it. At the perusing of your letter, and the signing of this, he used no other words concerning the matter but that he marvelled why they might not be safe in the castle of Dublin. My answer was that the natural unsoundness of the people towards his Highness's service, and their affection to their great men, might give more opportunities to escape than here. He called the Prince to the reading of that part of your letter where you made mention of taking his opinion, and they were both merry at it. But for the Duke of Cornwall's hundred pound toward the clock, his answer is that with his Majesty's leave he has bestowed it another way, but if you lay it out he will give you leave to pay yourself again, so it be not out of his revenue.
	While his Majesty was at Farnham, some of the better sort of the town acquainted me with a grievance amongst divers poor men of the town and country thereabouts, who had been taken up for labourers for the reparations at Farnham, and were unpaid, some of ten shillings, some of a noble, some of twenty shillings, being very poor creatures, and the time hard, insomuch as they borrowed of their neighbours for their daily bread. It is but a matter of 50^l or 60^l that is owing amongst that sort of people. It is the negligence of some of the officers of the works, upon whom it may please you to call to see it discharged, for I know it is against your fashion that reclamation should be moved for so small trifles. Broadlands, 29 July, 1609.
	PS.—The report of Mr Attorney of Ireland of the proceedings, and the copy of the ratification, I left with his Majesty to read at his leisure. Holograph 2 pp. (127 118)
	Viscount Cranborne's Travels
1609, July 29–August 8/October 20–30.	'The Earl of Salisbury's (fn. 1) Journall of his Travayles in France, Italy, Germany, Low-Countries and Savoy, begun 1609.'
Aoust 1609	Le huitieme d'Aoust ie party d'Orleans pour commencer mon voyage du tour de France.
	A deux lieues d'Orl[eans] a St Mesmin il faut passer la petite riviere de Loiret sur un pont de pierre.
	A deux lieues de la le bourg de Clery et une assés belle Eglise fondee de Nostre Dame d'ou les Chanoines portent titre de Barons.
	A 4 lieues de ce bourg est St Laurent des eaues, petit bourg qui fut nostre premiere couchee.
Chambourg Blois	De la a 4 lieues s'esquartant un peu du grand chemin a la gauche voyes le superbe chasteau de Chambourg.
	A 5 lieues duquel est la ville de Blois sur la riviere de Loire, ce fut nostre disnee du 2 iour.
	Il faut y voir le Chasteau, plus remarquable pour ce que s'y est passé aux estats que pour l'ornam[en]t ou la structure.
	Les jardins sont tout devant terre ingrate qui ne produit que par artifice, mais au bout il y a de tres belles allees bien plantees de palissades et de grands arbres pres d'une lieue de long.
Amboise	Nous partimes de Blois le lundy dixieme d'Aoust apres diner pour venir a Amboise a 10 lieues, en chemin vous avez tousiours la riviere de Loire a la gauche, pais fort plaisant tant pour les colines qui sont a l'entour chargees de bois par endroits et de toutes sortes de commodités par tout que pour les belles maisons et Chasteaux.
	Entre autres a moitié du chemin au droit d'escures, petit village, vous avez Chaumont d'un costé de la riviere a la gauche qui est a Monsieur de la Rochefoucaut, de l'autre celuy d'Onzain.
	Il faut passer Loire sur un beau pont a Amboise. J'y couchay pour voir le lendemain le Chasteau qui est fort superbement basty, grand et bien fortifié. On peut monter par une vis qui est en une grosse tour iusques au plus haut estage en un carosse tiré á 4 chevaux: voies la des cornes admirables d'un cerf.
Tours	Nous en partimes le mardi onzieme pour venir a Tours ou il y a sept lieues ayant la riviere de Loire a la droite et a la gauche des colines riches de toutes sortes de coustaux. J'arrivay a Tours le mardy au soir pour y voir le lendemain la fortification de la ville neufue dessein des plus admirables, le palmail, un ioly cabinet qui est au Chantre de St Gratien, l'abaye de Marmoutier ou est l'ampoule dont le roy a esté oint a Chartres, les caves goutieres a trois lieues de Tours ou l'eau se congele et devient pierre.
Saumur	Le vendredy 14 d'Aoust ie laissay Tours pour venir ce mesme iour a Saumur qui en est a dix sept lieues. Au sortir vous avez du costé de Tours ces marais ou iardins qui produisent tant de bons fruits et autres commoditez. L'Angez est a sept lieues de Tours, petite ville et un chasteau asses apparent qui est a Madame d'Entragues par le don que luy en feist le Roy Charles q a ses couches de celuy qu'on appelle le Conte d'Auvergne.
	Nostre disnee fut a la chapelle blanche a dix lieues de Tours; tout au droit presque et de l'autre costé de la riviere est le Chasteau d'Ossé, 3 lieues plus bas celuy de Montsoreau du mesme costé de la riviere, et est le commencement d'Aniou.
	A trois lieues de la passez les ponts pour venir a Saumur ou ceux de la religion sont les plus forts, seureté de leur retraite s'il arivoit quelque trouble; y ont un temple dans la ville, les catholiques y sont desarmez. Monsieur du Plessis Morney en est gouverneur.
	Le Samedy 15 Aoust ie pensois avoir ce bien de voir M^r. du Plessis, mais d'autant que ses affaires l'avoient appellé en Poictou quelques iours auparavant, ie ne laissay d'estre bien receu au Chasteau par son lieutenant qui en avoit le commandement comme il m'asseura.
	La place est assez bien munie du costé de la ville, couverte de bons esperons revestus et de bons doubles canons dessus et bon nombre de petites pieces de campagne: du costé des champs les fortifications ne sont pas encor revestues pour ce qu'il n'est pas permis de se fortifier durant la paix. Le dedans est assez beau, surtout le gouverneur y a une fort belle biblioteque, trois galeries, l'une pour le plaisir, l'autre pleine de cuirasses et corcelets, la troisieme pleine de mousquets et de toutes sortes d'armes.
Angers	Ce mesme iour 15 ie vins a Angeers ou lon conte dix bon[n]es lieues, ceste ville est sur la riviere de Maine a une lieue du pont de Sé ou passe la riviere de Loire. Du costé de la levee chemin ordinaire il n y a pas beaucoup de bons bourges comme de l'autre costé. Il faut passer au bas a Sorges, lotion, petite riviere a une lieue d'Angers. Scest la que ceux de la religion s'assemblent pour leur exercise; voies Angers de belles Eglises, mais surtout le Chasteau tres fort, bien muny de toutes choses et bien gardé.
Ingrande	Le mardy dixhuitieme d'Aoust party d'Angers pour venir coucher a Ingrande a sept lieues de la, lieu sur la riviere de Loire ou se font d'estranges exactions sur ce qui menent le sel. Le lendemain a cent pas de la nous entrames en Britaigne pour passer a Ancenis qui est a 4 lieues de la; beau chasteau et fort, qui est a Madame de Mercure. A deux lieues de la latour d'Oudon qui est a Monsieur le Con[n]estable avec autres belles terres; la au tour ce fut nostre dinee.
Nantes	Nantes en est a quatre lieues ou nous arrivames le mercredy au soir 19, ville fort marchandé et les navieres vienent tout au pres du pont, forte d'assiette et d'artifice, un beau Chasteau et un grand magazin d'armes, un beau tombeau en l'Eglise de Carmes, une assez belle chambre de ville etc.
La Rochelle	Le vendredy 21 au sortir de Nantes, a cinq lieues de la, diné a vieille vigne. Et a une lieue et demye de la a un petit village nom[m]e l'Abregment est le commencement du bas Poictou. Couché a la greve a six lieues de nostre dinee, cest un pauvre village et tout ruiné. Le lendemain diner a Lusson, gros bourg et bon evesché a six lieues de la greve: apres diner il faillut faire sept lieues par les marais, mechant passage, pour arriver a la Rochelle sur les sept heures du soir.
Septembre 1609	Je fu contraint d'y demeurer depuis le samedy 22 Aoust iusques au ieudy 3 de Septembre malade d'une grosse fievre qui me dura environ de 3 iours en fin de la quelle Dieu me visita de la maladie qu'ils appellent la petite verole. Au sortir de la chambre ie vey ce qui sensuit. Le port qui est assez beau et seur ou les naviers de cinq cents tonneaux peuvent entrer aux grandes marees, la maison de ville, l'arcenal ou entre autres pieces il y a une couleurine d'environ 20 pieds, la vieille fortification par dedans et par dehors, le dessein admirable qu'ilz continuent d'une merveilleuse diligence non obstant la paix, dessein autant remarquable qu'autre qui soit point.
Taillebourg Xaintes Ponts Blaye	Party done de la Rochelle le Jeudy troisieme de Septembre pour disner au gué charrou, chasteau a 5 lieues de la. Apres diner il faillut passer la riviere de Bouton[n]e a deux lieues du gué au bas d'une petite ville nom[m]ee Tonné Boutonne; de la il y a 3 lieues jusques a Taillebourg; le chasteau est assez bon tenu par ceux de la religion; ce fut nostre couchee. Le lendemain il y faillut passer la Charente pour aller diner a Xainctes a 2 lieues de la, ville assez bonne, garnie d'un chasteau tel quel et d'une bonne citadelle. On y voit les ruines d'un vieil amphiteatre et autres antiquités vers le pont. De Xainctes a couché a Pons, autre place tenue par ceux de la religion sur la riviere de Seigne a 4 lieues de la. Le Samedy 5 de Sep. dine au petit Niort qui est a 4 lieues a moitié chemin. M^r. d'Epernon y a un fort beau chasteau, et tout contre Le petit Niort est celuy de Mirambaut. Du petit Niort couché a Blaie ou il y a 6 lieues pour partir le dimanche matin a cinq heures avec la maree pour arriver a Bourdeaux, a sept lieues de la, sur la belle riviere de Garonne dans laquelle tombe celle de Dordogne a moitié du chemin au dessus de la petite ville de Bourg.
Bourdeaux	Arrive a Bourdeaux le dimanche 6 Sept. au matin et vey les ruines du palais de l'Empereur Galien hors la ville, celles du palais tutele remarques ancien[n]es de la grandeur et magnificence des Romains. La ville est assez belle, un beau port ou les Anglois font un grand trafiqe de vin.
Cadillac	Au partir de Bourdeaux le mercredy 9 Sep: diné a Cadillac a 5 lieues. La est la maison de M^r d'Epernon dont le dessein peut estre plus grand qu'il n'apparoist.
Langon	Apres diner poursuivy mon chemin a Langon, petite ville a 2 lieues de la. J'y passe la Garone le lendemain pour diner a la Reole a 2 grandes lieues de la. Couché a Marmande a 3 lieues et en venant vous trouvez la pauvre petite ville de Ste Baseille toute demantelee.
Ceste maison est du costé de Madame du Maine	Le vendredy presque tout au droict veu Caumont ou M^r le Conte de St Paul tient garnison; la environ est la ville et chasteau d'Aiguillon, petit Duché dou le fils aisné de M^r du Maine porte le nom; diné ce mesme iour au port Ste Marie a 4 lieues de Marmande.
Agen, Capitale d'Ageroi Moissac Montaubon	Apres diner ie ne peu faire que 2 tres grandes lieues pour venir coucher a Agen. Le Samedy 12 disné a la magisterre a 3 lieues sur la Garon[n]e. Couché a Moissac a 2 lieues, assez belle petite ville; de la vous pouvez voir fort a clair les monts Pyrenees. La passé le Tar, riviere qui tombe la au pres en la Gironne. Le dimenche pour venir a Montauban sur le Tar ou le peuple est tout de la religion excepté 2 maisons; place bien fortifiee a la moderne au plus pres comme la Rochelle, et bien autant avancee. De la il y a trois lieues a Moissac.
Toulouse	Le Lundy 14 diné a Fronton a 3 lieues et le mesme iour arrivé a Toulouse a 4 lieues de Fronton, veu ce qui sensuit.
	Les reliques (comme ils disent) et les corps entiers de 6 Apostres et autres saincts. En une chappelle 12 images des Apostres qui se souleverent oyans blasphemer. Cecy est en l'eglise St Saturnin. Aux Cordeliers force corps entiers at desechez, et par tout autant pete estre de superstition qu'en tout autre lieu. La maison de ville embellie de peintures des Capitouls, force canons et autres armes. Un beau moulin hors de la porte et de beaux bastimens par tout. Toulouse est la capitale de Languedoc, siege du parlement. Monsieur Le Connestable est gouverneur de tout le pais et M^r son fils en a la survivance. M^r. Le Duc de Ventadour est lieutenant du Roy par toute la province, et se dit une chose notable de sa maison qu'elle tire son extraction de Levi comme celle d'Usez et quelques autres. Le mercredy 16 Sept. party pour venir disner a une meschante petite place nommee ville nouvelle a 4 lieues.
Castelnaud'ary Carcassonne	Ce soir couché a Castelnaud'ary (ainsi appellé pour avoir esté basty par les Arriens) a 4 lieues. Le Jeudy disné a ville seiche a 4 lieues, et apres disner fait 2 lieues pour venir a Carcassone, belle petite ville, et la cité au dessus, lieu assez fort de nature et bien gardé pour estre pres de la frontiere, mesme que les bandouliers font par fois des courses la au tour.
Narbonne en S. eglise St Ticot	Le vendredy 18 Sept. disné a Lusignac, meschante petite bicoque a 5 lieues, et ce mesme iour couché a Narbonne sur la riviere d'Aude a une lieue de la mer mediterranee, forte ville gardée d'une garnison de 6 a 7 cens hommes de guerre outre les habitants. M^r de St Gignes en est gouverneur; il n'y a point de gens de la religion. On y trouve force pierres inscriptes du temps des Romains. Ceste place est a trois petites lieues de Lusignac, et a 8 lieues de Parpignan. Voyes y outre la fortification tres belle a la moderne, un tableau du Lazare des plus excellents. Le Samedy party sur le midy pour venir a Beziers a 4 lieues. Tout le chemin est montueux pour la plus part mais plein d'herbes, et arbrisseaux odoriferants, romarins, lavande, thim etc.
Beziers	Beziers est une ville bien assize sur un haut avec une petite Citadelle. M^r Le Baron de Spondillan en est gouverneur. Le peuple commence a y estre fort courtois au respect de ces humeurs fantasques du haut Languedoc; ceux de la religion y ont leur exercise a un quart de lieue de la ville.
Pezenas Monpellier	Le dimanche venu a Pezenas a 4 lieues ou demeure M^r. Le Duc de Ventadour; tout au droit sont deux belles baron[n]ies de Castellnau et Conas. Le Lundy venu a Lopian a 3 lieues. La ie pris la poste pour voir les bains de Ballerue Frontignan tant celebre pour le bon muscat que s'y recueille, et de la venir a Montpellier ou il y a 5 lieues. Le Mardy 22 i'assistay aux escoles de medecine pour voir prendre le degré de docteur a un Ecossois, veu en outre le iardin du Roy dont on fait tant de cas pour les simples et plantes rares qu'on y apporte de tout le monde. Il n'y a pas beaucoup de choses a y remarquer outre la courtoisye du peuple, si non que ceste ville est une de celles que ceux de la religion tienent pour seureté.
Nismes	Aussy les catoliques y sont desarmez, ne gardent point les portes et y a 4 compagnies de gens de pied en garnison. M^r de Chastillon en est gouverneur, et le S^r de St André son lieutenant. Je n'en peu partir pour la lassitude de mes chevaux que le vendredy 25 Sept. pour venir a Nimes ou il y a 8 lieues du meilleur pais du Languedoc. Nimes estoit une colonie des Romains, bien plus grande ville qu'elle n'est comme les ruines le monstrent. La vous voyes hors la ville les ruines d'un temple bien basty a l'honeur de Diane ou du dieu dis. Sur une haute montaigne toute au pres une tour d'une structure excellente, et quelques uns croyent que c'estoit un mausole pour conserver les cendres de quelque grand. Dans la ville un tresbel amphiteatre presque tout entier, un bastiment ancien qu'ils appellent la maison quarree et il m'est advis que ce bastiment tient de la forme de celuy de Bourdeaux pour estre un temple a l'honneur d'une imperatrice comme celuy la a l'honneur des dieux tutelaires. Mais ces edifices sont de structure admirable de grandes pierres ioinctes sans ciment, et si ne les peut on disioindre. Nimes est gardé seulement par les habitants qui sont presque tous de la religion.
Pontdugard Avignon	Party le Samedy pour voir le Pont du gard a 4 lieues, pont admirable sur la petite riviere de Gardon pour ioindre deux montagnes pour couler dessus un aqueduct qui venoit d'Usez a Nimes sept grandes lieues; c'est la plus superbe antiquité de toutes, et en un pais fort sterile; disné la aupres pour coucher en Avignon a 4 lieues. Tout le pais est au Roy iusques a Villeneufue et la fortresse de St André; mais ce qui est de l'autre costé est au Pape, qu'il tient par engagement. Cest le Conté de Venisse ou d'Avignon qui comprend quatre vingt petites villes ou bons bourgs ou environ; ie salue le Legat qui me receut assez bien; les Juifs y ont exercise de leur religion.
Salon	Party le Dimenche pour venir a Salon de craux ou l'on conte 8 lieues, mais il faut passer la Durance a 2 lieues d'Avignon, riviere facheuse et fort suiecte a se deborder, et la est la fin du contat et du bon pais, excepté que les oliviers accom[m]odent fort toute la Provence.
Marseille Aix Cavaillon Oranges	Le lundy 28 disné aux Epenes a 5 lieues de la; restent 3 lieues iusques a Marseille, ou ie couchay. Passé tout ce iour par un tres rude chemin plein de montaignes. Ce iour mesme i'allay baiser les mains a Mon^r Le Duc de Guise qui me receut tres bien, et pendant que ie fus en la ville me feit tout l'honneur que i'eusse peu desirer. Cest ville est fort merchande et le port des plus beaux, tousiours en un estat pour ce que la mer mediteranee n'a ny flux ny reflux, capable d'une infinité de vaisseaux, mesme des plus grands. Le Roy y tient ses Galeres; il est fortifié pres de l'emboucheure du chasteau d'if et autres fortresses tout aupres au milieu de la mer, et du chasteau de Notre Dame de la Garde sur le haut d'un montaigne qui commande droit dans le port. J'en partis le vendredy 2 Octobre pour venir a Aix a 5 lieues, et encor que ce soit la ville du parlement de Provence si n'y a til pas grand chose outre le Palais et de pauvres bains peu hantez. Party le Samedy, disné a Lombers qui est de la maison de Lorraine ou il y a 4 lieues, couché a Cavaillon, ville du Contat, ou il y a 5 lieues; a my chemin a La Malemort passez la Durance. Le dimenche 4 Octob. disné au pont de Sorgues a 4 lieues, passé le pont pour venir coucher a Oranges a 3 lieues, petite principauté qui est a l'aisné de la maison de Nassau. Vous voiés les ruines d'un theatre, une partie d'un arc triomphal qu'on tient avoir este dresse par l'armee Romaine en l'hon[n]eur de C. Marius apres la defaite des Cimbres. Le chasteau est sur le haut et bien fort dont la garnison est Catholique et ceux de la ville presque tous de la religion. Le lundy 5 disné a Pierelatte, commencement du Dauphiné a 5 lieues ou il y a un assez fort chasteau sur un haut. En venant vous laissez a la gauche au de la du Rosne Le pont St Esprit.
Pont St Esprit Valence Conte ancien Lyon Mont de Sardon Montagne de grand Credo	De la passant a Castelnau du Rosné il y a 3 lieues a Montlimart, ville tenue par ceux de la religion. Le mardy disné a Loriau ou il y a 3 lieues et demye, ville de l'Eveshé de Valence et toutefois le peuple y est presque tout de la religion. De la il y a 3 lieues et demye a Valence, Evesché et Université. M^r du Passage y commande, et y a un assez bon[n]e citadelle. Le mercredy 7 Oct. disné a St Valier a 5 lieues; deux lieues au dessus, de la le Rosne, est la ville de Tournon; la en environs on monstre une maison de Pilate, mais il n'y a gueres d'apparence d'antiquité. Apres disner fait 4 lieues pour venir coucher au Peage. Le Jeudy 8 fait 3 lieues pour disner a Viene, Archevesché le plus ancien a ce qu'on dit de toutes les Gaules. Le fils aisné au Roy s'appelle Daufin de Vienois pour ce qu'elle estoit anciennement chef de la province lors de l'adonation qui en fut faite a un des Rois de France e[sic] a present Grenoble est le siege du Parlement de Dauphiné. Il y a un beau pont sur le Rosne. La petite riviere de Gire y apporte bien de la commodité; elle fait moudre plusieurs sortes de moulins et la facon de faire des espees est iolie. Ceste eau leve les soufflets des forges, un gros martinet au marteau pour les forges sur l'enclume tourné des meules pour les esmoudre et autres telles inventions. De Vienne il y a 5 lieues a Lion partie entre des montagnes, mais le pais est fort bon et charge de toutes sortes de commodités. Pour entrer en ceste grande ville vous passez le Rosne sur un beau pont ou l'on visite les hardes des ceux qui y entrent pour scavoir s'ils ne portent point de marchandises qui doivent tribut. Ceste ville est divisee en plusieurs parties et isles pour ce que la riviere de Saone (que les anciens appelloient Arar) passe par une autre partie de la ville et tombe plus bas dans celle du Rosne; sur celle cy il y a un autre beau pont pour ioindre une autre grande partye de la ville ou est la grande Eglise de St Jean. Ceste ville a un grande circuit en partie sur la montagne. Le traficq y est grand mais sur tout il s'y remet par change de grandes sommes d'argent. Mon^r D'Allincourt y commande pour le Roy. Party de Lion le mercredy 14 Oct: presque au sortir vous entres en la Bresse et autres bailliages presque iusques aux portes de Geneve que le Roy a eus du Duc de Savoye en eschange du Marquisat de Saluces. Couché a Cormond a 7 lieues; tout contre vous passez la petite riviere du Dain et la aux environs M^r Le Duc de Nemours y a des tres belles terres. Le Jeudy passé a Amberné, a Sardon ou il faut monter une bien haute montagne, et autres bons bourgs pour disner a Nantua a 5, entre de hautes montagnes et rochers, et y a un assez beau Lac. Apres disner fait 2 lieues pour coucher a St Germain. Le lendemain diné a Colonge ou il y a 3 lieues; il faut passer au paravant de fort aspres montagnes nom[m]ees le petit et grand Credo, et le fort de l'Ecluse. De Colonge il y a 4 lieues a Geneve, tousiours le Rosne a la droicte qui passe par le milieu de la ville.
Geneve	Arrivé la le vendredy au soir 16 Oct. messieurs de la ville m'envoyerent visiter ce mesme iour. Ceste petite repub. n'a soubs soy que quelques petits villages fort pauvres. On s'y gouverne a plus pres ainsi; il y a 4 Scindics et un conseil de 20 autres qui ont toute autorité soit en paix, soit en guerre. Pour rendre la iustice en premiere instance il y a un lieutenant duquel y a appel devant le iuge des appeaux, puis si le fait est d'importance de ce iuge on appelle devant les Scindics, et les magistrats s'elisent tous les ans. La ville est forte, couverte de 7 bastions et du Lac Leman au travers duquel passe le Rosne sans perdre son cours. Le Roy y entretient 9 compagnies de gens de pied; l'ordre qu'ils tienent pour leur conservation est assez beau, aussy y doivent ils bien adviser; tesmoing l'escalade qui leur fut presentee en pleine paix il y a tantot 7 ans. Ayant esté fort humainement traité par ces bon[n]es gens i'en party le lundy 19. Je desirois fort de poursuivre mon chemin par la Suisse et une partie de l'Alemagne n'eut esté les froideures et le mauvais temps. Couché donc ce soir a St Germain, le mesme chemin que
Bourg	i'avois tenu en allant et y a 7 lieues. Le mardy disné a Sardon 5 lieues. Apres disner ie tiray droict a Bourg en Bresse ou il y a 4 grandes lieues. M^r de Boisse commande dans la ville ou il a 3 compaignies et en la Citadelle, ou il tient 3 compaignies de Francois et une de Suisses. Ceste fortresse est des plus belles, bien munie de canons et autres munitions, non du tout en sa perfection mais bien en defence. Pour ce qu'il faut du temps a voir une si belle place, i'en party le mercredy a midy pour venir coucher a St Julien a 4 lieues, pais fort bien, peuplé des bons villages, petites villettes et maisons de noblesse. Le Jeudy continue mon chemin par St Trivier, petite villette de Bresse; a une lieue la environ est la separation de Bresse et de Bourgogne.
Chaolons Beaune Dijon Mussy l'Evesque Troye	Disne a Cugery a 2 lieues, ou le mauvais temps me retint tout le iour. Le vendredy disne a Chaolons sur Saone, ville Episcopale a 5 lieues. Le Duc du Mayne y avoit basty une forte Citadelle durant ces troubles au mescontentement de ceux du pais. Ce iour couché a Beaune, belle petite ville a 5 lieues. Vous voyés la un bel hospital et bien meublé. C'est le pais des bons vins de Bourgogne. Le Samedy disné a Nuits a 3 lieues et couche a Dijon ou il y en a 4. C'est la ville capitale de la province, siege du Parlement, assez belle, grande et bien peuplée, mais il n'y passe point de riviere marchande. Party de la le Lundy 26 pour disner a St Seine a 5 lieues. Il faut passer un dangereux vallon, retraite des voleurs, le val de Suson. Pres St Seine est la source de Seine. Apres disner passé a Chanseaux 2 lieues, Baigneux 2 lieues, couché a St Marc a 3 lieues. Le Mardy 27 passé a Chastillion sur Seine, belle grande villasse a 4 lieues. Disné a Mussy l'Evesque ou il y a 3 lieues. A une lieue et demye de Chastillon est le commencement de Champagne. La Bourgogne entre autres provinces est pleine de bons bourgs fermez, villettes, villages et belles maisons. Ce iour couché a Bar sur Seine a 4 lieues de Mussy. Le Mercredy 28 disné a Troye ou il y a 7 lieues. C'est la principale ville de Champagne. M^r de Nevers est gouverneur de ceste province, M^r de Pralin lieutenant du Roy et gouve[r]neur de Troye. Ceste ville est fort belle marchande et bien peuplée, aussy est ce un Evesché. Couché ce mesme iour aux 3 maisons a 7 lieues. Vous ne trouvez en y venant qu'un seul village nom[m]e Le Pavillon a my chemin. Le Jeudy passé a Nogen sur Seine a 5 lieues; la e[n]viron est le commencement de Brye. Disné a Provins a 4 lieues, grande villasse et presidial de Brye. Couché a la Bretauche, pres de Nangy, petite ville et beau chasteau il y a 4 lieues. Le vendredy 30 d'Octobre disné a Brye contre Robert a 8 lieues pour venir apres a Paris a 6 lieues, passant la riviere de Marne a Charenton. Cest la fin de mon voyage dont i'eusse peu escrire plus de particularitez, si non que ie n'ay fait ce petit recueil que pour aider ma memoire. Nombre des lieues 416. In Viscount Cranborne's hand 36¼ pp. (317 1) [For the continuation of this journal see 1610, September 3/13]
	The Duke of Lennox to the Earl of Salisbury
[1609, July]	My meaning in writing to you so long a discourse was only to give you occasion to satisfy the importunity of those College men if they came to you again; as also for Sir John Wentworth's satisfaction, who was desirous to carry that letter. So although my conceptions be not very pregnant, yet I have knowledge of your worth and assurance of your love to myself that in such a matter you only wrote rogatus rogo.
	The petition I sent you, I sent to eschew the presenting of it to his Majesty specially without your knowledge, for in all such matters, as in all, I will not move him before you know of it. I will give the gentlewoman such an answer as shall serve. I leave all matters that concern one of your best friends till we come to the town of Salisbury. I then hope we shall be all together and merry. Undated. Holograph Endorsed: 'July, 1609.' 1 p. (127 119)
	Saint Sauveur to the Earl of Salisbury
[1609, July]	Begs his favour with the King in furtherance of his suit concerning the 'Manoir de St Germain'. The reasons for his suit are founded upon the petition which the States of the Island (Estats de l'Isle) have made to the King, showing that since the dissolution of the abbeys there have fallen into his fisc many lands and lordships, both ecclesiastical and other, which the Governors have found means to add to their patents, to the great weakening of the Island and prejudice to its defence; and begging the King to give or sell the said lands to tenants who would be obliged to reside in the Island, to help in its government and the administration of justice, and its defence in wartime, as was formerly the custom. Undated Holograph French Addressed: 'A Monseigneur le Thresorier.' Endorsed: 'July, 1609.' 1 p. (195 110)
	Henry Walsh to the Earl of Salisbury
[1609, before August]	Two petitions for allowance for bringing letters from Sir Thomas Edmondes, Ambassador at Brussels. Undated. ½ p and ½ p. (P.530 and P.611).