|
|
The Earl of Suffolk to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
[1625–26 or before] January 17. |
"An accydent ys happyned
wherin for my nephwe Charls Howard my [I] must be sutor to
your Lordship. One of the kipars of Enfyld Chase ys dead
yesterday; hys name ys Kyttammaster. The walke doth joyne
upon my brothers howse of Mompleasaunce neer, so as my nephwe
ys very fytt to looke to the game, and yf your Lordship be pleased
to conferr yt upon hym I dare avow he wylbe as carefull and as
respectyve of you as any man." Hopes that Salisbury will not
deny him this favour for his (Suffolk's) sake. Is sure that Salisbury's wife would have associated herself with this request "yf
she had bene up".—Suffolk House, this 17 of January.
Holograph. Seal Endorsed: "My Lo. of Suffolke to me."
1 p. (200. 42.) |
|
Christopher Keighley to — Miles. |
|
1625–26, January 20. |
"It is my Lords pleasure that yowe
presentlie speake with all such free houlders within the mannor of
Litle Hadam as have voyces in the election of the knights of the
shere, to let them knowe that my Lord desires they would be at
Hartf[ord] the seconde daye of Februarie next to give there
voyces for Sir Thomas Dakeres, kt, and Sir John Botler, esquire,
to be knights of the shere for Hartfordshere for the next Parliament."—20 January, 1625.
Holograph. Draft. 1 p. (General 71/33.) |
|
Sibble Parry, widow, to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
[1626, April 4]. |
For his bounty, she being the daughter of
Margaret Cecil, daughter of William Cecil, late of Alterenes, co.
Hereford.—Undated.
Note: 20/- given, 4 April, 1626.
1 p. (P. 1837.) |
|
The Earl of Bristol's Petition to the House of Lords. |
|
1626 [April 19]. |
He has received his writ of Parliament, but
with it a letter from the Lord Keeper in his Majesty's name
commanding him to forbear personal attendance. Beseeches
that he may be heard both in the point of his wrongs and of his
accusation of the Duke of Buckingham.
Copy. 1½ pp. (131. 4.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 237, and the Lords'
Journals, III, 563.] |
|
Order of the Garter. |
|
1626, April 27. |
King Charles desiring to advance the honour of
the noble Order, at a chapter holden at his palace of Westminster,
27 April, in the second year of his reign, being the day and feast
of St. George, with eleven knights of the order, viz: Edward,
Earl of Worcester, Lord Privy Seal; Robert, Earl of Sussex;
William, Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain; Philip, Earl of
Montgomery; Francis, Earl of Rutland; George, Duke of
Buckingham, Lord High Admiral; William, Earl of Salisbury;
James, Earl of Carlisle; Edward, Earl of Dorset; Henry, Earl
of Holland, Captain of the Guard, and Thomas, Earl of Berkshire,
has ordered and ordained that the knights and companions of
the Order, and the prelate and chancellor of the same, shall after
3 months next wear upon the left part of their cloaks, coats and
riding cassocks (sic) at all times when they shall not wear their
robes, and in all places and assemblies, an escutcheon of the arms
of St. George, that is to say, a cross within a garter not enriched
with pearls or stones, that the wearing thereof may be a testimony
to the world of the honour they hold.
Copy. 1 p. (197. 115.) |
|
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham. |
|
1626, May 8. |
Speech of Sir Dudley Digges on the delivery of
the Articles of impeachment against the Duke of Buckingham to a
Committee of the House of Lords.
6 pp. (131. 14.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 302–6: Lords' Journals,
III, 595–6.] |
|
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham. |
|
1626, May 10. |
"Sir John Eliot's speech before the Lords,
10 May, 1626" on the delivery of the Articles of impeachment
against the Duke of Buckingham to a Committee of the House of
Lords.
11 pp. (131. 8.)
[Printed in an abbreviated form in Rushworth's Collections, I,
353–6; in substance in Lords' Journals, III, 617–19.] |
|
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham. |
|
1626 [May 10]. |
"Mr Sherland's speech against the Duke of
Buckingham upon 2 Articles—Sale of Honour and Judicature."
10½ pp. (131. 17.)
[Printed in Lords' Journals, III, 610–12, and partly in Rushworth's Collections, I, 341–3.] |
|
Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham. |
|
1626 [May 10]. |
"The 13th Article against the Duke of Buckingham, which is his transcendent presumption in giving physic to
the King [James I], etc; opened by Mr Wainsford."
9½ pp. (131. 23.) |
|
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 351–3, the report of Mr
Wandesford's speech being very briefly given; and in the Lords'
Journals, I, 611–17, where, however, the Article itself is omitted,
and only the speech given.] |
|
The Privy Council to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
1626, May 21. |
Giving directions to the Lord Lieutenant of
Hertfordshire for the mustering and exercising of the trained
bands of the county, in view of the disturbed state of Christendom,
and the slackness with which these duties have of late been
performed.—From Whitehall, 21 May, 1626.
Signed: H. Manchester; Pembroke; Carlile; G. Buckingham;
Hollande; Grandisone; D. Carleton; Rich. Weston. Seal. 1½ pp.
(197. 116.) |
|
The King to the Speaker of the House of Commons. |
|
1626, June [9]. |
To inform the House that the King expected
their Bill of Subsidy to be passed by the end of next week, "which
if they do not, it will force us to take other resolutions".
Endorsed by the Earl of Salisbury: "His Majestys letter to the
Speaker of the Lower House, June, 1626." 12/3 pp. (131. 29.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 390.] |
|
Remonstrance of the House of Commons to the King. |
|
1626, [June] |
Endorsed in a later hand: "The House of Commons' Address
to the King." 5 pp. (131. 5.)
[Printed in Rushworth's Collections, I, 400–6.] |
|
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Francis Ashley. |
|
1626, July 2. |
"I doe soe well assure my selfe of the abilitie
of your kinsman upon your commendation that accordinge to
your desire I ame willinge to entertaine him for my chaplin, and
have thought good for the present to signifie soe much unto yowe
by this my letter." Reminds him of what has happened in [Cranborne] Chase, and that he has sent him the ranger's letter about it.
Desires him to take the matter into his consideration.—Hatfield,
2 July, 1626. |
|
Draft in Keighley's hand. Endorsed: "July 1626. Copy of
letter from my Lord to Sir Francis Ashlye." Addressed: "To my
verie loveinge freind Sir Francis Ashley, knt, at his chamber
in Sergeants Inn in Fflete Street." 1 p. (General 85/9.) |
|
The Enclosure
|
|
Christopher Keighley to Sir Francis Ashley. |
|
[1626, July 2]. |
Informs him that the Earl of Salisbury is
prepared to accept Ashley's kinsman as his chaplain, as the Earl's
letter enclosed will show, and reminds him of the matter of the
Chase. "I doute that in this busines nowe in question conserninge the Chace there maye bee some plott or combination by some
of the countrie whoe take this meanes to drawe in question at the
Common Lawe the extente of the Chace, as heretofore was done
by Mr Woods and which cost his Lordship much troble before he
could setle it again."—Undated. |
|
Draft much amended and partly torn, in Keighley's hand. Endorsed: "2 July 1626, Copy of my letter to Sir Francis Ashlye."
1½ pp. |
|
The Privy Council to the [Earl of Salisbury]. |
|
1626, July 10. |
With orders for the immediate review of the
trained forces in Hertfordshire, having regard to the great military
preparations afoot both in Spain and Flanders. Captains, officers
and soldiers are to be not only able and sufficient men, but also
well affected in religion, and must take the oath of supremacy and
religion. No soldier enrolled must remove his dwelling out of the
town or parish of his abode without licence obtained from the
deputy-lieutenant. All the trained bands are to be in readiness
to repair to their colours and place of rendez-vous with their arms
and provisions upon an hour's warning, and all able men untrained from 16 to three score to be enrolled, that upon any sudden
occasion such levies may be made of them as shall be required. A
supply of arms may be obtained by taking those weapons which
belong to recusants and have been sequestered in other hands,
paying unto the true owners their price and value. Magazines
of powder and lead shall be maintained at St. Albans and
Hertford. The beacons shall be forthwith made up and repaired,
with provisions of wood for maintaining and renewing them, and
watched diligently by discreet and sufficient men. To every 1000
troops are to be allotted 100 pioneers, with spades, pickaxes,
shovels, hatchets and bills, and carts, carriages and nags to mount
shot on, together with a proportion of victuals for ten days, powder, lead and match, and some spare arms. A provost-marshal
shall be appointed to apprehend and punish such vagrants and
idle persons as live not in any lawful vocation, and in times of
trouble may either by tales or false rumours distract the people's
minds, or commit insolencies.—From Whitehall, 10 July, 1626. |
|
Signed: H. Manchester; Pembroke; Montgomery; Totnes;
Kellie; Grandisone; E. Conway; D. Carleton; T. Edmondes;
Jo: Suckling; Robt. Naunton; J. Coke; Rich. Weston; Jul.
Caesar; Hum. May. Seal. 4 pp. (197. 117.) |
|
The Privy Council to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
1626, July 15. |
Requiring him, in case of any hostile invasion,
to give certain advertisement (either by firing the beacons or
otherwise) of the approach of an enemy towards any of the ports
(sic) or parts of the coast (sic) of the county within his lieutenancy,
to assemble the trained forces in accordance with directions
previously sent.—From Whitehall, 15 July, 1626. |
|
Signed: Pembroke; H. Manchester; J. Bridgewater; Hollande; Grandisone; E. Conway; Jo. Suckling; Rich. Weston;
Robt. Naunton; J. Coke; Jul. Caesar; Hum. May. Seal.
2 pp. (197. 119.) |
|
The Enclosure
|
|
A list of ports to which troops shall be sent, as follows:
Isle of Sheppey or any other place in Kent, 2000.
Any port in Suff[olk], 500.
1 p. (197. 119.) |
|
The Earl of Holland to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
[? 1626] August 6. |
He will do his best for the gentleman Salisbury has recommended to him, but there are so many of the late
Queen's servants whom the King thinks he is in honour engaged
to receive now about his wife, that he mistrusts he will not be so
fortunate as he desires. |
|
Lord Wallingford's business is this day done, and the patent
shall with all speed be drawn. It was with some difficulty.—
Nonsuch, 6 August.
Holograph. 2 pp. (130. 144.) |
|
The Earl of Holland to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
[? 1626, August]. |
Those services I have done you are no way
worthy of your acknowledgments. My Lord Duke has commanded me to tell you that he is your servant, and but that he
was by special commission called away to attend a business
could suffer no delay, he would have told it you by his own pen.
He expects very shortly, meaning upon Sunday next, to meet you
at Theobalds, where he will bring you to the King to receive such
satisfaction as you may be assured of his affection to serve you;
and then likewise you shall agree when he and his lady shall
wait upon you and yours at Hatfield. My humble service to the
noble Ladies and my Lord of Wallingford.—Undated.
Holograph. 3 pp. (130. 141.) |
|
Christopher Keighley to — Wakefield. |
|
[1626, August]. |
"My lord hath lost within these 7 dayes one
silver trencher made by you marked with his lordships armes with
a wreath aboute it." He has also lost a cup with his arms engraved
on the bottom. "I must therfore intreate yowe to take present
order with the beadles of your componie to give notice to all of
your gouldsmythes to use the best meanes yowe can to fynde them
out." He will defray all the expenses of the search.—Undated.
Draft. Endorsed: "August 1626. Copy of a letter to Wakefielde." 1 p. (General 85/11.) |
|
John Delahay to the Earl of Salisbury. |
|
1626, October 13. |
In order to gain lawful possession, on
Salisbury's behalf, of land claimed by Hopton, he sowed six
acres of it with oats without any opposition. At harvest time
he became indisposed and went to Bath, but left orders with his
servants to reap the oats. In his absence a number of armed
people acting in Hopton's name entered upon the land to carry
the oats away forcibly. His wife ordered his servants to oppose
them but not at the hazard of their lives. The other party
claimed that Hopton would support their action, and made it
plain that they would tolerate no resistance. Asks Salisbury for
advice as to what legal proceedings should be taken. Action in
the Star Chamber could be long and expensive: "otherwise I
will take a legall course at the Counsell of the Marches of Wales
agaynste them where I doubt not of justice and to mayntayne
your lordships tytle, yf yt be syffityent and to have the offenders
punished." Alterenys, the 13° of October, 1626.
Holograph. Seal. ¾ p. (Box T/44.) |
|
Loans of the Laity. |
|
1626, October 17 to 1627, January 4. |
The names of the individuals and the amounts contributed, and of the hundreds, the
collectors and the amounts raised in them are given. From
October 17 to December 1, 1626, the amount raised was: from
judges, lawyers and others—930l 6s 8d; from several counties
through collectors—1381l 16s 8d; total: £2312:3:4. From
December 1, 1626 to January 4, 1627, the amount noted as
received was £3360:2:4. Sum total: £5672:5:8.
5¼ pp. (131. 30.) |
|
The Earl of Salisbury to Christopher Keighley. |
|
[Before 20 October, 1626]. |
Sir Francis Ashley approached him
yesterday in London, and complained greatly about Fits-James's
arrogant behaviour towards him. Desires Keighley to find out
from Ashley what the circumstances were, and to instruct FitsJames on Salisbury's orders to come up at Allhallowtide. "I
perceive by Sir Francis Ashley that there is none will come in to
acknowledge theire tenures as of the honour of Gloucester, so as
I must eyther be forced to lett falle the claims or else be at so
muche charge in law as the benefitt will not quite my charge.
Speake with Sir Francis Ashley aboute it."—Undated.
Endorsed: "Octob. 1626. My Lord to me." 1 p. (Bills
210/18.) |
|
The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Francis Ashley. |
|
1626, October 20. |
He informs him that FitzJames is sorry
for what he has done. But before he receives him into his
favour again, he has sent him to Ashley that he may be assured
of his contrition.—Quickswood, 20 October, 1626.
Draft. 1 p. (General 85/10.) |
|
John Delahay to Walter Morgan. |
|
1626, November 15. |
Requests him to inform the Earl of
Salisbury that 12 of his (Delahay's) cattle have been seized by
Hopton's bailiff for grazing on certain lands which are disputed
between them. "I would my lord would question Sir Raphe
Hopton in Chancerie for disturbing his tenant, where his lordship may sett foorthe his tytle at large."—Alterenys, the 15° of
November, 1626.
Holograph. Fragment of seal. ¾ p. (Legal 63/13.) |
|
Accounts. |
|
1626, December 19. Books for Lord Cranborne |
|
A childrens dictionary. |
|
An Accidence: |
|
An Isops Fables, |
6–6 |
|
all fairly bound up and with strings. |
|
For a Common Prayer booke, large,
guilt with ribbin. |
6–0 |
|
For five catechismes for ye children. |
0–6 |
|
For a testament with ye singing |
|
Psalmes for Ralph Chambers. |
1–8 |
|
At bottom: Receipt, signed by John Browne, and dated 19th
December, 1626.
½ p. (Bills 210/5.) |
|
Portraits. |
|
[1626, December 24]. |
Bill presented by George Geldorp.
"Memoire des paintures qye jay faict pour mon Siegneur de
Salsberey. |
|
Premierement le portraict de Monsiegneur de sa
hauteur, le pris faict. |
£15 |
|
|
|
Le portraict de Madame de sa hauteur. |
£15 |
|
|
|
Le portraict de Madame Anne. |
£15 |
|
|
|
Le portraict du Siegneur Charles. |
£7 |
|
|
|
Le portraict de Madame Elyzabet. |
£7 |
|
|
|
Le portraict de Mr Robert. |
£7 |
|
|
|
Le portraict de Madame Diane. |
£7 |
|
|
|
Pour la dorure de 7 bordures que ma femme a doree,
vien pour l'or et ovrage. |
£6 |
|
|
|
Pour la bordure de Madame Bambery. |
£1 |
0 |
5 |
|
Pour ung portraict de Monsiegneur et de Madame
pour Sir William Selliger. |
£10 |
0 |
0 |
|
Pour ung portraict de Monsiegneur et de Madame
pour Sir Edelbart Haulbart. |
£10 |
0 |
0 |
|
Pour ung portraict de Madame pour Mellort (Milord)
Vacs. |
£5 |
0 |
0 |
|
premierement receu de Monsiegneur la somme de |
£10 |
|
|
|
encore receu de Monsiegneur |
£20 |
|
|
|
encore receu par Monsieur Sudworth (Southworth) |
£10 |
|
|
|
reste a moy de Monsiegneur |
£65 |
0 |
5 |
|
Vostre humble serviteur"
(signed) George Geldorp—Undated.
On reverse: Receipt for a further sum of £50 signed by George
Geldrop (sic) and dated 24 December, 1626.
Endorsed: "Mounsiengner Gildtropp his bill." 1 p. (Box
U/77.) |
|
The Earldom of Oxford. |
|
[1626]. |
"The Lord Willoughby's title to the Earldom of
Oxford." Tracing the descent of the Earldom from its bestowal
by Henry II on Aubrey de Vere, and concluding: "This John
Vere, the fifth of that name, had issue John the sixth of that
name, who had issue Edward, Earl of Oxford, who had issue
Henry, Earl of Oxford that last died without issue; to whom
Robert, Lord Willoughby, is next heir, viz, son and heir of Mary,
daughter of the same John the sixth Earl of that name that was
father of Edward. And by this title he Lord Willoughby claims
the Earldom."
Endorsed: "1626." 1½ pp. (131. 33.) |
|
The Earldom of Oxford. |
|
[1626]. |
"The Earl of Oxenford's case." Tracing the descent
of the Earldom from Henry II's time, and concluding that Robert
Vere, now Earl of Oxford, son of Hugh Vere, and after him Horace,
Lord Vere, claim the Earldom, as next heir male of the body
of Aubrey Vere, who was Earl of Oxford 16 Ric. II by virtue of
the said Act of Parliament 16 Ric. II, which is no way repealed
but is in force.
2 pp. (131. 35.) |
|
Lord Great Chamberlain of England. |
|
[1626]. |
"A brief of the Countess of Derby's pretences to the
Office of Lord Great Chamberlain of England." Giving the
Countess's descent from John Vere, fifteenth Earl of Oxford and
Lord Great Chamberlain, and concluding that Elizabeth, Countess
of Derby, being daughter to Lord Edward the brother, ought to
be preferred before the Lord Willoughby, the sister's son.
1 p. (131. 34.) |
|
Preparations against Invasion. |
|
[1626]. |
A paper discussing the question whether these preparations in Spain may be conceived to be made immediately
against England or rather some other of his Majesty's dominions. |
|
The writer expresses the opinion that no invasion would be
attempted "this year" by the King of Spain on account of his
inability to provide a sufficient fleet so suddenly at this time,
especially having his ordinary Plate Fleet necessarily to be
employed into the West Indies and his own coasts to be guarded
more than ordinarily as well against the Dutch and other his
near enemies, as also against us, "who in all probability of
reason of State ought again presently to adventure for the recovery
of the honour which we lost the last year by the ill success of our
unfortunate attempt at Cadiz". The King of Spain, though
having plenty of material within his own dominions for the building of the hulls of ships, was cut off from supplies of canvas,
cordage, pitch and tar, the King of Denmark and the States having
wisely and seasonably shut up the Sound and the River Elbe and
other places. Nor would be able to suddenly raise an army in
Spain or from Italy—for as regards "his hopes from Spinola his
army by means of his great preparation of his flat-bottomed
boats, I doubt not but by the help of our God of Hosts (who only
can command the wind and the sea) and the faithful subordinate
assistance of our ancient friend the States—we shall be able
either to impede the coming out of Dunkirk or divert them from
rallying with the fleets to be transported up our coasts". Besides
the writer cannot easily believe the King of Spain can easily
spare such a portion of his army from Flanders without giving
some great advantage to the Prince of Orange, who continues
most vigilantly watchful at such a time to take the opportunity
of all occasions. The writer, however, confidently believes there
is nothing the King of Spain thirsts more after than to be soundly
revenged upon us, as well for all our former affronts as for our
late braving him upon his own coasts. For though it be too true
that unfortunately we did not do him much spoil there, yet
apparently we have manifested it to all the world, to his great
dishonour, that however his greatness and invincibility be daily
trumpeted abroad by the Jesuits, his servants, and others, with all
manner of vain ostentation, yet he is not found impregnable at his
own home whensoever it shall please God to think it seasonable
to give success. Wherefore, though in himself he might perhaps
be persuaded to sit down defensively, being thus provoked and
affronted at his own door; yet he must not leave his allies, his
friends and the world unsatisfied without the attempting (at the
least) some sound revenge as maturely as he is able. For this
reason the writer is of opinion that he hatches some mischievous
designs rather to stir up a rebellion in Ireland than any other
where at the present, and especially because his judgment does
easily apprehend it more feasible, with the least danger to his
fleet, without the great difficulty of raising any great army, and
with the least expense of his treasure. The writer is afraid it is
too true that the people is so far from being ready to make any
good resistance against him, as that they will rather meet him at
the ports and congratulate his safe arrival. For the disposition
and natural inclination of the natives unto that Spanish nation
in respect of their religion, and the general falling away from the
truth, together with the inveterate discontentment with the former
government and the general dislike of the present, has so prepared
them for such an occasion that a very small number of ships only
with some proportion of good commanders, with store of arms
and munition, etc, will easily prove most apt fuel to inflame this
ill-affected nation into an open and dangerous rebellion. The
harbours of that country lie open, not fortified, not guarded,
ready to embrace them, and the people very well disposed. |
|
But lest he should disparage too much the known power of the
King of Spain, or too affectionately flatter his own country into
a dangerous deep serenity (whereunto we are desperately too
much inclining), especially considering that the unsettled and
disjointed condition of our own affairs at home cannot be unknown
unto the intelligent State of Spain, in addition to the state of
Ireland, the writer thinks it should not slightly be called into our
consultations with what extraordinary encouragement the King
of Spain may be persuaded even this present summer (that he
should awake a rebellion in Ireland) to attempt also to infest
some of our Western coasts; if not to possess them, yet to spoil
and burn them to facilitate thereby his future greater designs.
Hence it is expedient to consider where or into what ports it is
most probable the Spaniard may make his descent. It shall be
fit therefore that all ports from Land's End to Portsmouth be
presently furnished with all manner of provisions, and all forts
provided with experienced commanders and officers, with munition, men and arms; and that the train-bands of each county
be so ordered as upon any certain alarm they may know their
places of rendezvous suddenly to repair unto. The writer gives
his reasons for thinking that the Spaniard may as soon fix his
intentions on Plymouth as on any other. He advises that a
competent number of ships be sent with all expedition to ply
up and down upon our coasts, so as to be able if not to encounter
the enemy's fleet, yet at the least to attend upon them in that
manner that they may impede them whensoever they shall offer
to land the army. He advises also that beacons should be
repaired and watched, and that all places of rendezvous be certainly appointed and known about 3 or 4 miles from the coast
unto which all the selected bands may march. He does the
rather wish the distance of 3 or 4 miles for the rendezvous that,
by this means, the captains and officers may have the more time
to put the men in order to march, and consider the best ways to
impede the enemy in marching farther into the country; as also
that a competent number of troops being rallied they may march
in the better courage and confidency to fight with him when
occasion shall be offered. Directions to our horsemen should not
be omitted to continually give alarm to the enemy at their landing,
and always hinder their straggling abroad, and that certain
"shot" on horseback upon every "straight" or place of advantage to entertain them with continual skirmishes until our greater
forces shall approach. He does not think, whenever the King
of Spain resolves to invade the kingdom, that he will make choice
of Milford Haven for his descent, though it be most spacious and
commodious, etc, for it is in a poor country, very far from London,
and the passage full of impediments, as rivers, woods, etc, and
a blow given there, so far from the East, will never prove mortal.
Neither is "Bristow" much to be feared—nor does he much
suspect Plymouth because it is far from the East of the kingdom,
in a country that affords not much relief without many hazards.
He is persuaded the enemy will not strike sail until he come to
an anchor before "Porchmouth" or in Southampton water; for
having once surprised that fort he shall quickly make it much
stronger than now it is, and from thence make his passage to the
Isle of Wight and take possession of it, and will hardly quit it
again without the loss of many of our nationality upon very
many disadvantages. But if the invader shall have the patience
to moderate yet his ambition, and being master of the sea shall
be so happy as with a leading gale of wind to advance his fleet
so far as the "Dunes" or the Thames mouth, the writer is of
opinion he shall much advantage his designs, and with less difficulty and more expedition achieve his purpose. He shall here
push more desperately at the kingdom, and give a stronger shock
with a greater terror and distraction into the hearts of a people
unaccustomed to a war, who it is to be feared, being thus suddenly
surprised, will rather seek to save themselves, their wives and
children and fortunes, than resolutely make resistance against
the enemy for the common good. If he shall make his descent
upon the "Ost" side of the Thames mouth, he shall have the
fat county of Essex for the relief of his sea-sick army and escape
the passage of the river Thames. If in the Dunes, we have many
castles upon the coast of Kent wherein (after a long security
and a corrupt peace) we shall seldom or never find a better guard
than an old porter or lame shepherd with his dog; the captain
absent, who never served the war, for the most part inexperienced; few pieces mounted, small or no store of shot or gunpowder, scarce a gunner, no soldier at all who knows to use his
arms, however the "K" allows pay that might give comfort to
some old captain in this place and relief for a few old soldiers
who in probability might perform better service at such a time.
The writer suggests that Plymouth should be well fortified, also
some one place in the Isle of Wight, and Portland. An enemy
is to be dispossessed of any place that he has got at his landing
by blocking him up, driving away all manner of provision from
him on land and intercepting victuals at sea. It is true that the
cannon would make a speedier despatch to remove an enemy,
but for many important reasons it is not held to be so safe to be
adventured until there be an urgent necessity. Our army being
once rallied, our horse must continually keep the enemy from
straggling for forage or such victuals, or discovery, and this shall
easily be performed by the help of many entrenchments upon
places of advantage one behind another where he must necessarily pass. All bridges must be broken down and many great
trees felled across all the narrow passages. Upon every straight
and place of advantage he must be fought with, and in the plain
and "champion" country our horsemen must always charge him,
sometimes on one side sometimes on the other. With these interruptions his army which cannot be strong in "cavallerie" must
often halt and suffer many losses. A battle must not easily be
hazarded with an invading army. Frequent skirmishes, sickness,
want of clothes and victuals will assuredly consume his army
with inevitable mortality. In expectation of an invasion by the
King of Spain magazines of munition and victuals should be kept
in various places. The writer suggests Southampton for the Isle
of Wight, Porchester and all Hampshire; some town in the
West for Devonshire, Cornwall and Portland; Lynn and Ipswich
for Norfolk and Suffolk; and London for Kent, Sussex and
Essex. His Majesty's store of powder had need to be very great,
that each army (whether two shall now be thought competent as
4 were in '88) may be furnished for small shot and great ordnance
with 100 last apiece at the least, and if his Majesty's fleet be put
to sea, there cannot be a less proportion than 100 last more for it.
For Ireland and all the castles upon the coast 100 last more will
be no more than sufficient. The enemy being landed some sufficient gent[lemen] in every shire should be appointed as Marshal,
who, being accompanied with a competent number of horse and
foot, should have authority to execute "Marshall" law upon all
ill-affected persons, as rogues, masterless men or known Papists
that shall assemble themselves together to assist the enemy or
to spoil the country. This officer should also have power with
the assistance of the Justices of Peace for the disarming of all
Papists and such as shall be known to be ill-affected to the
present Government. The writer recommends further that there
should be one "General Generalissimo" of the armies, not two
or more in commission. Thus, the number of armies should be
settled and the places of rendezvous, the officers of the field
appointed, and so on down to the provision of carriages for
conveying the baggage, etc. Experienced commanders, who have
formerly served in chief in the wars, should be sent into each
county as superintendants, to be the assistants upon all occasions
of direction and command. The Lord Lieutenant of the shire,
where the army is to be lodged, may command in chief in the same
place under the authority of the General Generalissimo, and
should not be limited to the number of regiments whereof he is
to frame his army. Lastly, whenever an enemy shall offer to
land, it should be especially recommended for a general direction
that all manner of victual, cattle, corn, carriages be suddenly
driven into the rear of our army, and that which cannot be so
speedily removed be rather consumed by fire, etc, than left to
the enemy.—Undated.
Unsigned. Dated in a modern hand, "1597 (sic)." 16 pp.
(139. 77.) |
|
The Earl of Bristol. |
|
1626. |
"A Copie of the Lord Digbbie the Earle of Bristolls
letters to King Charles, 1626." Three letters: |
|
(1) "I have by my former letters of the 16th of August presumed to offer unto your gratious consideration my great unhappinesse in havinge my proceedings soe represented unto your
Matie as thereby as have your heavye displeasure increased
towards mee. But I hope that your Matie havinge seene that
unhappynes hath neyther befallen mee through disloyaltie nor
wyllfullnes, your Matie will not bee displeased that I presume to
cast my selfe at your Mats ffeete, humbly beseecheinge you to
make the puttinge an ende to my longe and unfortunate troubles
a pious act of your Mats grace and goodnes. And to that purpose
I only crave leave on the one syde to laye before your Matie, not
as merritts but as humble motives to induce your Royall hearte
thereunto, the many eminent ymployement I have had under
your Mats Royall and blessed father, and the industrie and fidelitie
wherewith I have served him by the space of more then xxtie
yeares. As likewyse the zeale and trew affection wherewith I
have faythfullye indeavoured your Mats Royall person. On the
other syde, maye your Matie be gratiouslye pleased to cast
downe an eye of comisseration upon my sufferings by the space
of allmost 3 yeares wherein I have byn restrayned and confyned,
lost all my places and offyces, ruyned in my estate by the detention of my anuytie owt of the Cowrte of Wardes; and a great
some of monye due unto mee from your Matie for which I have
payed interest dyvers yeares, and by the great expence cawsed
by the suites and troubles, impeached in my honnor and reputation, questyoned for my life as a traitor, and styll remayne a
prisoner in the [Tower] and, lastly, informed against in the Starrchamber by youre Mats Attourney. The which I represent not
to your Matie by waye of complaint or repyninge, but like sacrifices of expiation and attonement towards the allayinge and
asswadginge of your Mats displeasure, whereunto I willingly add
that obligation which of all others is most pleasinge to God, whose
person your Matie doth here represent, vz, sacrificium humiliationis et cordis constricti, a sacrifice of submission and hartie
sorrow ever to have bene so unfortunate as to have fallen into
your Mats displeasure. And shall wholly attribute the staye of
any further prosecution in the Starchamber, as likewise the permyttinge mee to passe the remnant of my life in freedome and
libertye in a pryvate and retyred course, wholly to your Mats
grace and goodnes."—Undated. 1⅓ pp. |
|
(2) "I give unto your Matie all due and humble thanks for
your gratious favoure in permittinge mee the libertye for some
short tyme to goe into the countrye. The which favoure I must
acknowledge, besides the better enablinge of mee for the defence
of my cawse by renewinge of my papers, is of great ymportance
unto mee in regard of myne owne pryvate estate. And therefore
I doe acknowledge your Mats goodnes therein with all humillitie
and thanckfullnes."—Undated. ⅓ p. |
|
(3) "Uppon my first commyttment unto the Tower I presumed
to be an humble suitor unto your Matie that it might not displease you that I laide before your Matie a gratious promise that
yow have bene pleased often to make unto mee, that I showld
never bee condempned by yow to much in your opinion untyll
you showld first have heard mee speake for my selfe, the performance of which promyse I can noe waye dispaire of in your
Mats owne due tyme both for Justyce sake and for your Princely
woord sake. And in the interim, for that I understand both
by Mr Atturneys newe addition in his information in the Starchamber, as likewyse by other meanes, that besides the faultes
I stoode chardged withall to have comytted in Spaine, my late
proceedings have bene represented unto your Matie that thereby
your heavye displeasure have bene much encreased towards
mee, I therefore moste humbly beseech your Matie that in the
meane tyme, untyll I may be further heard by your Matie, I
maye have leave treuly to sett downe unto your Matie my proceedings, the which as they now stand represented unto your
Matie I cannot but moste justly expect all rigoure. But when the
treuth of them shalbe layed before your Matie, [your] just and
royall heart will judge my case not only capable of your grace,
but in some measure deservinge comisseration. |
|
I shall not for the present make aney appologie for my negotiation nor looke further back then unto your Mats happie cominge
unto the Crowne. Att which tyme I stood by his late Mats leave
and your Mats approbation signified unto mee, both by the letters
of the Duke of Buckingham and Sir Francis Cottington, at lybertie
to come to London and freelye to follow my affayres. Neyther
was I then under any other restraint, allthough your Matie, as it
should seeme, was then unduely informed of the contrary; for
havinge received your Mats writt, I sent unto my Lord Duke of
Buckingham to knowe whether my cominge or my staye would
bee moste agreeable unto your Matie, and received answeare that
my respect therein was gratiously accepted by your Matie, but
that your Matie liked better for the present I showld make some
exscuse and not come upp. And thereupon I wrott upp and
craved your Mats leave to bee absent. But insteade of a letter
of leave I received a letter of absolute prohibition, and by the
same letter I was comanded to remaine under the same confynement that I was in the tyme of your Mats roiall father, the which
allthough it were none but that I had bene by his late Matie sett
free, yet could I by noe industrie gett the saide mistake cleared,
although I wrote often unto my Lord Conwaye abowt it, and sent
him upp the dispatches by which I had bene sett free. Such
hath bene and is my misfortune that aney mistake or wronge
information concerninge mee cannot possiblye be cleered, unlesse
your Matie owt of your owne justice and pyetie shalbee pleased
to apointe mee the meanes of my informinge yow of the trueth. |
|
Uppon this your Mats letter with all readinesse and withowt
replye I forbore cominge unto the Parliament. Yet withowt
aney kinde of provocation I was againe fallen uppon in the parliament at Oxford, as one that had cooperated with the Conde of
Ollyvarres in abusinge of his late Matie and the State; yett
thereuppon never complained nor styrred but beinge desirous to
die privately in peace, I remained in the countrye three quarters
of a yeare withowt ever wrightinge or petitoninge, although my
places were in the interim de facto taken awaye and my cheife
meanes of lievinge stopped (untyll uppon the occasion of your
Mats happie coronation, a tyme when princes use to doe acts of
pyetie and grace). In the moste dutyfull and submissive manner
that I was able, I became and (sic) humble suitor unto your Matie
that I might in some measure perticipate of your grace at that
tyme, as well as the rest of your Mats subjects. But in answeare
thereunto I receaved a letter from your Matie by the conveyance
of my Lord Duke of Buckingham, which I must confesse freely
unto your Matie hath bene the greatest hearte breakinge unto mee
of all the crosses that have bene fallen (sic) mee, espetyallie to
see the coppies of the saide letter industriouslye dyvullged over
the kingdome. And this after soe gratious a message as I had
before received from your Matie uppon the occasion of great
sicknesse. |
|
But this my greiffe was seconded presently by the deteyninge
of my writt of parlyament as though I had bene a person allreadye
convicted of treason. Notwithstandinge, I am most assured I
had comytted noe newe offence since the tyme that my former
writts both in his late Mats and in your Mats tyme had bene
sent unto mee, and the least intymation of your Mats pleasure
should have kept mee from parlyament as in former tymes. |
|
Hereuppon I first wrote unto my Lord Keeper intreating him
to become an humble suitor unto your Matie on my behalfe, but
received answeare that he cowld not send my writt havinge
particular order to deteyne it. I then became an humble suitor
unto the Lordes of the parlyament by waye of beseechinge them
to bee mediators for mee unto your Matie. And thereuppon
your Matie beinge pleased to awarde mee my writt, yet I was at
the same tyme represented unto the howsse as a person not
worthie to sett there. And thereuppon occasion taken of readinge
your Mats above mentoned letter as a grownd for a future accusation of treason. |
|
When I received your Mats writt it was accompanied with a
letter from my Lord Keeper to forbeare cominge unto the parlyament, the which although I conceived not to bee suffycient dischardge in that behalfe, yet I obeyed his pryvate directions and
sent up my proxie, and remained in the countrye untyll by particuler order I was brought upp by Mr Maxwell as a prisoner.
Presently uppon my arryvall I petitioned your Matie by my
sonne that your Matie would bee pleased to heare mee, and not
suffer a cawse of that nature to come to bee publicquely discussed
in parlyament. But I received answeare by a letter from my
Lord Conway in your Mats name that which I had to saye I
showld delyver it in the upper howsse of parliament. |
|
The next daye I was brought as a delinquent to the parliament
barr, and there mett with an accusation of treason and the stile
of a traitor, an attribute too lytle expected and to lytle deserved
that I cannott but confesse that name joyned to my naturall
inclination moved some passion in mee. But I must confesse
that I was never less ashamed of any passion, ffor the hearte
which shall not be warmed with an undeserved accusation of
disloyaltye and treason cannot but bee voyde of all honor and
honestye. |
|
After that I cawsed my wyfe to cast hir selfe at your Mats
ffeete, but was againe wholly remytted to speake what I had to
saie in parlyament. Whereuppon I made a solemne protestation
in parlyament that ffor the saveinge of my life or fortunes I
would not contest whereby to incurr your Mats displeasure. |
|
But in case wherein the honor of my selfe, my familye and
posterytie was to bee stayned with the perpetuall infamie of
treason and disloyaltie, I hoped your Matie would not bee displeased if by necessetye I showld bee inforced thereunto, that
by the best meanes I cowld I defended my owne innocencie.
And to this ende I used all the meanes I cowld onlye that the
name of a traytor and traitorouslye might bee putt owt of Mr
Atourneys chardge, and to that effect I moved Mr Atourney
publicquely in parlyament. But contrary to my expectation my
saide motion was rejected, soe that noe industrie cowld soe much
as remove from mee that infamous undeserved stile of traytor.
Yet styll indeavouringe to compfort my selfe with the least
hope of your Mats grace and goodnes, I desyred to laye holde
thereof by suinge forth your Mats gennerall pardon granted at
your coronation (which was not at the same tyme denyed to
divers of my owne servants yett held back ffrom mee). Whereuppon I petitioned my Lord Keeper to become a suitor ffor mee
unto your Matle in that behalfe, but received answeare from him
that he had expresse order not to suffer aney pardon for mee to
passe, although I must confesse I never pretended it for other
ende but only as an act of humiliation and castinge my selfe
upon your Mats grace and goodnes. Soe that I doe now with
all reverence and humillitie offer to your Mats pyous and just
consideration what other coursse was lefte unto mee (beeinge
Mr Atourney on the one syde would styll prosecute mee as a
traitor with all extremitie, and on the other syde noe hope of
grace would bee given mee), but next under Gods hollye protection to applie my selfe in my great distresse to a constant defence
of my innocencie, the which although I was forced to doe with
more directions then I cowld have wished, yet was it with all
dutye and reverence to your Matle and with reservation and
keepinge silent of many things (which highly imported my
defence), becawse I judged that the dyvullginge of them might
bee to your Mats disservice. And hereof Mr Atourney, by what
I have since said unto him, I am confident will beare mee wyttnes
that in my answeare in parlyament I was very reserved in respect
of that which I had bene able to saie in my justification. I shall
now therefore moste humbly beseech your Matie to looke with
the eyes of justice and comisseration uppon the heard [hard]
and unfortunat estate I was inforced into, howe if I showld have
made a weake defence of myne innocencie I showld have bene
condempned to have lost my life and estate with infamie to my
selfe and posterytie, and by defendinge my selfe and posterytie,
and by defendinge my selfe only with that truth and constancy
that befytted a good Christian and a man of honnor (withowt
the leaste reproofe from the howsse of peeres soe zealous of your
Mats honnor in all things), that I would not have lett the leaste
slypp in that kinde to have passed by unpunished. Yett I have
bene to unhappie as to have things in such sorte to bee represented unto your Matie, as through your Mats displeasure I have
loste my libertie all almoste but life that is moste dear to mee, and
to have remained 5 months in the Tower, the greatest part thereof
a close prisoner, withowt ever havinge bene examined before my
saide comittment or since, or heard to speake or explaine my selfe
in any thinge that hath bene objected against mee. Soe that I
must crave leave to conclude this letter as I begunn, beseechinge
your Matie for your princely promyse sake and for justice sake
that I may bee heard and not suffer further through your Mats
displeasure, which is heavyer unto mee than aney censure eyther
of losse of libertie or my fortunes, [I] most humblye submitt to
your Matie only in pointe of your displeasure since I had the
happines to be admytted soe neere unto your person. I beseech
yow, that may be suspended to heare mee in my defence as
others to my prejudice. And then I shall not doubte the inclination of your Mats juste and Royall hearte, beinge soe well knowne
unto mee, but that my unfortunate case will seeme unto your
Matie capable both of your grace and comisseration, since I take
God to recorde I was ever most faythfull in all my ymployments
both to his late Matie and to your Matie. And in my defence in
parlyament I was inforced unto all I said, haveinge omitted
nothinge that was possible for mee to doe for the keepinge of
things from those extremities. And if at any tyme I speake
with overmuch passion, it was when the fowle name of a traytor
had overheated a loyall heart. And therefore I houpe I shall the
easyer obtaine your Mats gratious remission."—Undated. 6 pp.
(253. 9.) |
