Cecil Papers: February 1587 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1889.

Citation:

'Cecil Papers: February 1587', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589( London, 1889), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol3/pp216-234 [accessed 16 November 2024].

February 1587



	471. Memorial from Secretary Walsingham touching the Execution of the Queen of Scots.
1586/7, Feb. 2.	“Letters presently to be sent to the E. L. [Earl of Leicester], with order to return speedy answer.
	Sir Amias to be assured of the E[arl] of the K[ing's] repair to Fotheringhay at the day appointed, before he send the particular letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury.
	After the return of the Earl of Kent's answer, Burnell to be sent down unto Sir Amias with the commission and letters unto the two Earls. For the colouring of his going down he is to have a commission to be furnished with post-horses in Scotland.
	Noted in margin : The Earl of Kent may be ordered to advertise Sir Amias of the time of his coming by some trusted servant of his own.
	The Earl of Shrewsbury to be warned by the particular letter immediately after Burnell's arrival.
	To consider what speeches were fit for the two Earls to use at the time of the execution.
	[Noted in margin by Burghley :] To express her many attempts both for destruction of the Queen's person and the invasion of this realm; that the hope and comforts she hath given to the Prince Palatine, traitors of this realm, both abroad and here at home, are the very occasions of all the attempts that hare been against her Majesty's person, and so confessed, and yet to continue, so as sure by the laws of God and man she is justly condemned to die. The whole realm hath often time vehemently required that justice might be done, which her Majesty cannot longer delay.
	To set down a form of proceeding in the execution by way of advice.
	The Lords that are to be made acquainted with this matter are to consult upon these points.
	To appoint only the Scottish Queen's chief officers and servant to assist at the execution, excluding the women.
	To direct the Earls what to do in case she shall desire any private speech.
	[Noted by Burghley :] Not to refuse it, so it be to three or two at the least.
	Some especial person to be appointed to note her speech.
	Her servant[s], both sort[s], and (sic) for to be stayed for a time in this realm.
	[Noted by Burghley :] To remain clso in the Castle until further order.
	Sir Amias to be directed to keep the gates 'strayte,' after warning given to the Queen.
	The Earl to be appointed how many of the servants shall attend at the time of the execution.
	The body to be buried in the night in the parish church in such uppermost (fn. 1) place as by the two Earls shall be thought fit.
	Whether not meet to be 'barlmed' [embalmed.]
	To send down the 'shryve' [Sheriff] of Northampton, if he be here.
	The exec[utioner] to be sent down.
	To take order that her jewels and plate may not be embezzled by her servants.
	That Melvill and her principal women be acquainted therewith, and their seals to be put to the cases, &c. (fn. 2)
	If the Sheriff by some great impediment cannot, attend, to advise what then to be done.
	The Lords at the Court (fn. 2) to give out that there will be no execution.” [The sheet of paper has been torn through from end to end, but has since been repaired.]
	Endorsed by Burghley :—2^o Februarii 1586.—Memorial for the Scots' Queen from Mr. Secretary Walsingham.
	2 pp.
	472. “The Lords to her Sacred Majesty.” [From Endorsement.]
1586/7, Feb. 2.	That we all had deliberately resolved, and so we found all the wise and good men in the realm of that mind, that every hour did grow daily more and more dangerous to her Majesty whilst the Queen of Scots was suffered to live; and this danger we found even at our meeting daily to increase, upon the universal hourly hues and cries with rising of multitudes of people in arms in all corners of the realm, and sundry of them concerning the Queen of Scots, whereof we had cause to fear that some great treasons were hid under these stirs, and that the Queen of Scots might by force, thus colourably raised, be recovered out of the place where she was, and her Majesty be brought thereby into great danger. And, for these considerations, we thought it our most bounden duties, and that we were charged in our consciences afore God, not to delay the proceeding in this resolution, and therefore, perceiving that it had pleased Almighty God to incline her mind to sign a Commission, lawfully devised, and being shewed to us by Mr. Davison under his hand and Great Seal of England, whereby, according to honour and justice, the said great dangers might be prevented, and her Majesty's life surely continued and preserved, we did with one mind conclude that it was most necessary to use all secrecy herein, to delay no time, for fear of greater danger; and, in like sort, it was thought by us all unwell to acquaint her Majesty with the form and circumstances for the time and manner of the doing thereof, presuming it for divers causes not convenient to trouble her Majesty therewith; being persuaded in our consciences that in no one action worldly could be a more surety for her Majesty's life, and if it were now delayed, or not used with secrecy, there could be no more certainty of her danger.
	And yet we are now, at this time, most sorry to understand that her Majesty is so greatly grieved with this kind of proceeding, and do most humbly beseech her Majesty to weigh this matter according to her princely wisdom, that of a matter wherein her Majesty's surety was by us chiefly regarded, and all her good subjects so greatly comforted and confirmed in their hearts to see her peril justly avoided, and all her enemies, both at home and abroad, hereby overthrown in their malicious purpose, as in the sight of the world is most manifest, there may not, by her Majesty's grief and misliking, follow a discouragement universally to all her good and faithful servants and subjects, and a comforting and raising up of the hearts of her mortal enemies, both which must needs follow, manifestly to the danger of her Majesty's life and the peril of this estate. And yet such are our most humble duties to her Majesty that, to pacify her displeasure, we are ready to abide anything she shall in her princely wisdom lay upon us, wishing that in her actions, whilst her grief shall thus continue, she do not give cause of reviving the malicious hearts of her enemies abroad, and of animating the wicked traitors in her own realm, to the danger of herself and the state of the realm. And, we must add, that in very truth when Mr. Davison had shewed and read the Commission unto us, it was fully concluded by us all that, as it was necessary to have no delay used, so was it convenient that her Majesty should not be troubled with the particular manner of the sending the Commission to the Earls, nor with any circumstances of the further proceeding, so as in truth both he and every of us were by common consent barred from utterance thereof to her Majesty until it were done.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—ij Febr, 1586.
	Burghley's rough draft, with many interlineations. The paper is torn down the middle.
	2 pp.
	473. Mons. de Quitry to Lord Burghley
1586/7, Feb. 2/12.	Ayant pleu à Dieu donner à la Royne votre souveraine seule la volonté et le moyen de secourir le Roy de Navarre, et les églises de France ayant commenssé à ressentir des effetz de sa bonne intention, lesquelz nous donnent quelque esperance de secours, nous sommes contraintz de continuer nostre recours vers sa Majesté, et, pour l'obtenir, vous suplier bien humblement continaer la bonne affection qu'avez aportée au commencement de nos affaires, et la couronner par la perfection, laquelle rendra le Roy de Navarre, duquel la cause est commune à tous les gens de bien et la Chrestienté, se plus en plus obligé à laRoyne et en votre particulier, comme de l'un de ses principaux conseillers redevables des bons offices qu'il a receuz et continue de reçevoir auprès de sa Majesté. Ce que nous vous suplions maintenant, Monsieur, nous ayder à obtenir de la Royne est, que comme elle a basti le fondement de notre armée, il luy plaize ne laisser ceste œuvre imparfaite, laquelle nous voyons accompaignée d'infallibles inconvénientz, si elle n'est soustenue par quelque bonne somme d'argent, telle que sa Majesté avizera l'importance de l'affere et le nombre de notre armée le requeris. Ce qui nous reduict à ceste requeste est que Monsieur le Duc Cazimir, n'estant aydé des aultres princes, a seul aur les espaulles se grand fardeau de nostre armée, lequel il pourra malaizement soustenir s'il n'est secouru et apuié par les moyens de sa Majesté, veu les protestations et discourse qu'il nous en a fait, encor que la nécessite des effectz de France et l'esprit de la Royne luy ayt fait passer avec son ambassadeur; ce qu'il n'eust fait sans l'espérance qu'elle n'abondonneroit ny luy ny l'armée; la fin de laquelle regarde les affaires communes. Aussy, Monsieur, nous sommes obligés particulièrement à son Altesse de luy fournir dans la place monstré la somme qui reste des cent mile escuz promiz, et encores d'aultres choses, d'aultant que par les changés provizions et fournissement des monnoies à plus hault prix qu'elle ne s'emploient en Saxe, Pommeranie, et aultres lieux où il les fault fournir aux gens de guerre, revient environ à quarante mile florins. Et que puur la nécessité où se trouvent reduitz les affaires du Roy de Navarre, il n'a moyen de les fournir d'ailleurs, sinon qu'il plaize à sa Majesté les luy prester aux mesmes conditions que les sommes précédentes, nous vous suplions bien humblement ayder au Roy de Navarre à obtenir ces deux conditions susdites de sa Majesté soubz bonnes et certaines obligations. En quoy nous scavons combien vostre bon et grand jugement en affaire de telle importance à vostre estat et au nostre, et vostre bon conseil pourra nous secourir, craignant d'ailleurs, que si ce prince se voit abandoné de sa Majesté, comme il l'est du reste de la Germanie, il n'en arrive de grands préjudices à la république chrestienne; comme, au contrayre, si sa Majasté donne courage à ce prince, qui est plein de zéle et piété, nous prévoyons une prompte délivrance à France, et le chemin ouvert à aller server la Royne vostre souveraine où il sera le plus à propos. M'asseurant, Monsieur, que comme vous avez aydé à nous fere naistre l'espérance de relèvement, vous vouldres continuer pour nous restablir et faire jouir les François de la France plustost que les Espaignolz. Qui obligera à la Royne vostre souveraine, un prince très-fidèle, cent mile armes très-dévotieuses à son service, et tous ensemble recognissant les bons affaires que y auront par votre pieté, prudence, et singulier prévoiance à arrester le mal loin de vostre estat. Ce qui rendra et l'une et l'une et l'aultre nation vostre obligée, comme des “asteure” je le recognois, et prie Dieu vous donner.—Frankendal, 12 Fevrier 1587.
1586/7, Feb. 2/12.	Seal. 2 pp.
	474. M. Segur to Lord Burghley.
1586/7, Feb. 2/12.	Entreats his interest in obtaining from her Majesty a loan of 100,000 crowns for the King of Navarre.
1586/7, Feb. 2/12.	French. 1 p.
	475. Bartholomew Fawkner, Albert Hollande, and Avory Butchere, and their servants, to the Queen.
1586/7, Feb. 6.	Petition for a lease in reversion of 40l., for their services as cannoniers.
	Enclosing :—
	Certificate, by the Earl of Essex, Lord Willoughby and others, of their services.—6th February 1586.
	2 pp.
	476. Thomas Slye and James Williams to the Queen.
1586/7, Feb. 9.	Petition for a lease in reversion, in reward for their services as yeomen of the Queen's Woodyard.
	[Note by Sir J. Herbert that the Queen grants the petition.—9 February 1586.]
	1 p.
	477. The Privy Council to the Queen.
158[6/7], Feb. 12.	We your born, bound, and sworn subjects, servants, and counsellors, attending in your Court for your service only, do most lowly, humbly, and sorrowfully pray and beseech your Majesty, that you will suspend your heavy censure against us, until we may declare the intention of our late counsels for the orderly removing of the danger of your life, and the manner of our proceedings therein.
	And in the meantime to the bottom of our hearts we confess that we are most heartily sorry to hear that your Majesty is so deeply grieved in your mind, as thereby your health, the maintenance of your life, now environed with many difficulties of rather dangers, for lack of your favourable audience to be given to us, must needs receive great detriment, and hardly to be recovered. And howsoever your Majesty doth make our actions to be the ground of your grief and offence towards us, whereof we are most sorry, yet we beseech your Majesty, in your great wisdom, though you will yet continue offended against us, yet cause to grieve yourself with thinking of that which never can be revoked, and let us bear your offence to our defence, or to change your mind, when you shall plainly see with the eyes of all you faithful subjects that there was never any wordly act that could bring more surety to your own life, more strength to all your good subjects at home and your friends abroad, nor, contrary wise, more grieve and discomfort your enemies, in seeing the anchor of their hold lost, and he foundation of all their intended machinations dissolved.
	Thus, most gracious Lady, though we are most desirous to have your offence against us qualified, as we hope in God's goodness to obtain by means of the clearness of our consciences, yet we rather prefer with sobbing hearts our desire to have your grief of mind to cease, and to give yourself to your natural food and sleep, to maintain your health, without which we have no comfort to live or breathe.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—A writing in the name of all the counsellors that sent Mr. Beale to the Earl of Shrewsbury.
	Burghley's draft. 1½ pp.
	478, a. Thomas Cranstoun to his Uncle, (“presently awaiting upon his Majesty's affairs at the Court of England”)
1586/7, Feb. 13.	I promised to advertise your lordship what effect the convention in Cairney should take, but, for uncertainty of bearers and fear that it should not come to your hands “unreclosit,” I have stood in great doubt to commit it to writing. On Tuesday, at night, 7 February, there was a letter fetched by Petling, subscribed by Huntley, Ceford [? Cessford], and Montrose, desiring his Majesty that he would hold good hand to his own delivery out of the bondage and thraldom that he was in, and they would take arms with the rest of his loyal subjects to that effect; otherwise, they would attempt it by themselves of their own duty. The Secretary, being foreseen with this their letters, has uttered it to the rest of the fellowship that came to Stirling, and moved his Majesty to believe that they presaged it, therefore it was meetest that he himself should declare it to them, which he did. And thereafter, as it appeared to all that he has about him, repents himself of that dealing; sure, at this present, the Secretary leans only to the faction of Stirling, and continues your unreconcileable enemy, and has almost undone the laird of Johnston for my cause, if his Majesty had not especially assisted his affairs by Lord Bothwell, to contrary him and Lord Hamilton, Lieutenant in the West parts, so that he has suffered warding in Edinburgh Castle 8 days for some evil words spoken of the Secretary; and his friends in great danger of their lives, by Hamilton, for this same cause. And I, for not production of the obligation of the man's, likely to be “deinted” to the horn. As to your own estate, there is no man here but they conclude William Keith to have put you in evil opinion and disgrace with his Majesty, as also the other two to have spoken nothing to your praise. How this works I doubt not, but ye may easily perceive, and, I hope to God, shall as easily amend and eschew, the false calumnies. By This same motion there are sundry “pasquillis” sent tending to your “opprobrie,” and dry “toxeis” offered by his famous lady to gentlemen thereof; the effect whereof is that ye have slain the father, whom they call the weather, and ye have put the ewe in such straitness as she is into; and is laboring to bring the lamb in the same snare, terming you the ram. A very “fekles” jest, but, immediately after the publishing hereof, there was another affixt upon the “toubu^t” [tolbooth] done in name of justice, complaining her mouth to be stopped by one of the “crineleous” kind, and that justice was “tetunit” bribery by him and his lady, with a short mention of some traitors' inventions of his, which came into the King's hands and all the Court's. Whereupon proclamation was made, under the pain of death no man to presume to the like in time coming. I shall not fail to make your lordship continual advertisement, if I know this to come closed into your hands, for I am not to be blamed for seldom writing, but yourself for not putting good order for receiving letters from your friends. I have the bond in readiness to show to any man that comes into Scotland, upon the command of your lordship's letter.—Edinburgh, 13 February, 1586.
1586/7, Feb. 13.	1½ pp.
	478, b. Anthony Tyrrell's Confession.
1586/7, Feb. 13.	The confession of Anthony Tyrrell, a seminary priest, regarding certain false accusations made by him against the Earl and Countess of Arundel, in letters written by him to the Lord Treasurer, the particulars of which were :—
	1. That the Earl had sent over sums of money to Mr. Edward Gratley, a priest, by Mr. Ballard who suffered.
	2. That at Romford in Essex, Ballard received 100l. of one Burlace, the Earl of Arundel's man.
	3. That the Earl had sent letters to Dr. Allein by Mr. Gratley, stating that he was coming over to join with the Duke of Guise for the delivery of the Scottish Queen.
	4. That the Earl, since his being in the Tower, had received a message from the Duke of Guise by Gylbert Gyfford, to the effect that he should be of good cheer, for the Duke hoped within a short time to see him, and to deliver him out of captivity.
	Lastly, That the Earl was privy to the Star Chamber practice for the murdering of certain noblemen, and that by the treason of the Earl's friends the Tower should be surprised, and himself delivered, and made a Captain, under whose banner all Catholics and malcontents should band themselves together on behalf of the Scottish Queen.
	His accusations against the Countess were as follows :—
	1. That Gylbert Gyfford, on his coming out of France, was brought secretly to her in a coach, and that she then devised means to have the message sent by the Duke of Guise conveyed to the Earl.
	2. That she entertained one Baily, as sent unto her from Gratley beyond the seas.
	3. That she entertained himself, being a seminary priest, at Weldhall in Essex, when his only cause of going thither was to speak with one of her gentlemen, who was an old acquaintance of his.
	Lastly, he accused the Countess of entertaining Ballard when, as he protests, he did not know whether she ever saw the man in her life.
	All which he states was done through his own wickedness and the instigation of his ghostly enemy, “to the dishonour of God, the overthrowe of his Catholick Churche, ruin of your honours, and discomfort of all good men,” protesting that in no one point has he spoken truly either of the Earl or of the Countess.—London, 13 February 1587.—Signed : “By me Anthony Tyrell, preste.”
	Endorsed by Lord Burghley :—“This wrytyng was cast ynto y^e Arundell house, in y^e name of Anthony Tyrrell, a lewd prest.”
	1½ pp.
	479. Examination of Francis Perpoint, sailor, taken before Michael Pudsey, Deputy Vice-Admiral of York, 14 Feb. 1587 (29 Eliz.).
1586/7, Feb. 14.	Examinate knew Richard Buckeley, master and part-owner of the “Doe” of London, burden 50 tons, and shipped in the same, with others, in October last. They only laid two ships aboard : from the one they only took a cable and anchor worth 20 marks; from the other, being an Easterling, the said Buckley and Company took 500 or 600 dollars, 50l. of English money, 14 pieces of gold, 200 sable skins dressed, and divers other furs as “martere,” and wolf or wolverine, 60 Scotch daggers, gilt and ungilt, 30 pairs of stockings worsted and woolen, certain silk lace and fringe, and “sisters” of “owtnall” thread, some 30 pearls, rings of gold, and other “niffles” of value. This was done upon the high North Seas, within 14 miles of Flamborough Head. Francis Concette and William Hodshow were the greatest actors in this attempt; Concette was caption, and had at least 8 shares. One William Concette, of Hilderthorp, co. York, yeoman, received the most part of the goods.
	3 pp.
	Endorsed :—“It seemeth, and by all that I could ever learn, that this fact was done about the last of November. The most of these men be fugitives, only Wm. Concette, the 'recepttor and privightie,' as it seemeth by this deposition, is of ability to make satisfaction. These I could never have gotten out of this deponent, but by my faithful promise to be means for his life, which I must be an humble suitor for. The poor knave is not worth j^d. The cause is lamentable, and justice is most requisite for so bloody a fact; this crew have reigned too long upon that poor coast. It will be certified by the Rt. Honourable the Lord President and the best sort in those parts.—M. Pudsey.”
	[½ p.]
	480. The Execution of Mary Queen of Scots.
1586/7, Feb. 17.	Paper, in Burghley's hand writing, headed : “The state of the cause, as it ought to be conceived and reported, concerning the execution done upon the Queen of Scots.”
	“First, on her Majesty's part, it may be said truly, that notwithstanding the Scots' Queen had oftentimes sought the destruction of the Queen's Majesty, and had been now lately, by order of justice, convinced and found guilty of attempting the Queen Majesty's death by certain murderers, and that for the same she deserved death, and so by the states in Parliament adjudged, and requests importunately made to her Majesty, that for avoiding of danger to herself and to the whole realm, she might be executed, yet her Majesty, of her own natural disposition always inclined to mercy, was always most loth to assent thereto, as by her sundry answers to her Parliament did appear, much to their grief, and to the comfort of all evil-disposed persons, whose estates did wholly depend upon the Scot' Queen's life and well-doing, upon hope of her coming to this crown, by depriving of the Queen's Majesty's life, a matter subject to daily perils so long as the Scots' Queen was not executed.
	Hereupon her Majesty was continually solicited by all such as did see her perils, and understood how much her enemies, both at home and abroad, were comforted and boldened, with hope of the Scots' Queen's life, and some traitorous attempts attempts against her Majesty's life. Herewith followed the vehement solicitations, by ambassadors out of France and Scotland, to save the Scots' Queen's life, without any sure conditions yielded, how the Queen's Majesty's life might be safe from the attempts and treasons of a multitude of them, both in England and abroad, that, for the preserving of the Scots' Queen to be the Queen of this realm, would never desist from attempts against the Queen's person. And it was also worthy noting that the said ambassadors were so vehemently handled in the favour of the Queen of Scots, notwithstanding her foul acts, intended for killing of her Majesty, for invasion and alteration of the whole state of the realm, as they used some kind of threatenings also in favour of the said Scots' Queen.
	There was also at the same time discovered a practice—betwixt the French ambassador and a lewd young miscontented person named William Stafford, and one Mody, a prisoner in Newgate, a mischievous resolute person—how her Majesty's life should be taken away, and all in favour of the Scots' Queen. Anon, after this, also, followed a seditious general stirring up of the common people into arms, by spreading of billets in writing carried from one shire to another, and from town to town; which, though the justices of the country seeking to pacify, yet, as the same was stayed in one part, and like rose up again in another; and by these seditious practices to procure a rebellion, all the whole realm was greatly stirred.
	And her Majesty, beholding all these former causes of dangers like to arise to her own person and her realm, did yield to think it needful to have more regard how—if these dangers should continue, and that, by these kind of seditious stirrers and . . . of the common people, some factious and traitorous persons might by force recover the Queen of Scots out of the house where she was—there might be some order in readiness for his prevention thereof, and therefore she did sign a writing, which had been long time before devised, which, as a commandment to certain lords, as, to the Earls of Shrewsbury, of Kent, of Derby, of Cumberland, and Pembroke, that they, or any 3 or 2 of them, might thereby have authority to cause execution of justice to be done upon the said Queen of Scots; which writing, being so signed, was in the custody of her Secretary, Mr. Davison, who did carry the same to the Lord Chancellor to put the Great Seal thereto, which was done very secretly, and afterwards did declare the same to certain of the lords and others of her Majesty's Privy Council, who seemed glad thereof, and being at the very same time greatly troubled with daily reports from very many parts of the realm of the seditious up of people to take arms, and seeing the.” [Left unfinished.]
	Endorsed by Burghley :—“17 Feb. 1586.—The case of the Queen of Scots' death.”
	3 pp.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	481. Castle and Isle of Guernsey.
[1586/7, Feb. 19.]	Demands made by Sir Thomas Leighton for the Castle and Isle of Guernsey :—
	1. That, in consideration of the great preparation presently made in Spain for these parts, there be 300 soldiers sent hither by the beginning of May.
	2. That there be 50 soldiers allowed for the reinforcing of Castle Cornett.
	3. To appoint a staple of victuals in the castle to serve 300 soldiers for 6 months.
	4. To have license for the inhabitants of the isle to transport at their charges two demi-culverins and six sakers of cast iron, for the better defence of the Island.
	5. To appoint a sufficient man to be Sergeant Major in the Isle, for the better training and exercising the men thereof in martial discipline; they being in number about 800 fighting men.
	482. Sir Thomas Leighton to the Queen.
1586/7, Feb 20.	With regard to the late stay made in France of the Queen's merchants and their goods, sundry of the inhabitants of this Isle were likewise stayed, and has, for recompense, made stay of such French shipping as came within his reach, to her Majesty's use; particulars whereof are sent by bearer. Prays that the goods so stayed, the greatest part appertaining to Spaniards, may be sold, which would save the charge for the 300 soldiers demanded, and besides victual the castle 6 months for 500 men. Declares that the Justice and some of the people pretend a privilege to protect all manner the Queen's enemies coming to these Isles, notwithstanding continual practice to the contrary, that in all troublesome times, no, not so much as merchants might traffick here without safe-conduct of the Governor. “But this is a people impudent, still seeking to tread down your Highness' prerogative, cowardly in courage, and somewhat too kind to the French.” Prays the Queen to make known to them her dislike of their insolent dealings.—Castle of Guernsey, 20 February 1586.
1586/7, Feb 20.	Holograph. Seal. 1 p.
	483. Thomas Phelippes to Archibald Douglas.
1586/7, Feb. 22.	Being not able to satisfy you touching other points till to-morrow, I send you in the meanwhile the enclosed to Lord Cobham for discharge of your ship you required. Only I am to signify unto you, Mr. Secretary knoweth not of any packet from Corcelles for Châ[tea]uneuf sent hither, as I understand, by your lordship. It was therefore to consider whereupon the error is grown. Tomorrow I will not fail to see you.—From the Court, 22 February 1586.
	Addressed :—To the right honorable Mr. Archibald Douglas, ambassador with his Majesty the King of Scotland.
	½ p.
	484. Thomas Milles to Archibald Douglas.
1586/7, Feb. 23.	Since Mr. Randolph came from the Parliament house, shewed him his lordship's letter, and acquainted him with what his lordship told him. His answer was that, whatever he said in merriment, he knoweth, nothing at all of the missing letters, and thereto he swore as God should help him.—23 February 1586.
1586/7, Feb. 23.	1 p.
	484. Thomas Milles to Archibald Douglas.
1586/7, Feb. 23.	Since Mr. Randolph came from the Parliament house, shewed him his lordship's letter, and acquainted him with what his lordship told him. His answer was that, whatever he said in merriment, he knoweth nothing at all of the missing letters, and thereto he swore as God should help him.—23 February 1586.
1586/7, Feb. 23.	1 p.
	485, a. The Master of Gary to Archibald Douglas.
1586/7, Feb. 24.	Has received divers letters from him containing sundry advertisements, but has made no answer till now. “The cause proceeds for that the time is hard, and chiefly for your own part, all men having conceived so hardly of you that your name is odious, and to deal us to have any intelligence with you, it puts the receiver in such hard conceit with the people, that I am constrained by these lines to pray you to forbear all frequent intelligence or sending of letters to me; for hereafter, without my great sklander and no small danger, it is not a thing possible that I may or dare receive letters, either from you or any in England. But, if ye shall find at any time hereafter means how to remove off you the odious sklander of the Queen's his Majesty's mother's death, ye shall find me to use you it is a thing that I will noways give occasion to be blotted in, chiefly for that I am already in the mouths of the people for the dealing I have had with England. And I pray God that my honest meaning in that dealing do me no harm. It was scarcely believed when I spake it in England what this would turn to. Good faith, the people here are so far incensed with this matter, that I see it scarcely a thing possible to remedy. In my opinion, the meetest were that the Queen of England in Effect should let the King see, by some honest proof, that the cruel accident fell out far contrary to her meaning, or otherwise, as I shewed when I was in England, the King's Majesty will find friends in his honest quarrel. And who ever thinks that there may be a party suborned against him in his own country, they deceive themselves. I protest I protest before God all men at this time are as far incensed with this matter as any one, and it shall prove by experience to be true that I speak.”
	This is all he can say at present, but prays him for a time to forbear all intelligence with him, and to give some proof of his honest meaning to his matter, so as to put himself as far in good conceit with people as at present he is in evil. Thinks he can never give a better testimony of it than in striving to win in that country friendship to the King. “Ye remember what ye spake to Sir Robert Melvill and me, that ye had as good credit to serve his Majesty's turn as any man; ye know the rest of it yourself.”
	“In like manner can ye move the Queen to give some proof openly to his Majesty that her meaning was true in this excuse, ye will find it will do you good.”
	The King, on news from Robert Cary of his mother's death, has retired to Dalkeith, where he, is to remain very quietly for ten or fifteen days.
	Finds himself marvellously evil-used for the goodwill he has borne to the Queen of England. That he, or any of his, should have been used after the sort that Captain Halkerstoun and the rest of the gentlemen have been used, there is a very evil recompense for the great losses they have sustained for her Majesty's cause, and his own recompense is far worse, for the danger in which he has put himself and all his friends. Trusts that men will be loth in this to follow his footstep.—Holyrood, 24 February 1586.
	1 p.
	485, b. Horatio Pallavicino to Lord Burghley.
1586/7, Feb. 24/Mar 5.	Nel desiderio grandissimo che io ho havuto di recever lettere da V. Ex^za, ho con pari ardore principalmente desiderato che le sue occupationi per piu gravi negotii glielo permettessero, ben sapendo le straordinarie caggioni di occuparla che sone accadute, et che le piu importanti cadeno sempre sopra le spalle sue. Ma se non mi paresse superfluo il trattare del desiderio mio direi che spetialmente per ottenere qualche sua direttione scrissi nelli mesi di Ottobre, Novembre et Decembre piu spesso di quello che ricercava l'incertitudine di questa negotiatione, et le proposi partiti dubii per ritrarne una volta quanto V. Ex^Ex pesashe il riccorrere ad altre mani che à quelle di [symbol], o pure di lasciare imperfetto il negotio, pero non essendomi avenuto di poter sapere piu oltre di quel poco che mi è stato significato dal sig^r. secretario, non ho potuto far altrimente che serivere di settimana in settimana, tutto il procedere di costoro, constretto massime di riguardare alla mia giustificatione contro à quelle accuse che prevedevo mi sarebbero date dalli ministri di [symbol], et da quelli di ΔΔ : finalmente il negotio è rimaso nella maniera che V. Es^za havera veduto, onde è piu di disogno trattare delle cose presenti et future che delle passate, lequali se piacera á Dio. Io le narrero di presenza, quando S . M^ta vorra darmi licenza di ritornase, solo pare di dar notitia à V. Ex^za delle qualita de l'199147 ∇ 26888, il quale è stato mandato costi da [symbol] insino à 20 del passato con intentione di fare nuova dimanda et discuoprire l'animo di 57 à quanto sia per favorire assai o poco questa impresa per indi poi regularsi nelle sue propria attioni. Volevano gli [symbol] [symbol] che fusse mandato qualch' altro di miglior fede et maggior credito costi, mala penuria di migliore instrumento non l'ha consentito. Hor V. E^za ha da sapere ch'egli è stato difficilissimo al pari di 15692726512, et del tutto contrario alle cose da me dimandate per sodisfattione et sigurtà di 57, il che non à stato di cosi poco momento, perche da lui sono state fatte tutte le scritture, et da lui sono nate le occasioni di dispute su le captioni che continuamente vi si truoverano, onde ne sono parecchie volte nate acri contese fra lui et me, et egli mi ha dato parecchie caggioni di gran disgusto. delle difficult ache que sono state fatte, et di mantenere l'honestà delle mie instruttioni, lequali ei sano che sono state scritte da lei, et finalmente potrà stringerlo, di dire per quail caggioni non ni habbino voluto dare il scritto di Neuwschloss una volta accordato, allequali interrogationi non dubito che si truovera mal fornito di risposte, non ostante che ei sia pronto et loquace pur assai. Quanto poi alle sue dimande in nome di [symbol] il primo introito à mio parere sara la diminutione di questo danaro per caggione del cambio, la quale ei farà maggiore di quello che ella è in effeto, et dissimulera di sapere che ella appartenga a [symbol][symbol], ma egli lo sa benissimo, perche io lo ho dette et [symbol] [symbol] non l'hanno negato, oltre di cio ei conosce parimente che non è grande fuori di misura et sa gl'in teressi con quail si è preso, et il pregiuditio che ci ha fatto la diffidenza di [symbol] se pero ei vorrà confessarlo. Secondariamente poi ei demanderà credo, nuovo soccorso del quale non tocca à me di parlare, dipendendo dal stato delle cose et dal prudente consiglio di V. Ex^za. Non lasciero pero di dire che l' oppinione che [symbol] et [symbol] [symbol] hanno che 57 sia per havere molto travaglio et pericolo di 89, non solo da 58 ma etiando da o o gli fa arditi à dimandare et à sperare molto, et piu non le diro sopra questo per non avanzarmi oltre il carrico mio, solamente pregaro V. Ex^za di voler fare che il predetto huomo di [symbol] intenda che io non ho fatto alcuno malo offitio nelle mie lettere contro il suo padrone, et che superfluamente egli mi ha nascosto la speditione della persona, havendomi detto che mandava le sue lettere per un gentihuomo Suizzero, et fatto poi passare costui per qua secretamente, à benche io stimo che cio sia piu tosto proceduto dal servitore che dal padrone.
	Toccante al predetto danno del cambio, gli ministry di [symbol][symbol] hanno tenuto la mano à carricarmi contro ogni ragione, ma il contenuto in quella scrittura è chiaramente falzo, et io spero che cio sia assai bene conosciuto, in oltre io ho proceduto in maniera che non potevo esser carricato, se non da chi havesse voluto malignamente farlo, perche le mie parole furono sempre che [symbol] haverebbe tutto il danaro sino all' ultimo, che giudicano sarebbe 150 sino à 160m., che non passerebbe di quella somma, et non sarebbe meno di 155, ma che il giusto io non potevo saperlc ancora, si come in verita non lo sapevo, ne tempoco lo so bene al presente, aspettando qualche dichiaratione da i miei huomini, pero doveva sodisfarli il vedere chiaro che vi era intentione di non ritenere alcuna cosa, et che il maneggio non n'era mio ma de i miei, i quail io affermavo che ne darebbero buon conto, si come spero che lo darano, ogia l'habbino dato a V. Ex^za, et che sopra di quello et sopra quanto io scrissi al sig^r di Buzenwall, ella sara rimasa sodisfatta, di che molto desidero esser certificato.
	Ancora non ho nuova che il mio servitore sia arrivato costi, et ne sto in molta ansieta oltre che speravo di haver adesso la risolutione di polermene ritornare pero, quando il stato delle cose ricerchi che io rimanga, et che io segurti [symbol] o chi succedera in luogo suo, supplico V. Ex^za di darmi le sue direttioni, et di farmi mandare un compagno, accioche io non mi ritruovi solo nelle confusioni della armata. [symbol] non è ancora ritoruato da far la capitulatione con gli particolari Colonelli, ma l'aspettiamo in questa prossima settimana, et se ci apporterà la conclusione all' hora, si potra far conto certo di tutto, il che sin hora non veggo che si possa fare, pendendo [symbol] dal successo di essa. Io per giornata ne scrivero tutto cio che potro intenderne, et quando havero buona occasione, scrivero parimente à S. M^ta : al presente fo fine, et à V. Ex^za priego da Dio ognⁱ felicita et contentezza.—Da Francoforte, à 5 di Marzo 1587.
	2½ pp.
	Copy of foregoing.
	2¼ pp.
	485, c. The Laird of Restalrig to Archibald Douglas.
[1586/7], Feb. 25.	The reason he never wrote to him since he came home was that he had no one to deliver the letters unto. His lordship will now receive a letter from the Master of Gray, who at the same time wrote another letter to him, desiring him to beg his lordship to write no more to him, for his letters do him very much harm, and he is none the wiser by their intelligence.
	It is indeed true that the King is in great anger with him, altogether by the information of William Keith and James Hetson, and thinks he hath done him wrong. James Hetson has been but small friend to the Master's self, but it is little he may do, for, thanks to God, the Master is in greater credit with the King than ever he was.
	His Majesty takes the death of his mother very heavily, and has for that cause retired himself to Dalkeith for the space of ten days in quiet.
	There is one proposed to go to the Duke of Guise, little George of Lochleven, his lordship's cousin, and another to the Bishop of Glasgow, who is to present the letters to the King of France, direct from his Majesty, which is John Shaw, the Laird of Ferniehurst's man. Could give the effect of their commissions, but will not till he knows that all be sure. Sir William Stuart sought this credit, but it was refused him.
	As for news, the Master of Glamis is not so great with the Secretary as he was; he is married to Lochleven's daughter. The Earl of Arran marries Athol's sister; the Earl of Angus, Jean Lyonne; the Earl of Bothwell, his of Coldinghame. The Secretary is his always, he is stealing the wedding over my Lord Hume's head. The Secretary is like to trouble the Laird the Laird of Johnstone for some words he alleges Johnstone should have spoken of him. Believes his lordship will hear other news shortly.—Fastcastle, 25 February.
	1 p. [Lodge, ii. pp. 338–339. In extenso.]
	485, d. Horatio Pallavicino to Lord Burghley.
1586/7, Feb. 26/Mar. 8.	Se ben scrissi alli 5 à V. Ecc^za Ill^ma sopra il conto de cotesti danari, mi e paruto dipoi di raccorre le partite nelle quali si sono impiegati quelli V. 3298.18.5., che mancano dalla somma qui da me pagata a quella, che Giustiniano e Rizzo hanno dichiarato di haver transportato per cambio, percioche sodisfatto da me che sia il conto di essa differenza non restera, come io credo alcuna cosa che oppormi ÷ le mando per tanto a V. Ecc^za insieme con un certificato di questi Ludovico Perez et compagni, con quail la maggior parte di questi regotii sono passati, che verifichera la maggior parte di esse, et le rendera si chiare che spero ne restera la maggior parte di esse, et le rendera libero di che spero ne restera V. Ecc^za ben sodisfatta, et che io restero libero di ogni pregiuditio che l'altrui ingratitudine potessi havermi fatto, sopra quel che possa meritare di gratia o dia favore questo mio viaggio et mie fatiche, nel qual caso la supplico che faccia sentire la sua sodisfattione da S. Ma^ta et dalli altri, a notitia de quail sara pervenuto il parlare della parte. Resta ch' io le dica che la spesa fattasi in Norimberga straordinaria et inaspettata e proceduta dalla carestia che il partito de Fuccheri col Re Filippo ha causato in quella et altre piazze delle migliori spetie, et havendo io voluto sodisfare in tutto [symbol] non ho mirato a pagarla. Le diro di piu che la provigione da me concessa a Giustiniano e Rizzo è la minore che si soglia concedere, et che mi è parso sie stata da loco tanto meritata quanto possa il Shute, che venne meco, haver meritalo la sua, nelle quali cose mi sara caro d'intendere che paia à V. Ecc^za ch' io non habbia ecceduto la ragione; che sara fin di questa con pregar Dio che la conservi et faccia linigamente felice.—Da Francoforle, a di 8 di Marzo 1537.
1586/7, Feb. 26/Mar. 8.	¾ p.
	486. R. Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
[1586/7?], Feb. 26	Recommending the bearer, Robert Scott who was recently shown his good will in speeches holden with the King, about the horses which he should, by A. Douglas's commandment, have brought to his Highness, wherein he so behaved himself that—far contrary to their expectation, who thought to have made their particular commodity of that money delivered by A. Douglas to him—he has both satisfied the King, and kept both the money undelivered and horses un-bought, until the time he could speak with his lordship. Has committed to him what he doubts if he durst commit to paper, but has by other ways written them also already. The present state of the country troublesome enough.—Edinburgh, 26 February.
[1586/7?], Feb. 26	1 p.
	487. Robert Carvyle to Archibald Douglas.
1586/7, Feb. 26.	Has been fain to deliver the letters entrusted to him for the Master of Gray to the Laird of Restalrig. On Wednesday last Mr. George Young came from the King to my Lord Ambassador, to know whether the Queen were dead or no. The day before this he came again, and brought word to the Ambassador that the King could not receive him yet, but, if he had any letters to deliver from her Majesty he was to send them in by some gentleman of his, or else he would send he was to send them in by some gentleman of his, or else he would send two of the Council to meet him. There is a great rumour of troubles in the Court, and no man so “ill given” as my Lord Bothwell. As yet they are not taking up any soldiers. The King is at present at Dalkeith.—Berwick, 26 February 1586.
1586/7, Feb. 26.	1 p.
	488 Sir Thomas Sherley.
1587, Feb. 27.	Commission appointing him Treasurer of the army in the Low Countries, vice Richard Huddilston, and to pay such sums as by bills subscribed by the Earl of Leicester shall be required, with an allowance of 26s. 8d. a day for himself, and 10s. a day for the Vice-Treasurer.—27 February, 29 Elizabeth.
1587, Feb. 27.	Draft. 1½ pp.
	489. [The Master of Gray] to Archibald Douglas.
1586/7, Feb. 28.	I wrote to you of late, and desired you should forbear write to me for a time. The very truth was the King's Majesty advised me so to do, for all men had you in their mouths, and spoke very evil of you, only by the instigation of your old enemies. As I wished you to do then, so I wish you wit that ye write nothing to me in public pacquet, as of before, but where ye write to me send it in a pacquet apart to the Laird of Restalrig. He may send it to me without the knowledge of any man. Now, since my last, the King has thought meet that ye write to himself, and to no other in Scotland, and for that cause direct your packet to his Majesty, and write to no man else. When you write to me, write it by the way else mentioned. I never saw so hard a time in my days. Amongst ourselves great suspicion of evil will, and diversity of opinions arise daily. What this shall turn to, hardly this can I write. All men take the Queen's death hardly, yet all men are not in that of one mind; some bent for war, some against. This is, even at this hour, the uncertainty of our estate. For me, I have meddled me with nothing since my home-coming, neither mind I to meddle, yet, till I see the King fall in some resolution, for that we are at the day, we are from in the morn. It was resolved in Council that a gentleman should have been sent to the Bishop of Glasgow with the King's commission; the effect of his instructions should have been to have regretted this accident, and thanks for his earnest dealing in it. But now your “eame,” little George Douglas, is to be sent, and sometimes Sir William Stewart, of Olboltone (?); marry, if George Douglas goes, he shall be ambassador, but Sir William shall only carry the commission to the Bishop of Glasgow. What lies or who goeth, by God, I think no man can tell; for myself I am a beholder.
	If the Queen follow forth this course, to excuse herself, and give some proof of it, without doubt the King shall love her, and honour her before all other princes; and, in my opinion, now, seeing she has meddled so far, I think she goodly cannot go back with it, having sent pt. (?) both to the King here and the King of France. But, to confirm it to be true, I speak plain language, necesse est unum mori pro populo : and so her Majesty shall be free. I speak in particular, by God, of no man, neither particularly “invye” I any; but in this sort shall her Majesty only be free. As for my own credit here, I know not what it is for, by God, I dare not essay it as yet. But I shall, when I find time, and when it may with my master's honour and contentment. The Secretary takes only the doing of things on him at this time, and no man else, neither of France nor “interne.” For myself, a word is enough to “querell” me, which I mind to eschew; and then I shall do good will to revive; marry, sooner I dare not. In the mid time I promise I shall meddle with none of this, assure all. To conclude, let the Queen follow forth in this same sort, with confirmation of her excuses, good faith, it shall pass any man's power in Scotland to divert the King's favour either from herself or the course. Assure this far in my name, but now is no time, when all are aloft and du sang chaud, sit quæstio. Let then, I pray you, the King be handled as a prince who has received grief, and not that grief shall be heaped upon grief. I cannot help Robert Carey at this time, but he may yet, after this, be the mender of matters. If the Queen accords that he shall declare his commission to two of this Council, the Master of Glamis and Sir Robert Melville are directed for to speak to him. You have had many great “unfriends,” but none greater nor ye know from whom. I forbear any further at this time, but pray you that my letters be not sent through the town, as I have heard them to have been, for now is greater anger than of before. I commit you to God, this last of February 1586.—“Yours, ye know who.”
	P.S.—Commend me to my gossip, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Fouler, and Mr. Th. Mills.
	2¼ pp.
	490. James Colvill to Archibald Douglas.
[1586/7], Feb. 28.	Thanks him for his great courtesy, which he will ever be ready to acquit according to his power. Has thought it good, albeit he knows it needs not, to remind Mauvissière, and to cause him to remind the Queen, for, since he has once sued, has no will to be refused.—Paris, 28 February.
[1586/7], Feb. 28.	1 p.
	491. Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots.
1586/7, Feb.	“Anno Domini 1586. Satyrday, 4 Janu. (sic) Robert Bele cam to the Erle of Kent's hous at Wrest, and shewed hym the letters Missive and Commission. wheruppon the Erle sent precepts for stopping of the hues and Cryes that had troubled the Country.
	Sunday at night. Robert Beale cam to Fodrynghay, and communicated the Commission to hym and Sir Dru Drury, and because Sir Amias Paulett was not hable to ryde, Sir Dru Drury and Mr. Beale went on Monday to the Earl of Shruewsbury, being but 6 myles of, impartyng to hym the Commission, wheruppon the Erle resolved to repayre to Fodrynghay the next day being Tewsday. On Monday the Erle of Kent cam to Lilford, Mr. Elmes' house, and on Tewsday the Erls of Shrewsbury and Kent cam to Fodrynghay. Ther they went to the Scots' Quene, and, in presence of hir own servants, the Commission was red to hir, and afterwards she was moved to prepare hirself ageynst the next day to dye, and hir fault recited to hir, the procedyng in hir cause also declared, in what form of law and what houer the same was passed, the necessite that forced hir Majesty not to deny to hir people Justyce, for the publick peace of the relme, the new Conspyracies discovered sence the Lord Buckhurst had bene with hir to move hir to be prepared for deth; and for comfortyng of hir soule she was offred to have ether the Bishop of Deane of Peterborogh to instruct hir. To all this she crossed hir brest, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holly Ghost, and sayd she was redy to dy in the Catholyck faith which hir Auncestors had professed, from which she wold not be removed.
	She denyed to be culpable for destroying of hir Majesty, and, thogh she forgave them that war the procurors of hir deth, yet she dowted not but that God wold tak vengeance therof. And being remembred the manifest proves to the contrary, and also of hir ij servant's depositions, Nau and Curle, being hir secretaries, directly condeming hir and themselves, as prove therto, she sayd she wold accuse non, but that, when she was deade, it wold appeare how indifferently she had bene delt withall, and inquired what was become of hir sayd ij servants. And than the Erles departed from hir, and comitted the custody of hir and hir folk to the chardg of Sir Amyce Paulet and Sir Dru Drury, as before they had it.
	Wednesday 8.—The Erles retorned to the Castle, wher the Shyryff of the shyre was, and than he, with other gentilmen, was sent to hir, to bryng hir from hir Chamber down to the hall wher the 2 Erles war, and ther also with them Mr. Henry Talbott, Sir Amyce Paulett, Sir Dru Drury, Robert Beale, and of the gentilmen of the countrey adjoynyng, Sir Edward Montagu with his eldest son, Sir Richard Knightly, Mr. Thomas Brudnell, Mr. Robart . . vell, Mr. Robert Wyngfeld, Jhon Wyngfeld, Mr. Robert Forest, Mr. Reynar, Mr. Benjamin Pigott, and the Deane of Peterborogh and sundry others.
	Whan she cam to the hall, ther cam with hir Mr. Melvill, hir Master of howshold, hir phisicion, hir surgeon, and hir pothecary. At the stayre foot leadyng into the Hall she pawsed, and sayd to Mr. Melvill these words, “As thow hast bene an honest servant to me, so I pray the to contynew to my son, and commend me unto hym. I have not impugned his relligion, nor the relligion of others, but wish hym well, and as I forgeve all that have offended me in Scotland, so I wold he shuld also do, and beseche God that the wold send hym his holly Spirit and Illuminat hym.” Melvill answered that he wold do it, and wold beseche God at this Instant to asist hir with his Spirit. Than she also required to have some of hir women, namyng Mrs. Curle and Kenedy, who both cam also to hir, and than she cam up to a scaffold that was provyded in the upper end of the Hall. And the Commission being redd in hir own hearyng, the Dean of Peterborogh began to offer some speche, as an admonition to hir to dye in the feare of God and in charity; she required hym to forbeare from furder speche, for she was a Catholyck, and that it was a folly for hym to move hir, seing she was so resolutely mynded, and that the prayers of that Company wold litle avayle hir. Yet, nevertheless, by the order of the Erles, the Deane had provyded a godly prayer, which, being redd, was repeated by all the auditory; the substance was, that it wold please Almighty God to send hir his Holly Spyrit and grace, and to pardon hir all hir offences, and of his Mercy to receave hir into his heavenly and everlestyng kyngdom, and finally to bless the Queen's Majesty, with many other most charitable lyke requests to Almighty God to comfort the said Scott Queen the howre of hir deth.
	Duryng this publyck prayer she kneled on hir knees and sayd a privat prayer to this effect : She besought God to send hir his Holly Spyritt, and that she trusted to receave hir salvation in his blood, and by his grace to be receaved into his kyngdom, requiryng also God to forgyve hir enemyes as she forgave them, and to turn his wrath from this land, and to bless the Queen Majesty that she might serve hym; and lykwise she required God to be mercifull to hir son, and have compassion on the Chirch, and, although she was not worthy to be hard; yet she had a confidence in his Mercy, and prayed all the saynts to praye to hir Salvior to receave hir. And than, torning to hir servants, she also required them to pray for hir, that hir Savior wold receave hir, and to the executioners she sayd that she pardoned them, and sayd she was glad that the end of all hir sorrows war so neare. And hearyng hir women to weape and cry, she willed them to hold ther peace, and than she kissed them, and bad them depart from the scaffold. And so than she kneled down, havyng a kyrcheff tyed about hir eies, and receaved the strok of death by beheadyng. This execution was doone about xi. of the clock on the Wednesday, being the viijth of February anno Domini 1586.”
	Burghley's holograph. 4 pp.
	492. Memorandum by Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake.
1586/7, Feb.	Certain causes that have forced them to be at greater charges about this journey than otherwise they should have been. (1.) First, the long time spent before it pleased her Majesty to resolve of the matter. (2.) After it had pleased her Majesty to conclude, and the commission signed, it was stayed from the Seal at least ten days, which gave occasion to many to withdraw such adventures as they had proposed to make. (3.) That my lord of Northumberland, by her Majesty's command, as he saith, stayed his going and his adventure of 2,000l., (4.) That the most part of the shires have furnished their men so slenderly that it will cost us as much more to bring them in good order. (5.) That the soldiers in the Low Countries have not been sent away according to her Majesty's direction, for transporting and victualling of which we have been at the charge of 3,000l.,. and for want of them the whole army is fain to stay, which now will cost 2,000l. a week. (6.) That by malicious practices, and most by our own countrymen, the 2,000 Walloon soldiers have been procured to mutiny, whereby we lose not only the charges that we have been at for their shipping and victuals, but their service also, which is matter of great importance.
	Unsigned. Endorsed :—“Februarie 1586.”
	1 p.
	493. William Stafford.
1587, [Feb.]	I received your letters bearing date the 20th of December 15—, wherein you challenge me that I have not sent unto you such occurrents as I might have done, the world being so troublesome as it is. Wherein your Worship must hold me excused, for that the demur of the Queen of Scots' death hath caused such a sudden hush to be amongst us, that it hath stopped much news, which I thought to have written unto you long since. But in this time there hath fallen such a treason about the taking away of her Majesty's life again (whom I pray God long to preserve), by one Michael Moody [a servant to Sir S.H. ambassador in France for her Highness], (fn. 3) an arch papist and a most notable villain, but most happily discovered by Mr. William Stafford, one well known unto you, that he hath reaped such credit with her Majesty and the Privy Council by it, as all the world, which love her gracious Majesty and this noble realm, give him that right and estimation which belongeth to such a person most dutifully discovering this horrible practise, devised first by the French here, but should have been taken in hand by the party [M : M :] (fn. 4) afore mentioned. This is the news here, which, I am assured, you are right glad of, both in respect of the treason discovered, and also in the behalf of the gentleman, your friend Mr. William Stafford, whom I know very well you love.—Undated.
	Endorsed :—“Copy of a letter written by Mr. Stafford, as he confesseth, to be publiched.” (fn. 5)
	1 p.