Cecil Papers: August 1586 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1889.

Citation:

'Cecil Papers: August 1586', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589( London, 1889), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol3/pp155-170 [accessed 16 November 2024].

August 1586



	317. Thomas Miller to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 1.	For the Secretary's bruit, I remit you to my lord Ambassador's own purgation, affirming it to be a false lie that ever he spake or held any such purpose to him, but evil will will (sic) never said well. And standing so far in his light as you do, you must arm yourself for worse nor this comes to. The best is that these kind of dealings show his own good mind towards you, though it fall out to him like as to the man that spitting at the wind, the spittle light still on his own face. As for the Master, he hath cause to be offended, but, by Captain Haggerston's return, I doubt not but we shall be amended. The reading of your letter and speech here with William Colvill, as he passed by here, makes me suspect that he or his brother (that you know is half an infidel still touching the King's constancy, and thinks all men daft that believe not as they do) have done little good with Mr. Secretary; but this I speak in your ear. As for the Carrs, for my own private opinion I wish they entered, yet hath Mr. Randolph, in a letter to the Lord Secretary, by William Colvill, seemed in the Queen's name to reclaim her first promise in her letter, and that she should not stand now tied to that promise in respect of their contempt all this while; a matter that I believe the Secretary will build somewhat upon. What hath moved him hereto I wot not. You know the man's fashions as well as I. I am still of opinion, that notwithstanding, her Majesty will be better satisfied to have them enter than to have them abide at horn. And whenever they shall like to enter, it shall be far easier to them than to stand horned. This I write to you in private, though I have no warrant nor commandment.
	And yet, because it stands you upon, before you draw them to enter, upon your own head, I wish you, before your coming into England, to signify the whole to Mr. Secretary, and require her Majesty's or his answer herein. This will be the safest way for your credit with the gentlemen, and for their satisfaction. And this I put you in mind of, because it will be these 10 or 12 days ere we get to London. And for me to write to Mr. Secretary hereof at large I have no will, for contrarying this man, unto whom I must and will be honest. But, when I shall speak with Mr. Secretary, I shall omit nothing. His Majesty's commendations did my lord Ambassador much good, though Mr. Randolph be not all “checquer on boord,” as we speak. But he wiites himself, and therefore it sufficeth me to hold my tongue. Only thus much I thought it good manner to scribble over in answer of your letter.—Berwick, 1 August 1586.
	Seal. 2 pp.
	318. The Master of Gray to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 1.	For some things I had to do yesternight I came to this town, where I am not to remain long. I shall write to you at more length hereafter, for here I have not wherewith to write secretly. Yet such things as I have learned since your parting, I must acquaint you with them. And first, to begin at your chief, my lord Angus, I caused him ride to the Lord Hamilton for sure knowledge of the “propose.” I imparted to you my Lord Hamilton's answer was, that indeed that matter was spoken to him, and it was a “propose” that goodly, he could not refuse in respect of the honourable “pairtie,” but it should no ways be an occasion of any broil in that promise he had made to his fellowship. To be short, he plainly showed that it was a thing concluded, if all parties stood content. After this, my lord Angus and I met in Stirling, where he shewed me the whole matter as it had passed betwixt my lord Angus [sic]. There is no better remedy than it [sic] I shewed you at my bidding you farewell; therefore, haste it. His Majesty, at my request, at this time took marvellous well with Angus, and has given the gentleman a very great contentment. At our being there in Stirling, Mr. John Colville accosted me, with many terrible regrets how evil he had been used, and chiefly by yourself, notwithstanding their reconciliation, and how “sahlesslye” he had been slandered with lies, and what hard fortune he had ever to fall in a disgrace through misreport; and prayed me to speak the King in his favour. My answer was, that truly for their part I understood that you was [sic] not a man who “contendit” to gain through any man's disgrace, neither would I be content to hear you calumniated in absence, for that I was your friend. He answered, that he never esteemed you but as his father, and many fair words. So I took my leave and returned to my house, and the King to Kilmarnock. But Mr. John went to the King himself, and spoke after my parting what was between them. His Majesty not being at leisure for that, he was bulde [? bold] to write to me himself. He caused James, whose letter I send you here enclosed. His whole language tended to harm you and “avane” [? advance] himself, but what the King concluded you will see by James's letter. Before God, if the gentleman would be quiet, I would you should friend him, and so will I, for you know what I did for him already. I have sent Captain Hatherstoun, Th. Tyrie, and my page George, to receive the money at Berwick. They are not yet returned, nor no word from them. Since your parting I have learned more of the “propose” I shewed you touching the Jesuit, who of late came with the money to the Earl Morton. He was no Jesuit, but is an Englishman born, and is to be a Jesuit. He is gone again to France in a little boat of Dunkirk. Of this I assure you; what is his name I cannot tell you, but in this town he called himself “Lyl” [Lisle]. I have written of this to Mr. Secretary something, but confer you with him, because I write more amply to you. It is without all question a very, great matter intended, but you will see it turn to nothing. This, if attendance be not taken, it may do harm by opinion. So far as I can learn, it shall begin in Scotland, and by the Lord Maxwell; and this I have of one of his special counsellors. He has very many who have promised, both in England and Scotland. But from France they look for no help but of money they account themselves “bastant” in number. It will be found, if the matter be well examined, the Queen, our Sovereign's mother, to have known of all, and I persuade myself this discovery of this late practice in England shall discover this whole matter in like manner, and if any be in hands it shall not be impertinent that they be examined upon this point, what concurrence they had or hoped for in Scotland. The Lord Maxwell has “liftit,” with the gold he received before your parting, 300 footmen and 50 horsemen. His excuse is, for the slaughter of his servants the Bells and Carlisles, but the bruit of them is very great here. I opened the matter to the King, who scarcely would believe it. But he shall know it better at his return, yet it can prevail little, whatever is said to him, he is so subject to his pastime till the time he see a danger, or then hear it from thence. The Jesuit William Holt, who calls himself here Mr. Peter, is to beat the Lord Maxwell's this Michaelmas, and brings with him gold to the said Lord and sundry of the nobility. He debarks at Kirkconbrid [Kirkcudbright], and I think shall embark in Brittany. In my opinion it were not far out of purpose to cause lie for him; for his apprehension with the money shall stay all purposes and discover them. You may hardely say to this matter, for it is very sure, and it may tend to your great weal and mine both, if, through our intelligence, such a purpose be discovered. I shall make great “moyen” to let you know further of this matter, in grace of God, this next time I write. The laird of Fentry was at me again since your parting. It seemed to me his errand was for to know what conspiracy this was, that of late had been discovered in England. I “sehen” him I knew nothing of it as yet. He was very inquisitive, so I “sehen” him that I believed his mistress should be touched. With it he said that was an allemanique quarrel to be quit of her; but he hoped in God it should not lie in her enemies' hands to harm her, and, if they lived until Whit Sunday, they might perhaps be content of reason. I was well diligent to have learned the matter, but I could not, of him. But I think it shall not be unmeet I enter in a dealing with him to try, as I did with Smollet. But this I commit, in what fashion and how far, to Mr. Secretary's advice and yours; if I deal, he shall have very little in him, if I learn not part. It will be found, whenever this matter be exactly tried, that your good friend and mine, “ye vat quho,” shall be as deep in the “læning” as any man else. And for his cause I shall be the more diligent to have the matter tried. Your chief (“I tell you tell and taillis man”) shewed me that he spake with Arran (I mean by the man who did you greater wrong at your being here) at his being in Edinburgh, which I cannot affirm to be true, but I shall do good will to learn the same. He sent me word at your parting, by my man Wardlaw, that he parted the sooner, for that the bruit was that you had spoken with Arran. I assure you, our aforesaid friend, who I say spake with him, sent me word by a very honest messenger that he had spoken with him twice. If so was, I pray you impart to me how you used him. But I know it was not, and therefore send me your own declaration, that I may be answerable for you. I have satisfied your nephew in all points, as ye wrote to me; but it will be hard to send with him anything from his Majesty, for that ye know Roger must be the first. I have sent away since your parting five companies, so that, within 20 days or a month, they will all be ready.—Leith, 1 August 1586.
	Two seals.
	5 pp.
	319. Articles for the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury.
1586, Aug. 1.	“Certain orders which the Earl of Shrewsbury wisheth to be set down by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, to be observed by him the said Earl and the Countess his wife.”
	Endorsed by Burghley :—Primo Augusti, 1586.
	1¾ pp.
	320. Plate demanded by the Earl of Shrewsbury of the Countess.
1586, Aug. 1.	List of plate as given in No. 321 (4 Aug. 1586), but with this note against the “New Year's gifts given by the Countess” :—“One hundred pounds yearly given by the Earl to the Countess for every New Year's Gift.”
	At the end of this list are some items struck out, including :—“counter poinctes,” square carpets, window cloths, a long carpet made all of silk, Turkey carpets, hangings of tapestry, a rich rock ruby, &c.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—“Primo Augusti 1586.”
	2½ pp.
	321. Answer to the Dmenad of Plate made by the Earl of Shrewsbury.
1586, Aug. 4.	Answer. These parcels being at Chatsworth at the time of the deed of gift passed to the Cavendishes; since gaged or sold for necessity.		Plate delivered for the Countess out of the pantry.
			First, one great bason and ewer, parcel gilt, with talbots.
			Item, one plain salt with a cover, with a talbot.
			Item, eight plain plates, with talbots.
			Item, four spoons.
			Plate delivered out of the buttery.
			First, one great standing pot, parcel gilt.
			Item, one hall jug.
			Item, one white bowl with a talbot.
			Item, one cup of assay, gilt.
	Lent by his lordship to the Lady Talbot, after wards by the Earl to the for given Countess, and she, necessity, laid it to gage; notwithstanding, when the Earl makes payment to the Cavendishes, it shall be returned.		One George, enamelled white, set with diamonds, bought by Thomas Cornishe in France, and cost the Earl, 38l.
			Plate delivered by Lawrence Style.
	Given to the Countess at the Scottish Queen, lying at Coventry, at the rate 70l., in part payment of 200l.		First, one cup of gold that weighed about fifty pounds, which was Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury's.
	Given 18 years since to the Countess, and at Chatsworth, at the time of the Earl's grant; one of them his lordship knoweth was stolen, the other broken and not worth 4l.		Item, two chamber basons, parcel gilt, now altered, which was bought by the Earl, who hath a third of the same sort yet.
	At Chatsworth, at the deed of gift, and so passed to the Cavendishes. There were but three little tuns of his lordship left at Chatsworth at the time of the grant; and those six tuns his lordship meaneth were bought by the Cavendishes, and some of them lost in his service.		Item, two plain candlesticks.
			Item, eight “tonne” cups, plain, with talbots, now altered into six.
	Given to the Countess 19 years ago, and passed to the Cavendishes by the grant.		Item, one can, gilt and graven, bought of Mrs. Palmer, the broker's wife.
	Not worth 30s., and stolen by a foot-boy. Given to the Countess by Lady Pembroke.		Item, one “standishe” to write withal.
	Given to the Countess 19 years ago, and sold by her.		Item, one “showinghorne,” with a chain and pincers of silver.
	Given to the Countess, and passed by grant.		Item, one plain “podinger,” whereof the Earl hath the cover.
	But one little one given, 19 years since, at Chatsworth, at the time of the Earl's grant, and passed ut supra.		Item, two gilt casting bottles.
	Given 18 years since and passed by grant; since sold.		Item, one great salt, having many little ones within it to be drawn out, which Mr. Tirrel claimeth, and hath sent to the Earl for it.
	Bought by the Earl of purpose for the Countess to give away, which she did, as his lordship well knoweth.		Item, one great bason and ewer, fashioned like a ship, gilt and embossed; bought by Gilbert, lord Talbot, and paid for by Baldwin.—100l.
			Certain New Year's gifts given by the Countess to the Earl.
	These parcels of plate the Earl—a good while after her giving them (he misliking of them) — gave them to her again, some to give away, the rest to use as she would.		First, one silver posnett.
			Item, one salt of gold.
			Item, three great candlesticks carrying three lights apiece.
			Item, six candlesticks fashioned like boats.
			Item, two pots and two cups of alablaster (sic) bound about with silver.
			Item, two great square trenchers, double gilt, with either of them a salt, French fashion, and a place to put “picktoothes” in, and a spoon of gold with a Talbot.
	Worn out, made 17 years ago.		Item, two pairs of fine cambric sheets, six pair of “pillow beres,” and six cupboard cloths.
	But one salt of gold, named before.		Item, one salt of gold with talbots, and the Countess's arms on it.
			Certain utensils of household.
	Given 19 years since to save a better hanging, and passed by the grant.		First, hanging of green leaves; six pieces which Sir Robert Constable bought.
	But 12, and spoiled and worn out, being common beds for servants, cost 4 nobles apiece. Worn out, and three times as many better conveyed for his lordship's use to Tutbury, Wingfield, and Burstons, which never came again.		Item, 20 feather beds with their furniture, which came from Cohesbert [Coldherbert].
	The Earl paid himself in retaining so much money, which he should have paid which he should have paid the Cavendishes for sheep and cattle bought.		Item, bedsteads, tables, cupboards, stools, &c., varnished like brass; and others that Cornish and Trumpiter bought in France and cost 100l. and above.
	These hanging cost 9 score pounds, bought for the Countess and passed by deed.		Item, rich hangings, 8 pieces which were Sir Wm. Pickering's, which cost the Earl 200l.
			Certain utensils of household, made in the Earl's house, which the Earl will not demand, &c.
	The copes bought by Sir Wm. St. Loo at Chatsworth at the time of the deed of gift. Most of the hangings made at Chatsworth, and some of the Countess's grooms, women, and some boys she kept, wrought the most part of them. Never had but one embroiderer at one time that wrought on them. His lordship never gave the worth of 5l. towards the making of them.		First, rich hangings made by Thomas Lane, Ambrose, William Barlow, and Henry, Mr. Henry Cavendish's man, and had copes of tissue, cloth of gold, and other things towards the making thereof; meat, drink and wages paid to the embroiderers by the Earl during the working of them; and other hanging of green velvet, birds and fowls and needlework set upon the velvet.
	These parcels above demanded by the Earl are things of small value, and mere trifles for so great and rich a nobleman to bestow on his wife in 19 years. The Countess for her small ability was willing to gratify, from time to time, the Earl with things needful for him, some whereof she calls to remembrance, not thinking that ever she should have any such occasion to remember these things. The Earl hath received of her at several times, pots, flagons, chafen dishes, chamber-pots, podingers, warming-pans, boiling pot, a charger or voider of silver, with many other things she now remembereth not. Besides, better than 1,000l. worth of linen consumed by him; being carried to sundry of his houses to serve his lordship's turn. And, with his often being at Chatsworth with his charge, and most of the stuff there spoiled. Besides, given by the Countess, yearly, to the Earl, for a number of years together, 30 or 40 mattresses, 20 quilts, and 100 “flledges” yearly, and sundry other things not here to be remembered.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—4 August 1586.
	2 pp.
	322. “Answer to the Earl of Shrewsbury's Articles, which his Lordship wisheth might be set down for her Majesty's order.”
1586, Aug. 4.	1. The Countess desireth to be used according to God's laws, without limitation of time, and, for better testimony of her behaviour, beseecheth her Majesty to appoint an eye-witness in house with the Earl and Countess, so that the Queen may be rightly informed how the Countess carrieth herself. Likewise, that she may not be bound to Chatsworth, if there should arise new difference.
	2. The possession of the Cavendishes'lands being already “plainly and painfully ordered by her Majesty,” it were a case strange to go against hand and seal, and twelve years' quiet possession.
	3. This article is the Countess's especial desire, and would take the performance thereof as her greatest happiness, and will employ herself in all wifely duty.
	4. This article “contraries” the next before, for, if the Countess's charges be deducted out of the Cavendishes' rents, then they pay and not the Earl; neither will the Countess much burden the Earl, for she desires but 8 or 10 persons about her, and requireth only meat, drink, lodging, and to remove at the Earl's charge The rest the Cavendishes will provide for, and the Earl having 1,000l. he allowed the Countess yearly, and having 700l. out of the Cavendishes' lands by her Majesty's order, which will plentifully nourish that company.
	5. The Countess is content—she being used as a wife ought to be—to refer it to indifferent consideration.
	6. This article handles impossibilities.
	7. The Cavendishes deny that they ever received any goods of the Earl's.
	Lastly, the Countess beseecheth her Majesty to conclude this her honourable Godly work, and not suffer by these motions and writings loss of time; “for these points have ever been a let to that which her Majesty hath laboured, and I long hoped for.”
	Endorsed by Burghley :—4 August 1586.
	1 p.
	323. Considerations of the Earl of Shrewsbury's Grant, &c., to the Cavendishes.
1586, Aug. 4.	1. To be discharged of certain debts which the Countess came into after her marriage with the Earl.
	2. The discharge of the marriage money due to the Countess's daughters, wherewith the land was charged.
	3. For the discharge of the building at Chatsworth, which the Earl's daughter and her's was to have.
	4. For the bringing up of the children of the Countess.
	5. The deed was some part of the consideration for the western lands, &c.
	Item, it is to be noted that when the Earl “departed” with the Countess's lands to the Cavendishes, it was not worth 1,000l. a year, &c., &c., &c.
	“A remembrance of part of such commodities as the Earl received by his marriage with the Countess.”
		£	s.	d.
	First, the Earl, for the space of five years, during the minority of Mr. Henry Cavendish, enjoyed his living, and all that of the Countess, which, at 1,600l. for 5 years, is	9,000	0	0
	The marriage of the said Mr. Cavendish, being his mother's ward, was	3,000	0	0
	8,000 sheep at 8s. the piece	3,200	0	0
	In greater cattle	1,200	0	0
	The Earl had assured to him by the Countess 500 marks a year western land, which, valued at 100 years purchase, cometh to	33,333	6	8
	Sum—49,733l. 6s. 8d.
	“A note of some such losses and hindrances as the Countess and Cavendishes have endured for these 3 years last past.”
	Whereas the Earl in money and other allowance gave yearly to the Countess 1,000l. and above, the want thereof for 3 years cometh to	3,000	0	0
	The Earl, under colour of 500l. a year awarded by her Majesty, takes 900l. for two years last past	1,800	0	0
	The Earl received and took of the Cavendishes' rents, &c., between the time his lordship dispossessed them and her Majesty's order	2,400	0	0
	The Countess for these 3 years driven to her own maintenance, forced by occasions to keep sundry houses, and take many servants, where before, being with my lord, she kept not half a score servants, and little charge to him. And so for this 3 years it hath stood her and her sons in yearly 2,000l.	6,000	0	0
	Item, suits in law and bringing up witnesses, &c., above 1,000l. a year	3,000	0	0
	Item, sustained great losses by expelling the Cavendish tenants out of their farms, and so terrifying all men, that none durst farm their grounds, or put cattle to “joyste” [agist], which hath in 3 years been a loss of	2,000	0	0
	Item, the Cavendishes will be enforced to recompense their servants and tenants, which will come to above	1,000	0	0
	Item, in interest and forfeiting of bonds	3,500	0	0
	Sum—22,700l.
	324. The Earl of Shrewsbury to his Countess.
1586, Aug. 5.	Wife, in the three first lines of your last letter, dated Thursday, 4 Aug. 1586, you hold yourself unfortunate for demanding my plate and other things, part whereof, in the same letter, you confess, which, at your being with me, you denied to have, and the residue of the plate and hangings you pass over in silence, for which I take light occasion to be displeased with you by my writing (as you say), and demands [sic] this question of me—What new offence is committed since her Majesty reconciled us ? To the first part of your letter I answer, that there is no creature more happy and more fortunate than you have been, for, where you were defamed and to the world a byword, when you were St. Loo's widow, I covered those imperfections (by my intermarriage with you), and brought you to all the honour you have, and to the most of that wealth you now enjoy. Therefore, you have cause to think yourself happier than others, for I know not what she is within this realm that may compare with you either in living or goods; and yet you cannot be contented. The reconciliation that her Majesty moved betwixt us was—that I should take a probation of your good behaviour towards me for a year, and send you to Winckfield upon my charges, to which I yielded (being much pressed by her Highness) with these conditions : that I should not bed nor board with you; those servants that were now about you, I would put from you, and put others to you; your children, nor Gilbert Talbot, nor his wife, should come at you whilst you were with me; your living I would have, and my goods (which you and William Cavendish had taken) I would have restored. Yet you still pressed her Majesty further, that you might come to me to my house at Chelsea, which I granted, and at your coming I told you that you were welcome upon the Queen's commandment; but, though you were cleared in her Majesty's sight for all offences, yet I had not cleared you, nor could trust you till you did confess that you had offended me. Nor I can be contented to accept of you, if you do not this in writing, and upon your knees, and before such as her Majesty shall appoint. It was promised that I should find you obedient unto me in all points. I thought it unfit that there should be suits betwixt your children and me, if I should accept of you, which made me to try you, and demand my plate of you, &c. What greater disobedience could you shew unto me than deny me that is my own ? You will hardly suffer me to be master of any of yours, when you cannot be pleased to restore me mine own. Is it fit that you should gage my plate, and mine arms upon it ? Can you do me greater dishonour ? You say that, if your estate were able, you would not stand with me upon such toys. You never esteemed how largely you cut quarters out of my cloth; but you have carried always this mind towards me, that, if you once got anything of me, you cannot be contented to restore it again. As (if you remember) you borrowed 1,000l. of me, &c., and gave me your bill for it; I was not ignorant that I could not recover my money by it, but it is a witness that you had the money, and yet you never paid it me again. As touching her Majesty's order for your living, she pronounced the same at Greenwich, and ordered me 500l. a year thereof, and you to have the residue. She commanded the Lord Chancellor and the Earl of Leicester to see her order perfected. She neither appointed what lands I should have for my 500l. a year, nor divers other things which they thought fit, and we assented to, to be set down in the draft of the books, as may appear. And, as touching this, that if I did at any time receive you and cohabit with you, the lords thought it reasonable—and you assented to it—that I should have your living during the time of our cohabitation, and hereupon I refer myself to their opinions. Marry, this difference there was, that if you disliked to cohabit and dwell with me, then your sons to have your living, upon a signification to be made, the form whereof could not be agreed upon, as may appear! Your children's names were used only for this cause, because you were not capable yourself, but they were thought meetest to deal for you, till I liked to take you to me. And I think their commission extended to it, or else you would not have laboured their great pains which they took in it, and they would have been glad then that I should have taken you and your living also, which your children denied not, if I would have agreed to it. I am sorry to spend all these words with you, but assure yourself this shall be the last time that I will write unto you in this matter or trouble myself; and, likewise, if you intend to come to me, advise yourself in these points before remembered, that I will have you to confess that you have offended me, and is [sic] heartily sorry for it, in writing, and upon your knees (without either if or and). Your living you shall bring with you, to maintain you with, and to pay such debts as is expressed in the consideration of the deed. For, neither by the said deed, nor yet by Her Majesty's order, it was meant that your sons should have your living, which appertaineth to me, being my enemies, and have sought my defamation and destruction of my house, and I to have you without that which the laws giveth [sic] me. My goods you shall restore me before we come together. And, if you cannot be content to do this, I protest before God, I will never have you come upon me, whatever shall, I could allege many causes why you have thus disobediently behaved yourself against me. One chief cause was, where I had made you my sole executrix you procured me to make a lease in trust to two of your friends for three-score years, minding thereby to have the benefit thereof by the executorship. You caused me in my extremity of sickness to pass my lands by deed enrolled—to your friends—in bargain and sale, and the indenture which did lead the uses was not enrolled, so that, if I had then died, the same might have been embezzled, and so my posterity for that land in the case of St. Loo. But, when I perceived in what danger I stood, I put you out of my will, and have since studied to remedy those my great imperfections, that I was not able to, benefit my children nor recompense my servants. At length it came to your ear, though there were not many that knew it, and then you began to play your part, and hath [sic] used me ever since in such despiteful sort as I was not able to bear or abide it; and this is one of the causes that you deal with me in this wise as you do, and not such causes as you allege to her Majesty of my dislike of you. All offences done by you are esteemed nothing, as was the offence of Henry Beresforde, that was found guilty of such slanderous speeches that he had spoken of me, that, if they had been true, as they be most false, had overthrown me and my house. Also, your confederacy with him and his son I cannot but remember, that the young fellow should swear he never spoke any such speeches by me as was laid in my action, which, till it was discovered, moved great favour towards Beresforde, and had like both to have abused her Majesty and Mr. Secretary, and clearly to have dishonoured me (as Mr. Secretary informed me). This I take to be a grievous offence done unto me. I thought good not to omit this, but to put you in remembrance thereof, what great favour you have showed him, and was very unlit to have been supported by you, when the case did touch me so near; which I look for at your hands that you will confess. And thus I end.—From Chelsea the 5th of August 1586.
	Endorsed :—The copy of my Lord's letter to the Countess his wife, v^o Augusti 1586.
	2½ pp.
	325. Thomas Randolph to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 5.	Longs to hear how he has preached to the Carrs, and how far his eloquence can persuade about the Queen's favourable offer, or their obedience to the King. It is written or reported to Mr. Secretary Walsingham that they are gone to the hills. If his authority was as great as the Queen of England's is, then should neither hill nor hold keep them, but it should be hot for them to remain in either. When he (Douglas) is sanctified and in the honourable estate of an Ambassador, he will know more than yet he will either speak or write. Bids him beware of the craft of the Arrans and hatred of the Carrs, for hereupon dependeth the state of his welfare, sanctification, or reprobation. Has sent the King two huntsmen, very good and skilful, with one footman, “that can hoope, hollowe, and crye that all the trees in Fawkland will quake for fear.” Begs him to pray the King's majesty to be merciful to the poor bucks, but to spare and look well to himself.—Newcastle, 5 August 1586.
	1 p. [Murdin, p. 557. In extenso.]
	326. Agreement between the Earl of Shrewsbury and his Countess.
1586, Aug. 7.	A memorial of certain things accorded by mediation of Sir Thomas Bromley, the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Burghley, for the perfecting of a reconciliation betwixt George, Earl of Shrewsbury and the Countess his wife, at Richmond, 7 Aug. 1586.
	1. The Countess may first go to Chelsea to the Earl's house this present day; and, after that, she may go toward Wingfleld two days before the Earl shall depart homeward, with the Earl's servants to attend on her, and there to tarry at her pleasure a month, at the Earl's charge. And the Earl will come to Wingfield to her, there to remain five or six days, and then she may remove to Chatsworth; and towards her household charges the Earl offereth to send beforehand :—Twenty quarters of wheat, 20 quarters of malt, 20 beeves and 40 muttons. Further, the Earl will come sundry times to her at Chatsworth, and will be content to receive only the lands assigned to him at the rate of 500l. per annum.
	2. The Countess shall hold to herself all the rest of her living. And tlie Earl is content that, if the Countess shall behave herself well towards him, as she promiseth to do, the Earl will send for her to his house, upon knowledge of her desire, to remain with him a week or more for a time.
	3. As to the plate, she shall upon her honour bring such parcels as are extant and at her disposition, to be used by herself during her life, and, if she overlive the Earl, then to enjoy them herself.
	4. The salt of silver is to be returned to Sir H. Tirrell.
	5. In Michaelmas Term it may be considered how sufficient assurances may be made from the Earl and his three sons for the Countess's jointure.
	6. The Earl was content to receive Sir Charles Cavendish and William Cavendish into his favour upon their submission and request, to be made in humble sort to the said Earl. For which purpose these two were called before the Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Treasurer, and there being charged with misusing of themselves towards the Earl, and, namely, William Cavendish for his misbehaviour to the Earl at Chatsworth, for which he had been punished heretofore by imprisonment, they both upon their knees very humbly required the Earl to be their good lord, offering themselves most ready to serve him to the best of their power, and promising never hereafter to give his lordship any cause of offence.
	7. It was testified by the Countess and her sons that they never did in thought conceive, or in words utter, anything to touch the Earl in any part of his loyalty and truth to her Majesty.
	8. The Earl did of himself offer that William Cavendish and Charles might come after this present day to Chelsea to the Countess for her causes, and that both his brother, Sir Charles, and he might come to Wingfield and Chatsworth at their pleasure.
	Finally, the sum of these things being reported to her Majesty by the Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer, her Majesty called the Earl and his wife unto her, and in many good words shewed herself very glad thereof, and thanked the Earl, for that she knew he had conformed himself to this good act for her sake and at her request, adding, that she took it to tend much to her honour that by her mediation they both were thus accorded. And with many good comfortable speeches required them both to proceed and persevere in this godly act of reconcilement. And so they both shewed themselves very well content with her Majesty's speeches, and in good sort departed together, very comfortable to the sight of all their friends, both lords and ladies, and many others of the best sort.
	Endorsed by Burghley :—7 August 1586. The articles of agreement betwixt the Earl of Salop and the Countess by mediation of the Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer at Richmond.
	2⅓ pp.
	327. “Orders betwixt the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Countess his Wife.” [From endorsement.]
1586, Aug. 7.	“Certain orders set down by the Queen's most excellent Majesty to be observed by the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Countess his wife.” [The articles are the same as those given in No. 319 under date August 1586.]
	Endorsed by Burghley :—“7 Augusti 1586. This was offred by the Erle of Shrewsbury but not accordid, but an other wrytyng sett down by the Lord Chancellor and Lord Tresorer.”
	1¾ pp.
	328. Thomas Miller to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 12.	All hearty commendations now laid apart, with an undefeasable defiance. I commend me to your lordship. From Newcastle I rode to Carlisle to acquaint Lord Scroope in what estate the Carrs did stand, and ere I overtook my lord ambassador, your ticket written to me came to him. It is somewhat obscure, and, for want of other matter, I return it to you. Upon a suspicion that the Carrs are like to go with Courcelles, advertisement is sent thereof to Mr. Secretary Walsingham. For all other matters I remit you to this bearer, Mr. Hagerston, whom at this town we met in his journey homewards, full fraught with all matters fit for your knowledge. Let us have a word or two before your coming, to forewarn us. I will do my best to have you lodged on St. Peter's Hill if I can, but, her Majesty being at Windsor, you must lodge there. Well, Sir, God keep you. Remember my humble duty to the master and to yourself.—Huntingdon, 12 August 1586.
	P.S.—Learn you of the French ambassador to use our liege's people well by the way, for he and his “scaped faire a dry beating by the way, the Captain will shew you.”
	¾ p.
	329. Sir Francis Walsingham to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 12.	Her Majesty understanding now particularly how much the Master of Gray's credit is engaged in the matter of his employment in the Low Countries, and the inconveniences that are likely to grow by his stay, is well contented that the journey shall go forward. She yields her consent hereto, the rather because she finds that he, Douglas, and the Master of Gray will not both be absent at one lime.—London, 12 August 1586.
	1 p.
	330. The Countess of Shrewsbury to Lord Burghley.
1586, Aug. 13.	Is so infinitely bound to his lordship, and has received so much comfort at his hands, that she would be grieved all the days of her life if he should refuse to accept the “small tryffel,” which her son is commissioned to present unto him. Begs him not to deny her suit, and, as the present is far unworthy his own acceptance to bestow it on some of his people.
	1 p.
	331. James VI. of Scotland to Sir Christopher Hatton.
1586, Aug. 13.	Richt trustie freind, I have directit the berare heirof, Maister Archibald Douglas, ray trustie servant to you weill kuowin, towardis my dearest sister the quene your Souveraine, fullye instructit of my mynd in maiters of importance, & hes commandit him to follow your opinion, quitche I pray you give him in freindlye maner. Not haveing forder occasion at yis present, I commit you, rycht trustie freind, to Goddis holy protectione.—From Falkland, the 13 day of August 1586.
	Your loveing freind, James R.
	Addressed :—To his trustie freind S^r Christophere Hatonn.
	Endorsed :—The King of Scotland to Sir Christopher Hatton, 13 August.
	Holograph. ½ p.
	332. John Atkinson to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 16.	Begs him to travail for a conclusion of the matter which has been so long delayed, and in which he and another burgess of Edinburgh are interested.—From Edinburgh, this l6th of August 1586.
	¾ p.
	333. The Master of Gray to Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain.
1586, Aug. 21.	Must send a few lines by his friend Mr. Archibald Douglas, “being now to repair towards that realm.” Has imparted to him all particularities of the state of this country.—Dunfermline, 21 August 1586.
	1 p.
	334. Roger, Lord North to [ — — ]
1586, Aug. 21.	I am constrained with all possible speed to advertise your Excellency of a great peril, which is already most dangerously thrust into the bosom of your Lord Marshal, and, consequently, to us all. The Lord Marshal being by 11 o'clock as far as Sir John Norris's quarter, and willing both to leave your Excellency the best places which were assigned to him and us for quarterage, as also to lodge in the open field, as he did before Arnheim, and, to the end be might provide a fit place for your Excellency's tents, advanced himself a mile farther than Sir John Norris. And, as he was quartering at the place, there came unto him Captain Price, in the name of the Lord President, who told him that the Lord President did marvel at his proceedings, for that he would not accept such places as he had assigned unto him to lodge in. The Lord Marshal answered with great modesty, that he never did anything to the prejudice of him, nor willingly would do anything to discomfit him. Captain Price answered that the Marshal had not to do with the infantry, but with the cavalry. I will not enlarge every circumstance, only we let you know the matters that draw deepest into the honour and authority of the Lord Marshal; which hath also passed from Sir John Norris to Mr. Spencer, the Provost (sent by the Lord Marshal most lovingly to treat with Sir J. Norris) that he refuseth to obey his authority. He doth acknowledge him for a Marshal, but for no commander of him. To conclude, it groweth to head, for Sir Thomas Cecil entereth into the matter hotly. Let your Excellency send a supersedeas either to the one or other, for this ambition and horrible quarrelling with your principal officer is not tolerable.—At the Camp, 21 August 1586.
	P.S.—Despatch away this night, that order be with us in the morning.
	1½ pp.
	335. Sir William Stanley to the Earl of Leicester.
[1586.] Aug. 21.	Is sorry to acquaint him with such disorderly dealing as he has this day seen offered to the Earl Marshal by Sir John Norris, but, unless such wilful disobedience is promptly redressed, it will breed great dislike amongst many to continue in this service.—From the Camp, 21 August.
	1 p.
	336. The Master of Gray to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 22.	I received a letter of yours yesterday, but before the receipt I knew the prorogation of the Convention, and all the other things contained in it. As for matters of Court I can write little. At the Secretary being there last, nothing almost was said touching you, as I can learn, neither think I anything shall be said at this time; and my reason is, because yesterday I wrote to his Majesty, and marvelled that Mr. George Young passed away, and had not delivered your letters nor instructions. His Majesty's answer was, that he knew nothing but that they had been delivered, and where I wrote that it might be supposed that some hid mutter there had been, his answer was, that no man would think that but fools. So conclude I by this form of answer that nothing has been spoken to him touching you, at the least directly. But I have this day sent John Gibb to Court, to the end that nothing pass but I may know of it. As touching Arran, he has got sundry letters in his favour from the King, and, in his letters to the Duke of Guise and to the King of France, he has written a postscript with his own hand, but as yet I have not learned what it is. I suspect Arran shall not go away, and yet I know men has [sic] dealt with him to follow another course, and his answer has ever been that he is to go, and will obey the King. Sundry troubles fall in appearance forth, but, indeed, I see nothing more likely to breed a stir nor this matter between the Earl of Angus and his wife. For they are all bent, I mean her friends, to keep this day of her's; what comes of it you shall be advertised. As for the other matter ye know of, I see the divulging of it has sorely “impetchit” it. But I hear all parties think to go through with it. The King has advertised me, and ye shall here receive another advertisement of it, that it has been spoken to his Majesty to take heed to himself, for that I was meant presently to transport him into England; as you will more amply perceive by the letter sent to me by Roger. Let them know in England that this is done to counterpoise that which Captain Hatherston has shewn the King from her Majesty, that some practices there were to have conveyed his Majesty into Spain. If James Hudson be not yet come in with the gold, write a letter to haste him, for I regard more the bruit than the not coming of it. I have no more to say but memento mei cum veneris in regnum tuum, and send Willie Gray soon again with the two horses, and remember the King's lions' hound.—Dunfermline, 22 August 1586.
	P.S.—I am to be at Court on Wednesday next. Receive here enclosed Mr. Peter Young's expedition.
	2 pp.
	337. Sir Francis Walsingham to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 28.	Commending the bearer, Mr. Hudson, to his favour. Has committed some particularity to his report, wherein writer prays Douglas's order.—London, 28 August 1586.
	Signed.
	½ p.
	338. T. Cagnoli to Gilbert Curll.
1586, Aug. 30.	Concerning the repayment of a sum of 160 lire advanced to the latter.
	Italian. 3 pp.
	339. Thomas Kandolph to Archibald Douglas.
1586, Aug. 31.	Prays him to stay his wisdom whatever bruits he may hear, some of which have been dangerous, as he will learn at his coming, which is now so longed for and looked for that they begin to wonder what is become of him.
	His house is “princely prepared” and all in readiness, yet it would be well to give a day's notice of his coming.—London, the last of August.
	1 p.