Appendix: Miscellaneous 1557 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

Citation:

'Appendix: Miscellaneous 1557', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558, ed. Rawdon Brown( London, 1877), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1658-1673 [accessed 29 November 2024].

Miscellaneous 1557



March 13. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	157. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	Besides what I write in the public letters about the Pope's conversation with me, when speaking about cardinals he said to me, “Magnifico Ambassador, have you any one to suggest or recommend to me?” I replied, “Holy Father, by the Signory's orders I have no one to suggest or recommend except that personage for whom, contrary to his wont, his Serenity has constantly performed so many offices, knowing him to be worthy of that grade, by reason of his doctrine, goodness, and other honourable conditions, namely, the Patriarch of Aquileia.” (fn. 1) To this the Pope said, “The Signory has in truth evinced great affection for his person, and that most excellent Republic's testimony ought to be held in great account, but, as we told you, it is impossible to satisfy everybody.”
	Rome, 13th March 1557.
	[Italian.]
March 13. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	158. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	The Commissary General (fn. 2) sent me word this morning as follows: “I am desirous to make my mind known to the Signory, the unique ornament of Italy, and the universal port of refuge, by reason of my old friendship with you; so as it may come to pass that in consequence of the negotiations now current the Pope may have need of money, and it might be mooted to pawn some city (de impegnar qualche città), I wish you to write by this post to hear to what city the Republic would most willingly incline, so that in case the matter be discussed and that several means are proposed, I may say, Let us do this, and not that; all for the benefit of the Signory, to whom I wish all happiness and every greatness.” He added that what he communicated to me was spontaneous, without any order from the Pope.
	Rome, 15th March 1557.
	[Italian.]
March 20. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	159. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	To prevent the French from obtaining the Cardinals proposed by them, as written in the public letters, certain Imperial Cardinals adroitly gave the Pope to understand that to make them merely implied the gift of so many votes to the Cardinal of Ferrara, who would thus become the worthy successor of his Holiness, leaving it to the Pope's judgment and prudence to consider the result; which having touched the Pope to the quick, I have been assured that he said, “Never shall it be true that a simoniac succeeded me in this See,” and that of these Cardinals now elected four will assuredly give their votes to Carpi in case the papal chair fall vacant, namely, Dolero and Gislerio, and Vitelli, who always consulted Carpi in all his affairs, as also the Cardinal Gadi, and perhaps Strozzi; the fifth will join them to make a Pope, the natural enemy of the Duke and Cardinal of Ferrara, by both of whom Marshal Strozzi considers himself much offended. In my conversation with the Pope yesterday, when speaking about the Duke of Ferrara, he said to one that he was a very good son but was too reserved (assai bon figliolo, ma che andava resservato), and muttering between his teeth his Holiness said, “We will speak clearly to you, he does not choose to spend too much money.”
	Rome, 20th March 1557.
	[Italian.]
March 26. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	160. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	The Commissary and Treasurer General being today indisposed, I had an opportunity for thanking him for his goodwill, as ordered by your Lordships, who felt certain that if the occasion presented itself he would act in such a way as to have cause to congratulate himself. I assured him that if, as he had given me to understand, attention has been turned to the matter of Ravenna and Cervia, and if through his assistance any good conclusion be made the Signory will not fail to demonstrate their gratitude; warning him in conclusion that what I had said to him must be kept a close secret. He heard my statement much to his satisfaction, saying to me, “Rest assured, to reply first of all to your last demand, that the thing shall pass very secretly, as I also know the value of secrecy in similar matters. For the rest I must tell you that I did not proceed to any particular with the Pope, though should the war continue, I know that money cannot be found without these means. Here we have not one penny, nor the means of finding funds, and unless an effort be made at this commencement we shall lose troops, the State, and repute; so being aware of this necessity, I made that recent communication to you, and am glad it succeeded to my heart's content, for I was in fact thinking of Ravenna and Cervia, and I believe that it will certainly take place, and the gratitude anticipated by me from the most serene Signory is that they will know me to be their servant. Venice is the bulwark of Italy, and there I purpose spending the rest of my life. I will let you know what shall take place hereafter, and will induce (et vorrò) the Pope to speak to you on the subject. If I were to follow the army as commissary, the matter would be the more easily arranged. By reason of the difficulties which must necessarily occur, I shall be compelled to go in person and declare the necessity for raising a considerable sum of money, and use my endeavours to collect it.”
	Rome, 26th March 1557.
	[Italian.]
March 27. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	161. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	The Commissary and Treasurer General has quarrelled with Cardinal Caraffa, who told him he had better servants than he was, the Treasurer replying boldly that on no terms would he serve him, but that having now been sent by the King of France to serve the Pope, he should therefore take leave of his Holiness. I understand that the Pope, on hearing of this stir, said that he intends to keep the Treasurer about his person and with great authority.
	Rome, 27th March 1557.
	[Italian.]
April 4. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	162. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	The Commissary General having sent me word that he would gladly speak to me on going out of chapel, as he had something of importance to communicate, I went under pretence of paying him a visit, as he is still at home. He told me that as money must be found the Lords of the Council debated the sale of Ravenna and Cervia, the one town apart from the other, and from the report made to him it seemed that they were inclined to give it (che inclinassero darla) to the Dake of Ferrara for the following reason, that he is less powerful. The Commissary added, “I have chosen to let you know this, that the Signory, who are sage, may have some office performed in that quarter (de lì) in such form as will be well known to them, to prevent the Duke from giving ear to this negotiation.” After thanking him for this communication, I replied that the Roman Government is sage, and that they will make such choice as most advantageous for them, and that my firm belief was that your Serenity would not perform any office to prevent the purchase from being made by others, or to oppose the Pope's will, and that as to what I had imparted to him about your Serenity's desire, it was owing to his words and in consequence of the invitation given to me by him in a certain way, with the opinion of doing what would not be disagreeable to his Holiness.” He rejoined that nothing was yet settled, and that he hoped in God to have himself soon carried to the Pope, nor would he fail to perform such earnest office as might be expected from any other servant of the Signory.
	Rome, 4th April 1557.
	[Italian.]
April 10. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	163. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	Cardinal Caraffa's French Secretary has left him, carrying off many letters of Monseigneur de Vason, the predecessor of Monseigneur de Selve, the present French Ambassador at Rome, the letters having been written to Cardinal Caraffa by Monseigneur de Vason after his return to France.
	The Cardinal now suspects Monseigneur de Selve of having bribed his French Secretary to run away, which made Caraffa look askance on de Selve, to whose complaints the Cardinal replied, “I will reveal my suspicion of you.” De Selve replied, that he was a man of honour (che era homo da bene). Caraffa rejoined, “I do not know it.” To this De Selve replied, “If your right reverend Lordship does not know it, my King's knowledge of the fact is sufficient.” Owing to this casualty, which is, however, kept a very close secret, a report circulates of the speedy departure of de Selve. I also hear that the Cardinal Dean [de Bellai] is out of favour with the Caraffas (questi Signori), because he, as the Constable's dependant, exerted himself greatly to obtain the dispensation for Montmorency's marriage, about which he said that the fashion adopted by his Holiness in the Congregation, assembled for this purpose, was tyrannical, as he only allowed a few persons to speak, including the Sacristan, whom he in violent language abused because he seemed in favour of the dispensation, thus dismissing congregation. This having reached the Pope's cars through the Archbishop Vienne, who came hither lately from France, de Bellai is in great disgrace, and, under pretence of indisposition, has not shown himself for many days; and I know that when some one asked Cardinal Caraffa what ailed de Bellai, he said his brain was affected.
	Although these matters do not bear much on your Serenity's affairs, I nevertheless deemed it my duty to give advice of them to that Council, which may have some opportunity of turning them to account, and otherwise they will remain as if not written.
	Rome, 10th April 1557.
	[Italian.]
April 17. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	164. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	The Commissary having sent to tell me that being very seriously ill with gout and fever he was unable to come to me, but that if I could go to him without inconvenience he would talk to me about the business known to me. I went to him this morning, when he said to me, “Lord Ambassador, I am in bed and very doleful as you see on account of the most illustrious Signory, and for your sake, because on the day before yesterday I was for three hours with the Pope to tell him freely what none of his nephews nor any one else dares tell him, viz., that he must either wage the war in earnest, which cannot be done without a large sum of money, or else remit part of his dignity (remetter della sua dignità) and make peace as he can, for he has to do with a King Philip, who to say the truth is a great Prince having many States, and that he might create a schism, there being certain plausible reasons for his doing so.” [The Commissary also told the Pope] that through other ways and means his Holiness might find a sum of money insufficient for his need and tardy, but that were he to determine to sell Ravenna and Cervia, he, the Commissary, did not see who but the Duke of Ferrara or the Venetians could make the purchase; and that perceiving the unwillingness or perhaps the inability of the King of France to spend more than he is bound to do, and as any other supply obtained by his Holiness would be both tardy and feeble, he respectfully counselled him to treat this affair with your Serenity, praying the Pope to take in good part all that proceeded from a mind most devoted and attached to him, he the Commissary preferring reproof for having spoken freely, to silence about what was required for his Holiness' interests.
	The Pope replied that nothing could be more agreeable to him than so frank and loving an office, and that were Ravenna and Cervia to pass into your Serenity's hands, your power would render their recovery for ever difficult, the Pope calling to mind what the Church had experienced when you held them in deposit. To this the Commissary said that in the articles restitution on repayment of the money would be clearly stipulated. What I remarked was, that although the Commissary always talked to me about alienation and sale, their intention nevertheless is to give these cities as security (de impegnar queste città).
	He also told me that he used the following argument which seemed to him efficacious; that in this manner the Pope would not only make quite sure of your Serenity, who in reason (per ragion) could never fail this See Apostolic, but also sow distrust between you and King Philip, a result hitherto unattainable, although attempted in various ways. The Pope replied that these remarks were worthy of much consideration; that he would ponder them, and that the Commissary was to return to him, as he would do nothing without his counsel.
	From the day of this conversation until now, the Commissary has been indisposed, and therefore told me at the commencement that for your Serenity's sake and mine he was in his present condition, and that he had also chosen to communicate everything to me.
	He also told me that to raise money the Duke de Guise had proposed giving these cities to the Duke of Ferrara, but that neither Cardinal Caraffa nor any of the others dared propose it to his Holiness; that he (from his wish to serve Venice, where he would prefer being the last in rank to holding the first grade at Rome, and where he hoped to end his days) had done what he told me as above, hoping to conduct the affair according to your Serenity's wish and his own. I thanked him as becoming, adding that what he might do in this matter for your Serenity would be done for a very thankful Prince, whose gratitude would be demonstrated by facts. I also told him that should an opportunity again occur for speaking about this matter, it would seem to me not unfit to let the Pope and the Caraffas know, especially Marchese Montebello, that owing to the vicinity of the localities, he and his posterity might derive thence many favours and advantages. He replied, “This is a sage suggestion, and you have done very well to tell me of it, as I shall avail myself of it;” and taking me by the hand he said, “We will at any rate bring it to a good end, but it must be treated according to circumstances and with dignity”; telling me in conclusion that as soon as he can, he will try and discover something further, and if possible will come to give me account of it; if not, that I was either to send or go to him, as he will request me to do. He prayed me to write about this in cipher and to the Council of Ten, as the business must be conducted very secretly; and having assured him that this should be done, I prayed him in like manner that our conversations might remain a close secret, as I felt sure they would for several reasons.
	In the act of departure, I said to him, “Perhaps the Duke of Ferrara sent Fiaschini for this purpose?” The Commissary replied, “No, he came to demand certain moneys, and assistance of troops,” which corroborates what I wrote about his coming in the public letters.
	Rome, 17th April 1557.
	[Italian.]
April 24. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	165. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	I hear from Monsignor Dolfino, who says he had it from Marshal Strozzi, that all the necessary writings have been prepared for the privation of King Philip of the kingdom of Naples, and for its investiture in the second son of the most Christian King, according to the Pope's intention, but Cardinal Caraffa and the Duke of Paliano have hitherto stayed his Holiness, it being adverse to their own interests that the treaty of agreement should be broken, as would be inevitable in case of that privation and investiture, they telling the Pope that he can do it at any time.
	On the 3rd instant I wrote in the public letters, that the Pope had demanded of the Duke de Guise that the places held by the most Christian King belonging to the Siennese should be consigned to him, according to the agreement. I also notified the Duke's reply, purporting that he had no orders on this subject, but that he believed the King would not fail in what he had promised, and that his Majesty having to give these places in compensation for what he might acquire in the kingdom of Naples, he might wish first of all to see what progress was made in that quarter; and that he would write to the King accordingly. The answer has now arrived in conformity with what the Duke de Guise said, with this in addition, that King Henry knew not how, at this present time, to consign their State to the Siennese, who, having been long free, still hope one day to recover that liberty without much injury to themselves (senza molto offesa loro). The Caraffas, to remove this fresh cause also entirely from the King of France, have endeavoured with the Siennese Cardinal Mignanelli, who has great authority with these Siennese refugees, and induced them to consent to this, he working very hard to obtain favour with Cardinal Caraffa and his dependants for the Popedom, to which he aspires. They are also sending the Cardinal of Pisa [Scipione Rebiba] to France to inform King Henry that the Siennese are content to be given to the Duke of Paliano, and to ascertain the mind of the King, to whom, by this same Cardinal, they will send the Duke's son, as written by me long ago, in my public letters, that he was to be sent; and Rebiba is to tell the King that he has now in his hands all the scions of the Caraffa family, having already Marquis Montebello's son and now the only son of the Duke of Paliano, who are of more importance either than cities, fortresses, or anything else that the Caraffas could have given him. They are now consulting how to colour the mission of Rebiba under some other cause; and the intention of the Caraffa nephews is, should the King of France refuse, as they believe, to give them the places of the Siennese, to seize this occasion besides many others, such as the difficulty of the undertaking, the want of money, the calamities of the Court, and the ruin of the family, for demonstrating to the Pope that his most Christian Majesty, being solely intent on his own advantage, has no care for that of the Pope or his kinsfolk, and thus to induce him to treat an agreement with King Philip. Should the King of France in fact give them Sienna, they would arrange their affairs with him, for the greatness of their house, giving back Paliano, and the places of the Colonnas, for Sienna.
	A friend of mine also tells me that he heard from the Cardinal of Ferrara's agent here, the Provost of Ferrara, that when Fiaschini had audience of Cardinal Caraffa, instead of soothing he irritated him by saying that if they failed to do justice to his Duke he had the means to form new friendships, to effect which he was prayed and requested, and that he knew not what he could promise himself.
	I do not know whether these things are facts, or that they will take place, but I am in duty bound to write to your Excellencies what I know, and from whom I have it.
	Yesterday in the audience chamber the Commissary said to me, “This morning I spoke to Cardinal Caraffa about the affair that you know (del negotio che sapete), and we settled finally that nothing more can be done, and the matter must fall there (et che la cosa ha da cascar là) [at Venice ?]. I will conduct it with dignity, and some little time is required.” I replied, “Do your Lordship act as seems fit to you; the Signory cannot but remain satisfied with your good will.” I hear today that after I left the Pope the Commissary conferred with his Holiness, who became very angry with him, so that leaving him alone in the chamber the Pope withdrew in a great rage into his own apartment upstairs. The cause has not been told me, but I now see that there are already visible the fruits of the hatred borne him by Cardinal Caraffa, with whom all combatants are finally losers, and ever will be so.
	Rome, 24th April 1557.
	[Italian.]
May 1. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	166. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	I have been given to understand that the Pope intends to elect Cardinal Caraffa as his coadjutor, and that to see whether he can do so he is having the matter studied by some of his chiefest confidants, who, to gain favour with his Holiness and the Cardinal, are expected certainly to report that he can; and moreover on this subject it has been told me in addition that Cardinal Caraffa (which is true) causes himself to be accompanied and courted by Cardinals, a fashion never hitherto practised, and that to certain poor Cardinals he has sent pecuniary assistance. Lists are also made out daily of Cardinals who are entirely his, as also of those who cannot be gained by any means, and of those whom it may be hoped to win by benefits and acts of courtesy. The importance of this project, and what a tumult it might create in the world, I leave to the very sage judgment of your Excellencies, whom it is my duty to acquaint with what comes to my notice without discussing it farther. I will merely add that I understand that a similar thought and design came heretofore into the head of Pope Paul the Third, with regard to Cardinal Farnese, but, being warned of the scandal that would necessarily arise thence, he did not continue it.
	The person who told me what I wrote in my last to your Excellencies announced to me yesterday, through the same channel, that the Pope, who by the advice of his nephews would not deprive King Philip of the kingdom of Naples until he first sent to see whether Henry II. would keep his promise about the State of Sienna, being now urged by the Archbishop of Vienne and the French ministers here, has promised to make the privation, but not to give the investiture, pledging himself, when in possession of the State of Sienna, to invest the most Christian King's son with the kingdom of Naples, and to do whatever else the French please; and that his Holiness is determined to deprive King Philip not only of the kingdom of Naples, but of all royal administration, and of every other State, the bull being already drawn up, nor will its publication be long delayed. The Pope, in fact, lays little stress on proceeding to the privation, because he can always cancel it by a benediction; but the investiture cannot be repealed without great cause. His Holiness has always said that he would deprive those heretics and schismatics of all their realms, as written by me from time to time.
	Rome, 1st May 1557.
	[Italian.]
May 8. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	167. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	Besides what was said to my secretary by the Florentine Ambassador, as written in the public letters, he added, “I know all the designs and subterfuges (girandole) of these Caraffas, and I have written them to the Duke; at the fitting moment we shall lay hands on this person and that one.”
	To ascertain what was being treated in the secret congregation of the Inquisition alluded to in the public letters, I sent my secretary to Cardinal Carpi, from whom, although he was very reserved, my secretary nevertheless in the course of a long conversation elicited that they in fact discussed the privation of King Philip.
	What I write as having been said by the Pope to the Vice Protector of the Kingdom of England was told by Cardinal Morone himself to my secretary in person.
	Rome, 8th May 1557.
	[Italian.]
May 13. Original Despatch. Venetian Archives.	168. Benedetto de' Benedetti to the Marchioness of Monteferrat.
	I arrived in London where the King is last Monday, and this morning the Duke's Ambassador presented me to the Count de Feria, to whom I gave your Excellency's letter.
	Count de Feria has presented me to the King, accompanied by the Ambassador, and at a very gracious audience I informed his Majesty what your Excellency requires of him. He told us that he would see the memorial, and then dispose of it. It seems to the Ambassador that the King having come from Flanders solely to attend to his private affairs, there may be some difficulty, as we shall see in two days, when he is to give us the reply.
	From the Court in London, 13th May 1557.
	[Italian, signed.]
May 15. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	169. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	The person who spoke freely to the Pope about things as they are, is Marshal Strozzi, and therefore his Holiness chose him to go with the Duke of Paliano to the camp to investigate everything, and report, as written by me in the public letters.
	It was Cardinal Medici who told the Pope that he neither could nor ought to make the privation (far la privation) of King Philip; and, in short, all that I write comes from the lips of those who negotiate matters, and are on the spot, but it is not indeed necessary that what they say should all come true, as here they change their minds every moment.
	Rome, 15th May 1557.
	[Italian.]
May 22. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives.	170. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
	The Commissary General sent to tell me this morning that when I was passing his house in my coach, he should like to take his pleasure awhile with me (venir un pezzo a solazzo meco.) I did as he wished, and he told me that he had always discouraged the tax of one per cent., demonstrating to all of them the inconveniences to which it would give rise, viz., the length of time, the secession of some part of the Papal States; and that in the midst of so much discontent on the part of all Rome, and of the entire population, the people ought not to be exasperated farther, by giving them to understand that with their money, and at the cost of their lives, it was chosen to wage a voluntary war, the cause of which was in truth given by the Pope. When they told him that on this ground they could obtain a loan from the merchants, he replied that the scarcity of money was so great everywhere, that for the merchants' security, with the exception of Genoa, Venice, and Florence, they would not find ten thousand crowns in all the rest of Italy, should any one undertake this contract. He then continued, that having to do with a Pope of his age, he did not see what could be hoped, his consolation being, that he had freely stated his opinion, which was that of Strozzi and Cardinal Vitelli, in which two persons the Pope believed more than in argument, because he feared it would confute him. Under divers pretexts the Pope had not given the Commissary audience for several days, to the disapproval even of Cardinal Caraffa; but in the end everybody is compelled to assent to what the Pope wills (a quel che vol il Pontefice). When the Commissary spoke to his Holiness heretofore about the means of finding money, he seemed inclined to treat with your Serenity about Ravenna and Cervia, Cardinal Caraffa being of the same mind, they knowing that these were their sole resources (che questi soli erano vini exigibili), nor would more time be needed than was requisite for the stipulation of price and conditions, which however could not be less than two months. He also said, “I, who know the folly of the supplies raised here, am certain that they will be compelled to treat with you.” After a few words about his good will, and what he had communicated to me, I answered him that should your Serenity be requested on fair terms, thinking to do what is agreeable to his Holiness, you will not show yourself averse to this negotiation; and that all Christians and Italians ought to pray God that neither this nor any other sort of provision may become necessary. He exclaimed, “How like a good honest man you speak,” and the rest of his conversation was in praise of the Republic, the sole port of refuge for all unfortunates, and about his determination to end his days either at Venice or Padua, where he had the honourable post of Lecturer, and hoped to live, not without glory to himself, and with much advantage to that University, offering in any case of the Republic's need to serve you satisfactorily [as jurist ?]; to which I said laughing, “Your Lordship's exertions in favour of the Pope and the King of France have been such that you will not choose thus to lose them all at once, but the Republic of Venice cannot do otherwise than love such a man as you are, and wish you all welfare.”
	Besides what I write in the public letters, Cardinal Carpi says, on good authority, that the Pope evinces goodwill towards the agreement, because he wants to obtain a suspension of hostilities, to make the necessary provisions, and then to do worse than ever, but that the Imperialists are aware of this, having had the example of the 40 days' truce; so, being prepared, they will either make peace or war speedily.
	Rome, 22nd May 1557.
	[Italian.]
June 20. Original Despatch, Mantuan Archives.	171. Annibale Litolfi to Guglielmo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua and Marquis of Monferrat.
	London is the largest city in all England, being built on the river Thames, which here has the form of a bow, and consequently the town is shaped accordingly. At one extremity of it is a castle called the Tower, and at the other the suburb of Westminster, where the kings reside in a very large palace, most convenient with regard to apartments (stanze), but without much architecture, as usual in all the buildings of this country. Near the Tower there is a bridge across the river leading to the large borough of Southwark, which seems a separate town, and the bridge is so broad that there are shops on both sides, with a road in the middle, in some places covered and in others uncovered. The convenience of the Thames enables them to go along London town (in andar lungo la terra di Londra) in certain small long and narrow barks, which they call boats (botti). The tides of the ocean are felt ten miles above London in the Thames, the distance from the sea being one hundred miles.
	On entering the Tower, there is a serraglio in which from grandeur they keep lions and tigers and cat-lions.
	There is a great quantity of artillery in the Tower, and also outside, on the banks of the river. I counted them roughly, and estimated about 250 brass pieces, and 600 of iron, some of which are cast like those of brass (et da 600 di ferro, alcuni de' quali sono di ferro fonduto, et della istessa maniera che è quella di bronzo).
	In St. Peter's Church at Westminster there is a chapel much decorated with gold and marble, called King's Chapel, and at the foot of the steps beyond the high altar of the church there are the tombs of late kings and queens, with the names and achievements (imprese) of many of them, but their bodies (corpi) are at Windsor, in a church (chiesa) where the chapters of the Garter are held.
	At a short distance from St. Peter's Church is a hall one hundred paces in length by twenty-seven in breadth, where the kings are crowned. Justice is also administered there, both criminal and civil, though not during the whole year, but only for fifteen or twenty days during each season of the year, viz., spring, summer, autumn, and winter; wherefore they are called the four terms, when anyone demanding justice appeals to the proper tribunal, according to the matter to be treated. Except during these terms justice is done to no one, save by the criminal court of the Exchequer, which even passes sentence extraordinarily (anche straordinariamente).
	The dress of the judges is a long black cloth gown down to the feet, lined with vair, the sleeves being wide, and the gown has a cape; and on their heads they wear a cloth cap in the ducal fashion.
	The trade of the London merchants resembles that of Antwerp, they having correspondents in several parts of the world.
	Englishmen alone, but no foreigners, come to London to study law, which is not common law, nor any other sort of Latin literature, but certain particular laws, which serve them for common law. There is a literary university at Oxford, where they study common law.
	Besides this, there is the bear garden in Southwark, on the banks of the Thames, where they keep big dogs to rear for breeding, and to exercise them there are bears, wolves, and bulls; so for such purposes they become very good dogs (riescono buonissimi cani).
	This is what may be said in particular about London. At a short distance thence are pleasure palaces, such as Greenwich, Richmond, Quinton (sic), Hampton Court.
	With regard to their fronts, the houses and windows in this country are like those in Flanders and Germany, but as for the rooms, there is no imaginable order (non ci è un ordine al mondo), as the English merely look to convenience.
	Their building materials are very coarse, as not having good clay (terra) for making bricks, (fn. 3) they use wood mixed with mortar, earth, and straw, such as we use in the country, so that the walls are ugly (deformi), which is why they all use tapestries, and those who have none put canvas, on which they paint foliage. They have lately commenced building with bricks, most especially “i milordi,” but at great cost, and it is very usual to whitewash the houses, from the abundance of chalk, of which here they have mountains.
	When Englishmen meet, they shake hands in the German fashion, and the women kiss each other, as in France; but should a man meet any woman related to him, or his friend, he kisses her in the middle of the street, as he would in the house.
	The men usually wear a doublet with a long cloth gown lined with fur down to the ground.
	Those who wear cape and jerkin (cappa et saglio) used heretofore to dress in the Italian fashion, and they are now commencing that of Spain.
	A gentleman without any title or jurisdiction, who at Mantua would be styled “Messere,” is here called “Mister,” and he who has a title is styled “Milord.” They usually omit their Christian name, assuming their surname or that of the office held by them, as, for instance, Lord Paget takes his family name, and that of his office, “Lord Privy Seal,” which is the Queen's secret seal; and Cardinal Pole has also the title of “Lord” instead of “Monsignor.”
	Such gentlemen (questi tali gentilhuomini) are accompanied by their servants, more or less according to their grades and revenues, all of them in doublets without kirtle (cappa) or cloak. One of these servants usually follows with a valise on his shoulder, or a cloth bag, containing the master's cloak, hat, a book, and other things; the rest of the servants all carry a little round buckler, with a sword, many of them having two, one out of the girdle and the other within it. Such swords are now of the usual length, but heretofore they were one and a half handed, and even double-handed (ma altre volte le portavano da una mano et meza, et anche da due mani). Those who wear a long gown instead of a Spanish cape have their sword and buckler carried by one of their servants.
	The “miladis” use neither carts (carretti) nor coaches, but go on horseback, preceded by footmen and followed by maids of honour (damigelle) on foot, or they have one or two of them on horseback. These maids of honour are usually of noble birth and even related occasionally to those in whose service they are; for it is the custom in England for the eldest daughters (sic) and the eldest sons to inherit everything, the younger children not only having no share in the property, but waiting on their elder brothers as servants (ma servono anche per servitori i fratelli maggiori).
	The costume of the female nobility is almost in the French fashion, but the others differ most especially in dressing their heads, which they cover, even below the ears, with linen cloth, over which they wear a coif or cap of white woollen cloth, either round or triangular, or else they wear a large hat of shaggy velvet (o vero ci portano un cappello largo di velluto piloso).
	All these women here in general have a handsome presence, fine complexions, and great liberty of action (et hanno gran libertà nel praticare), as no one enquires what they do, either at home or abroad, which causes them to be slightly continent, and they would perhaps be even less chaste, if not deterred by the rigour and severity used against those who are taken upon the fact, although their craftiness has now devised a counterplot, for under pretence of going for meals here and there, they do what they like. This loose custom is common all over England, so that married women most especially, either alone or with a female companion, will accept a repast, not only from a countryman, but with a foreigner, and should the husband find her with such a one, not only does he not take it amiss, but will shake hands with him, returning thanks for the invitation given to his wife.
	I do not, however, say that this familiarity is never exempt from misconstruction, for if perchance any female is found sinning, they first of all call the neighbours, who are bound to bear witness, and also an officer of justice, who in like manner is compelled to go, even at midnight. Both of them are seized, but for the most part only the woman, whom they punish according to her quality and the circumstances of the case, in conformity with which, they either confine her in a wooden cage for a day and a night, or they place her on a cart and take her through the town; or else they put her on a wooden chair, pierced in the middle and secured to the end of a beam, placed on the water, and the beam moving up and down, they make her take a bath below the waist; or else they imprison her in a house destined for this purpose, with a short allowance of bread and water, weaving wool or doing some other work.
	In this same house they place male prisoners, whose punishment it is to turn a mill all day long; which is the same sort of penalty that the ancients inflicted on their servants.
	There are no public brothels (luoghi publici di dishonestà non ci sono).
	This good may be said of the women in general, that they are of ready wit (di bello ingegno), as shown by their prompt replies, and many of them, above all, the nobility, are very learned in Greek and Latin.
	As regards women, the English do not hold honour in account, nor even in many other matters, for neither when the lie is given them nor for other abusive words will they be induced to fight, but rather from some caprice, and after exchanging two or three stabs with a knife in the German fashion (coltellate alla Tedesca), even when they wound each other, they make peace instantly, and go and drink together. If two enemies meet they do not fail to salute and shake hands with each other, but should the opportunity present itself they take their revenge.
	The English are naturally the enemies of all aliens, but they hate the French and Spaniards most of all; nor do I believe that it proceeds from vicinity, for they do not dislike the Flemings, though they are their neighbours. They are very friendly to the Italians, and really resemble us greatly in air and exterior appearance, except that they are taller (più grandi di noi), and also consider themselves handsomer than any other nation in the world, so that whenever they see a handsome foreigner they say he looks like an Englishman.
	England was anciently considered so inhospitable that Horace, wishing to show that the man who had the courage to live amongst Englishmen was brave, said:
	“Visam Britannos hospitibus feros.” (fn. 4)
	Many Englishmen eat five or six times a day, and more of meat than of anything else, so that more butchers are seen in London than in any two of the chief towns of Lombardy; and a certain individual, being asked what he thought of London, replied, “It seems to me worthy of the title of the first town in the world for shambles.” Another person remarked that the English eat and the Flemings drink.
	With all this eating the English are long lived, which may be attributed to their mild climate, for in truth it is so good and temperate that it could not be better.
	On this island there are neither bears, wolves, nor lions, nor similar wild beasts; and from what they say they have no venomous serpents.
	They have great plenty of herds and flocks, most especially of sheep, which they shear only once a year; but the wool is so fine that the Spanish wools cannot be compared to it, so that English cloth is superfine, and quite perfect.
	In England there is a very great quantity of wild rabbits, and their skins serve for the linings of (men's ?) gowns.
	There are studs of horses, almost all of them for the saddle, but they cannot stand fatigue, having weak feet. The studs were handsomer and better than at present, before King Edward destroyed the monasteries, as the abbots and bishops attended to them more than these “milordi” do.
	In no place is there finer tin than in England, which also abounds in everything else, viz., grain, fruit, and vegetables, except wine and oil. Heretofore they had vines, but they say that the grapes ripened ill. They have as much wine as they want from France, and very cheap; and as to beer, there is none better than that of England. In short, the whole country is beautiful and good; and in proportion to its beauty the worse are the natives; so the man who said that England was a paradise inhabited by devils did not deceive himself.
	They are generally slothful (poco industriosi), and greatly love their ease (commodità), as seen in many things, and particularly in this, that there is no male or female peasant (villano nè villana) who does not ride on horseback, and miserable must that man be who follows his cart on foot. Thus the rustic on horseback drives the oxen or horses of his team, and hence comes it that England is also called the land of comforts (di qui viene che Inghilterra si chiama anche il regno delle commodità).
	The English are said to be naturally very obstinate, and that “ducuntur non trahuntur,” but they are also fickle, and most inconsiderate in their actions; they are extremely courageous, and the more so in proportion to the difficulty of the undertaking.
	The English, as Petrarch wrote in the verse “a cui morir non duole,” have been often seen to go to the stake and gibbet laughing, and, as it were, ridiculing such martyrdom; and many persons, members of whose families have been hanged and quartered, are accustomed to boast of it. Lately a foreigner, having asked an English captain if any one of his family had been hanged and quartered, was answered, “not that he knew of.” Another Englishman whispered to the foreigner, “Don't be surprised, for he is not a gentleman.”
	With respect to military order, they observe it in some things, especially in quartering troops (nello alloggiare), but when they are in the field no sooner is the place appointed than they range themselves, so many on each side (per quartiero), to design the rampart (vallo), which they surround with waggons so well joined together that they serve for a strong wall against any assault, especially against charges of cavalry. There is a difficulty in keeping English garrisons in towns, though they very willingly encamp. The defensive arms of a foot soldier are an iron or stout canvas buckler, or one of coarse canvas stuffed with tow, wool, or cotton.
	London, 20th June 1557.
	[Italian, imperfect.]
June 24. Original Despatch, Mantuan Archives.	172. Annibale Litolfi to Francesco Tosabella, Ducal Secretary and Warder of Mantua.
	Ardinghello, who resides with this King in the name of the Farnese family, came hither post-wise, and returned to Brussels with his commission in two days, an unusal event at the Court. Nobody knows what Ardinghello is negotiating; some say that the Duke of Parma, instigated by King Philip, will not only oppose the Duke de Guise, should he have to pass through his territory, but that the Duke of Parma will especially attack the Duke of Ferrara. Others say that as the Duke of Parma would not allow the Marquis of Pescara a short time ago to give battle to Guise in the Parmesan territory, still less will he think of fighting him, and that as to Ferrara, it is not credible that he will meddle with it. I merely write the above as reported.
	London, 24th June 1557.
	[Italian, signed.]