Venice: December 1557, 16-31

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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'Venice: December 1557, 16-31', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558, ed. Rawdon Brown( London, 1877), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1396-1407 [accessed 25 November 2024].

'Venice: December 1557, 16-31', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Edited by Rawdon Brown( London, 1877), British History Online, accessed November 25, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1396-1407.

"Venice: December 1557, 16-31". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Ed. Rawdon Brown(London, 1877), , British History Online. Web. 25 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1396-1407.

December 1557, 16–31

Dec. 17. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1109. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
I went this morning by appointment to the Cardinal Legate. Caraffa, who, making it appear that he was sent by the Pope for the purpose, as written by me yesterday, (fn. 1) of persuading his Majesty to make peace with the King of France, made me a long discourse comprising the reasons to be assigned to that effect, as set forth in his “instruction,” which he gave for my perusal. The document merely contains general offices (officij generali), demonstrating the Pope's great desire for the public quiet, and for the conservation (et della conservatione) of the religion. It speaks with great honour of both sovereigns, but at the close it rather reproaches the King of France with having so often broken the peaces and treaties made by him. The Cardinal discussed these topics with me for a long while; and then, passing to other particulars not included in his commission, said that considering the arguments in favour of these Princes making peace, necessity ought to compel them thus to do, so that neither one nor the other having money, nor the means for long continuance of war, peace might easily be hoped for; but he suspects that this King will hold to the point of honour, and that the other one will be inflamed by passion (sarà infiammato dal sdegno), so that this negotiation is difficult, but that he would not fail performing every possible office, and will remain here as long as he sees any hope of peace, nor think of returning until that hope vanishes. I rejoined commending the Pope and his Lordship for their exertions in seeking the public tranquillity, which was so necessary for Christendom; and after telling me that he had commenced negotiating with the King yesterday, and that Don Ruy Gomez was to go to him to-day, and that he would communicate everything to me; he then said, that he had not yet spoken about his own family affairs (cose sue particolari), and that they were situated thus, that not being agreed about the compensation for Paliano, your Serenity was to be judge concerning what is claimed by others who consider themselves wronged by the House of Caraffa; and his most illustrious Lordship wished the whole to be submitted to King Philip's council of justice.
After this the Cardinal, conversing about the affairs of the day, did not seem much satisfied with the Duke of Florence, and said that his ambassador here had scarcely visited him (appena è stato a vederla). Of the Duke of Parma [Ottavio Farnese] he speaks very honourably, and excuses his Excellency for not having carried on the war against Ferrara properly, because he has few troops, and never received money for their pay; and I have heard from a person of great authority, that it has been proposed to give to that Duke's son a niece of Cardinal Caraffa, for which purpose a secretary of his Excellency's has come hither to obtain the consent of King Philip, who has not yet replied, because he believes that in this way the Duke of Parma is trying to get his son away from Brussels.
From the frontiers nothing is heard of any stir, nor is M. de Vaudemont seen to negotiate anything of importance.
Brussels, 17th December 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 18. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. 1110. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
The Duke of Paliano, when telling my secretary the news from France, said that his son the “Marchesino,” and Don Giovanni Pietro his nephew, are well; that the French talk of dismissing them on the first demand, which would be well; so he hoped that on the receipt of the Pope's last letter, they would be set at liberty. He also said that from the Court of King Philip he had advice that his Majesty was sending Don Diego de Azevedo to pay his respects to the Pope; that he had sent a Flemish personage whose name was not written, to meet his brother the Cardinal [Carlo Caraffa], and that great preparations were being made to receive him with much honour.
Rome, 18th December 1557.
[Italian.]
Dec. 19. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1111. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
As the Legate Caraffa told me that he had commenced treating the peace with the King, I went to him yesterday, expressing your Serenity's constant wish for the public quiet, and the glory his Majesty would obtain by being the author of it. He listened to one very attentively, nor do I believe he lost one word of what I said, for in reply he made me a long discourse, purporting that he was really inclined towards peace, and that he would never have made war had he not been compelled to do so, repeating what he had so often said about the restless mind of the King of France, his too great cupidity, and his bad faith (et della poca fede di quello); saying that the Lord God had favoured the cause of justice by giving these victories to his Majesty, who for his own part wished them all to farther the common weal, and that he desired nothing more earnestly than the pacification of Christendom, without which the religion could not be preserved, nor resistance be offered to the Infidels, whose forces had now been increased by discord amongst Christians; adding that all these evils originated with, and were fomented by, the King of France, who so repeatedly broke peace with the Emperor without any cause; doing the like lately by the truce, which he had stipulated under oath, and with so many solemnities; so King Philip did not believe that a lasting and secure peace could be made. In the course of my rejoinder, I having said that owing to the nature of the times, it was credible that his most Christian Majesty would be moved by reason of the common weal (dalla ragione del ben pubblico); King Philip replied, that mankind is wont to be moved by reason, but not the King of France; and continuing the conversation he said that as your Serenity had written to your ambassador in France to negotiate there, it would be well to await the result. From the whole course of this colloquy, I clearly understood that the King wished your Serenity to take this entire negotiation on yourself, as told me expressly by the Duke of Savoy and others; but I limit myself to general expressions, nor shall I do otherwise until I receive some fresh order; my belief being, that the want of supplies for waging war will take more effect in this business than the Legate's good offices or mine.
Brussels, 19th December 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 19. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1112. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
Yesterday the Duke de Nevers arrived at the court on his return from his march towards the enemy's country in the direction of Picardy, making it appear that he meant to attack Luxemburg, so that by this feint the Spaniards might withdraw their forces from elsewhere to garrison the fortresses in that province. This being done, he made it appear that he had changed his mind, and sent his troops by forced marches to join those of M. de Guise. This stratagem not only divided the enemy's forces, but removed them to a much greater distance, thus giving M. de Guise in the meanwhile convenience to effect his intention, with less doubt of its being discovered. By advices from the camp, it is now heard that the troops of M. de Nevers are in number 10,000, counting those of the Colonel Rincroft, a regiment of Switzers, and the rest F . . . . . . (Frenchmen ?). They were to arrive at Compiegne on the 16th of this month, M. de Guise being still there, with part of the Switzers and the cavalry, awaiting solely this reinforcement to follow the others, who two days ago were at Montreuil, more than 18 leagues distance from Calais, and they were still marching accompanied by 600 blacksmith horse (seicento cavalli ferraruoli), so that when all united they will amount to 30,000 infantry. They suffer not a little from the hard weather, so that the cavalry, being unable to stand this cold in the open country, diminishes every day, from 40 to 50 foot soldiers dying daily, the supplies of charcoal and other conveniences brought to the camp by the King's order not sufficing; but neither from this nor from other impediments do they renounce the undertaking, but pursue it resolutely.
Although the Nuncio presses for a decision about the return of the Pope's great nephews, he is unable to obtain it, the Queen [Catherine de Medici] having already told him that the King would consider it a reproach (vergogna) were they not present at the espousals of the Dauphin and the Duke of Lorraine, so that they might at least give account of them to his Holiness, and now this is one of the impediments and respects alleged for not allowing them to depart.
Giordano Orsini sent hither his secretary to give account of affairs in Corsica, he having recovered all that had been occupied by the enemy, which gave the King so much pleasure that whereas previously he had intended to recall him, he will now have him supplied with whatever he requires, and although the Grand Prior of France has been appointed to Corsica with ten galleys, he is nevertheless to obey Orsini and to depend on him.
Poissy, 19th December 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 20. Deliberazioni Senato (Secreta) v. 70, p. 132 tergo. 1113. Motion made in the Senate for a Letter to the Venetian Ambassador at Rome.
In your letters of the 8th and 11th instant, you mention having heard that the bulls conferring the coadjutorship of Brescia on the nephew of Cardinal Durante are being drawn up. We charge you to request the Pope to take into due consideration what we sent him word heretofore, about not admitting the nephew of Cardinal Durante by reason of the importance of that city, which is one of the principal fortresses and frontiers of our State. We hope his Holiness will not choose by the despatch of these bulls to cause us so important an anxiety as this would be. If you think it advantageous, state about this matter with the Cardinal of Alexandria [Fra Michiel Gislerio] or with other Cardinals there, dilating on the particulars heard by you at the Court of Rome concerning the nephew of Cardinal Durante. (fn. 2)
Ayes, 175; noes, 2; neutrals, 7.
[Italian.]
Dec. 23. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1114. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
For the continuation of the war during the coming year, these States have agreed to pay 60 ensigns of infantry and 8,000 horse, for six months, and the pay is according to the ancient custom of the country, viz., five crowns per month per horse, and two and half crowns per foot soldier; but as in times of such great scarcity, troops could not be had at so low a rate, the States will disburse the money for expenditure at the King's option, but with this condition, that it be spent solely on German and native soldiery; and each monthly payment will amount to 130,000 crowns, forming a total of 800,000 crowns for six months. They will also give 20 paid ships for defence against the French fleet in these seas. There is no other provision for the war.
Besides this the States consent to ransom all the royal revenues of these provinces in eight years, thus—they are to have the whole of the King's property in their hands during that period, allowing him 400,000 crowns annually, and on the expiration of the eight years, they will restore all his revenues to him free; and although this be a great bargain (sia un gran partito), the King nevertheless is not quite satisfied with it, as he wished to have the whole sum in ready money, or at least of the last four years; but to this the States will not consent, as they suspect that his Majesty being then in want, they would have to pay a fresh contribution, or to let him again mortgage the revenue.
This resolution is considered of great moment, as should the war continue, it will enable him to provide through other channels for his remaining need.
I have nothing more to tell about the peace, except that in reply to Cardinal Caraffa's exhortations the King told him he wished for peace in any way, provided it can be had lasting and secure, and that he would even sacrifice something of his own to obtain it, but that he was to keep this secret to himself, and to rest assured of this the King's will, although he were to see him evince punctiliousness, as it would merely be for the sake of obtaining a better result; and that on the arrival of advices from the Legate in France, which are expected hourly, or from your Serenity's ambassador with account of his negotiation with the King, he would be able to form a more grounded resolution about what is to be done; all which the Cardinal imparted to me in confidence. But whatever advice I may receive from my colleague I shall not proceed farther without a fresh order from your Serenity, to whom I have also to announce the news here, that although Sultan Soliman has promised, at the suit of the most Christian King, to send his fleet to sea, he nevertheless stipulates this condition, that he is not to make either peace or truce with King Philip, without his the Sultan's consent, and that of this he chooses to be assured; which causes a belief here that the King of France will not let it appear that he has a wish for peace.
Brussels, 23rd December 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 24. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1115. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
The high personages here are of opinion that the stir made by the Switzers about not choosing any longer to serve the French in Piedmont proceeds from the offices performed by this side, for I am assured that the Duke of Savoy has done so much with some of those cantons that he has great hopes, and almost the certainty, of renewing the ancient league of his house with them for the conservation and defence of their common states. To effect this he sent into those parts lately the Count of Ciliano (fn. 3) with very ample authority to make an agreement with that nation, and if effected it will give these Lords (questi Signori) greater hope of alienating the Switzers from France entirely, and gaining them for Spain, as has long been projected.
I moreover understand that the Switzers are about to send ambassadors to both these Kings, to exhort them to make peace, or rather, in their barbarous fashion (anzi più presto con li barbari modi loro), to threaten them, for the Bishop of Terracina tells me that they will give it to be understood to one and the other that they shall attack whichever of them fails to accept fair terms. But for all this Switzers are still seen in the French service on these frontiers, and recent advices purport that the army is going towards St. Omer; so these ministers suspect some plot in that fortress, and have ordered the neighbouring militia to keep in readiness to march at the first command, though as yet nothing farther has taken place.
The Legate Caraffa has been several times with the King, and gains repute daily, and from what he himself and his attendants say, it seems that he has turned completely in favour of this side, and is intent on nothing but showing this by word and deed (con l'animo et con li effetti). When talking with his Majesty he throws all the blame of past affairs on his ministers, persuading the King by plausible arguments that the alliance with France was not voluntary but from necessity, as communicated by his Lordship to me this morning in a long discourse, which it would be superfluous to write, but the conclusion was that the affairs were proceeding very well; that the King showed himself most inclined to his Holiness (inclinatissimo verso sua Santità), and well disposed towards the peace, promising that his Lordship should leave his presence much satisfied. I do not yet hear that anything was said about particulars, but from what was hinted to me by the Bishop of Terracina, the Cardinal seems to have in view the Duchy of Bari, lately vacant through the death of the Queen, (fn. 4) though there are many difficulties both on account of the King of Poland and for other reasons; but the ambassador from Florence suspects the Legate of aspiring to the affairs of Tuscany. (fn. 5) Cardinal Caraffa also told me that the King does not choose him to treat his affairs with anyone but his Majesty, and that he will communicate everything to me from time to time, as I think he has done hitherto, very confidentially, but whatever I can learn of importance, either from his Lordship or from others, shall be written by me to your Serenity immediately.
M. de Vaudemont is still here; it is not heard that he is treating anything about peace, but rather about giving a wife to the Duke of Lorraine, for he has brought hither the portraits of that Duke and of his promised consort, the daughter of the most Christian King. He has endeavoured to obtain the release of his kinsman the Duke of Montpensier, who will pay 50,000 crowns to the Count de Mansfeldt, which is a very heavy ransom considering his property, which is said not to be worth so much.
The Rhinegrave (fn. 6) and the Marshal de St. André, (fn. 7) late prisoners of the Duke of Brunswick, are in the King's power (sono stati condutti in poter di questa Maestà), he having bought them of the Duke for 60,000 ducats.
Brussels, 24th December 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 25. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1116. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
Since my last of the 19th, the army has continued its march in two divisions, the vanguard with a considerable body of cavalry being led by Marshal Strozzi, to whom by an unusual demonstration its command was given, he until now never having received any charge whatever in the many expeditions of armies in this kingdom, but always serving and busying himself (et adoperarsi) without any office.
He has now arrived in the enemy's territory, and is expected either to day or to-morrow to be under the appointed place, where he moreover would have been much sooner, had he not greatly to his distress been detained for several days by the Master-General of the Ordnance, M. d'Estrées, who would not give up the command to him without a written order from the Duke de Guise; so he fears lest this delay increase the difficulty of the undertaking, as the enemy will have had time to discover it, and in the meanwhile to make provision.
The army with M. de Guise took another route, keeping the upper road towards New Hesdin, not only for greater convenience as to quarters and victuals, but to deceive the enemy by indicating one place, and turning to another. They do not cease sending daily from Paris to the camp every sort of ammunition, and from day to day fresh cavalry from every part of the kingdom passes on as it arrives.
The Cardinal of Lorraine, told the Nuncio what the King had determined about the departure of the Pope's great nephews, in conformity with what I wrote, making excuses about the bad weather, and expressing also a wish for them to be present at these espousals; waiting to see whether after this reply the Pope will repeat his demand with more earnestness, so that he may then satisfy him.
Poissy, 25th December 1557.
[Italian.]
Dec. 25. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. 1117. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
On Thursday morning a courier arrived here from the Court of King Philip, with letters from his Majesty dated the 8th instant, to the Cardinals Pacheco and Santafiora [Guido Ascanio Sforza, Cardinal “Camerlengo,”] praying them to present an autograph letter from him to the Pope, apologizing for not having written before, or sent to his Holiness. The Cardinal “Camerlengo” showed my secretary what is written to the Pope, expressing in substance the King's great satisfaction at the peace with his Holiness, for the benefit of all Christendom, and for his own satisfaction; that he desired nothing else but to be able to revere and serve the Pope, and to be held for that good son of this Holy See which he is. He excuses himself by saying that the war, and his personal indisposition, were the cause of his not having written previously to his Holiness; and also because he had appointed his maggiordomo, who is also a member of his council, Don Diego de Azevedo, to come and present his Majesty's respects to him.
One Isabella de Luna, a famous Spanish courtezan, and a girl by name Pandora, who was being educated under her superintendence (che si arlevava sotto la disciplina di costei), were to have been arrested by the Pope's order, because Pandora's mother complained that her poor virgin daughter had been sold and brought to mischief (et fatta mal capitar) by that Isabella, but the two had already both fled from Rome, which made the Pope very angry with the Duke of Paliano, to whom he said that Cardinal Caraffa never failed to do at once whatever his Holiness commanded, but that he could not say so of him; to which the Duke says he replied, that his brother said he had done many things which he Paliano had effected, but that he had the good fortune to be more credited (al che dice il Duca haver risposto che suo fratello diceva haver fatto molte cose che erano state fatte da lui, ma che havea questa ventura di esser più creduto) than the Cardinal; that he would nevertheless do everything to capture these women. On that very day he made the Pope's postmaster and the Sheriff (et il barisello) mount on horseback, and sent them post haste to this effect; they returned on Wednesday with the aforesaid courtezans their prisoners, who were put into Castle St. Angelo, a place which is not usually assigned as a prison for any but persons of importance, and on that same day their deposition was taken by the Commissary-General and by Giovan Battista Montelli, the Duke of Paliano's “auditor.” The arrest of these courtezans causes much comment; for it is notorious that Cardinal Caraffa and Marquis Montebello had close intercourse (stretta pratica) with them; and the Duke of Paliano has been heard to say that he regrets having been compelled to execute this arrest (a far questa essecutione), because he would not wish the world to believe that he had done it for any design of his own (per qualche suo rispetto).
The grant of audiences is more and more restricted daily, and although his Holiness appoints them, causing Cardinals and ambassadors to go for that purpose, detaining them for a long while, he does not let himself be seen, and has them dismissed; so the Florentine ambassador was heard to say that he is not surprised at the Pope's not giving audience to those who want anything from him as it is not given even to him, who has to speak to his Holiness about his own affairs and those of his nephews. Cardinal Vitelli, when speaking on this subject, said that neither the Duke of Paliano nor other members of the council can conclude any business with his Holiness, because when they go to him, he begins to talk, and having said out his say, he dismisses them.
Rome, 25th December 1557.
[Italian.]
Dec. 25. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. 1118. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Chiefs of the Council of Ten.
A prelate my friend has given me to understand that Cardinal Caraffa had spoken with the Dukes of Florence and Parma about a league against the Duke of Ferrara, and that he is about to negotiate it with the King Catholic, dividing the said Duke's state between them; and they are discussing the mode of waging the war, and of besieging Ferrara, in the direction of Venice, cutting the dikes on the Po (tagliando arzeri del Po); but I can indeed assert that these close negotiations of Cardinal Caraffa with the Duke of Florence and his Excellency's ambassador here caused suspicion to many persons; the Ferrarese ambassador having said that he anticipates extreme mischief, and has advised his Duke about it. Moreover Cardinal Carpi, who of late was not in favour with the Pope, is now caressed by him, and during the last few days his Holiness has held three long conferences with him, praising him both in public and private, having had him told by Cardinal Saraceno to attend to his health, that he may live for the benefit of this See. The Cardinal of Carpi told the Florentine ambassador that his Holiness has promised him every assistance for the affairs of Carpi, and it was said that Cardinal Caraffa will urge King Philip to make over to him his Majesty's credit of some 200,000 crowns with the Apostolic Chamber, on account of the war of Parma, (fn. 8) as compensation for Camerino, and give the credit to the Duke of Paliano, that he may marry his son the young Marquis to the eldest daughter of the Duke of Urbino, Donna Virginia, who has a considerable credit due to her from Camerino in right of her late mother the daughter of [Gio. Maria]. (fn. 9) Varano, the last Duke of that state, and thus establish the Caraffa family as much as possible. (fn. 10) My secretary having adroitly dropped a hint about this to Cardinal Carpi, his right reverend Lordship said that the Pope would never have lavished so many caresses upon him on account of Camerino, as he might rely on never having his vote in that matter, nor in any other that treated of alienating even one single battlement of the Church, knowing as he does that the Pontiffs have to be the administrators of this state and not its alienators; but that his Holiness might have some other design, and that he had discovered in these Caraffas (in questi Signori) but little good will towards the Duke of Ferrara; adding, “I do not willingly speak about that Duke's affairs, as I might be thought impassioned, (fn. 11) but to the ambassador and to you, in whom I can trust as in myself, I say that the Duke of Ferrara might come to harm (potria farla male), for from what is heard King Philip evinces great anger towards him, and were his Majesty to give the investiture of Modena and Reggio to the Church, either this Pope or another might recover those cities. I do not know anything with foundation, but speak thus as of myself with regard to what might happen.” Then on another occasion Cardinal Carpi said to my secretary that what with his own and that of others, the King Catholic would satisfy the Caraffa family; and some days previously his right reverend Lordship laboured to demonstrate that there was no occasion to fear lest the war of Ferrara should make King Philip greater, because he did not desire anything of that state for himself, but to divide what was taken amongst the Italian Princes; the Cardinal saying, “The Signory likewise would take a little of Ferrara, as it would secure the Polesine for them;” to which the secretary replied that your Serenity had no other wish than to see Italy at rest, and that all should enjoy their own, and that for so great a blessing as peace, you had not failed, and never would. The Cardinal said it was impossible not to commend the goodwill and prudence of your government; but that opportunities should not be lost. I have also to add, concerning King Philip's letter, the “Camerlengo” [Guido Ascanio Sforza] said to my secretary, that the Pope, on seeing King Philip's letter, said that if his Majesty assisted him in the matter of religion, he would then do whatever he could ask of him; that his Holiness would show himself more neutral than ever; because, if in the affairs of the religion the King of France failed subsequently to do his duty, the Pope might have greater right to chastise him (castigarlo); nor could he refrain from demonstrating dissatisfaction with the French, saying that he had infinite patience in tolerating their iniquities, and the devastation perpetrated by them in Romagna and the March of Ancona, thus causing the famine of Rome, as had not those provinces suffered, there would have been no scarcity of grain. Cardinal Sforza added that as to the ill will of the Caraffas, towards the Duke of Ferrara and all the others (et di tutti li altri) it surpassed exaggeration, because disturbances are suited to those who have nothing to lose, though he was of opinion that King Philip, who is well disposed, being also counselled by his ministers in Flanders, and his negotiators here, to do what is most for his advantage, viz., to adjust matters with the Italian Princes, that he may employ all his forces for the recovery of Piedmont, and make much important progress in those parts, to the detriment of the French, will always be more intent on quieting Italy by negotiations than on coercing her with his armies; an opinion which Cardinal Sforza said was apparently shared by the Dukes of Florence and Parma, who reckon more on establishing themselves through peace than by war.
Rome, 25th December 1557.
[Italian, in cipher throughout.]
Dec. 30. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1119. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
Since my last, owing to the Christmas holidays and in expectation, of letters from France, the Legate's negotiations have been suspended. His Lordship tells me that they cannot be long delayed, and that should he thus learn that the most Christian King is disposed towards the peace, he hopes to propose fair terms for both sides, though I could not learn from him what they are, as he will not disclose them until sure of the French King's mind.
The negotiation of the Legate's other affairs will commence shortly, King Philip having placed his matters in the hands of the Bishop of Arras and of Don Ruy Gomez. One concerns the regulation of the nationality of Spain (le naturalità de Spagna), which is an edict issued heretofore by the Emperor, forbidding any but a native to have a benefice in those realms, which seems to be contrary to the ecclesiastical liberty. Another concerns the “regulation of the monarchy of Sicily,” an ancient statute so called, whereby lay magistrates in that kingdom have free power over the ecclesiastics there. The third makes provision that the processes drawn up in Sicily against heretics be sent to the tribunal of Rome, whither the Pope apparently intends every case of heresy throughout Christendom to devolve (al quale pare, che sua Santità intenda, che sia devoluta tutta questa causa della heresia, da tutta la Christianità). The Legate told me that these and other similar things will be treated forthwith; and the private affairs of his Lordship and of his family, which matter most in this negotiation, have (he tells me) not yet been discussed at all, and that he is to treat them with the King himself, who has promised to make him depart content. But the Count de Feria, although he confirmed the King's intention of satisfying the Legate on his departure, added that his Majesty nevertheless will not abandon those who have served him, wishing them also to be contented. Nor did the Count finish his discourse without giving it clearly to be understood that the King and all his councillors place little trust in Cardinal Caraffa, though his Majesty will always treat with him sincerely and truthfully. Many things are said about the particulars by the vulgar, but being all without sure foundation, I can as yet assert nothing certain.
The French are not known to have made any fresh stir.
Brussels, 30th December 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 31. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1120. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
Having been to visit the Legate, I found him much distressed, and from what he told me the cause of his trouble was advice received by him that the Pope has revealed all his thoughts to the Duke of Alva, communicating to him all he has to treat. He complained greatly to me, saying that this fact has deprived him of the means of conducting the business with repute, because, these Lords knowing beforehand what he has to treat, he cannot take advantage in anything (non può vantaggiarsi in niente). This I add to the accompanying packet that your Serenity may know whatever intelligence I obtain.
Brussels, 31st December 1557.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]

Footnotes

  • 1. Letter not found.
  • 2. Cardinal Durante died on the 24th December 1557. I am unable to detail any of the “particulars” which rendered his nephew ineligible to the see of Brescia. The Pope's aversion to the virtuous Luigi Priuli could not be overcome; his attachment to Cardinal Pole, and his residence in England, were unpardonable; but the Signory eventually succeeded in procuring the appointment of the Venetian nobleman, Domenico Bollani, to the Bishopric of Brescia, as the successor of Cardinal Durante.
  • 3. Query Chillon; the Castle of the Count de Chillon on the Lake of Geneva was in 1530 the prison of Francois de Bonnivara, who was confined there by Charles the Good, Duke of Savoy. (See note to Lord Byron's sonnet, entitled “The Prisoner of Chillon.”)
  • 4. Bonna Sforza, Queen of Poland, had inherited the Duchy of Bari in right of her mother Isabella of Aragon, daughter of Alphonso, King of Naples, and widow of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
  • 5. Sienna? See Navagero's despatches from Rome.
  • 6. John Philip, Count of Salm. See the late Sir William Hackett's Index to Foreign Calendar, “Mary.”
  • 7. Jacques d'Albon. (See Index as above.)
  • 8. In the time of Pope Paul III.?
  • 9. See Frizzi, iv. 281
  • 10. See about the Varano family in Dennistoun's Dukes of Urbino, vol. 3, p. 59 to p. 94. At p. 93, it is seen that Julia, Duchess of Urbino, died on the 17th February 1547, and at p. 94, mention is made of her having left an only daughter, Virginia, who according to Chiusole's Genealogies (p. 592), married first Federigo Borromeo, Count of Arona, and secondly Ferdinando Orsini, Count of Gravina.
  • 11. Rodolfo Pio was one of the most renowned statists of his time, and in the Vatican Library there is preserved his “Discorso a Carlo V. sul modo di dominare.” Cardinal Carpi's “passion” against the Duke of Ferrara was probably caused by the seizure of Carpi in 1527. (See Guicciardini, vol 4, p. 218.) Giovio wrote that Alfonso of Este, Duke of Ferrara, urged the Constable to besiege Rome, and gave him money for that purpose, for the sake of getting Carpi. (See Guicciardini, vol. 4, p. 218, footnote. Edition, Friburgo, 1776.)