Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 12, 1610-1613. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1905.
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'Venice: September 1610, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 12, 1610-1613, ed. Horatio F Brown( London, 1905), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol12/pp40-51 [accessed 25 November 2024].
'Venice: September 1610, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 12, 1610-1613. Edited by Horatio F Brown( London, 1905), British History Online, accessed November 25, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol12/pp40-51.
"Venice: September 1610, 16-30". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 12, 1610-1613. Ed. Horatio F Brown(London, 1905), , British History Online. Web. 25 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol12/pp40-51.
September 1610, 16–30
Sept. 16. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 53. Marc' Antonio Correr, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate. | |
---|---|---|
I went to Oxford on the third of this month, and I sent my Secretary on to Woodstock, which is seven miles further. The Court is at Woodstock, and my Secretary was charged to kiss the hands of the King, the Queen, and the Prince in my name. As soon as the King was informed of this by the Duke of Lennox he sent the Chevalier Murray (Moris) early next morning to Oxford to bring me to the chase and to dine with his Majesty. He sent carriages and horses for myself and my suite, and was pleased to show me roe-deer hunting in various fashions. He killed a number and one he sent to me at my lodging. Towards evening the Queen joined us. At dinner, it being a Saturday, the King eat flesh, while at the lower half of the table, where the Prince and I sat, only fish was served. (Al desinare ch'era in giorno di Sabbato, fu servito il piato del Rè di carne, et dalla metà della tarola in giù, dove eravamo il Principe et io, non fu posto che pesce solo.) Their Majesties and the Prince honoured me, out of regard for your Serenity, with intimate conversation. | ||
In particular the King asked me who was that friar Fulgentio who was put to death at Rome, and showed satisfaction when he learned that Fulgentio was not a person of high repute, nor in favour with the most Serene Republic, for he had been in some alarm owing to the similarity of the name. (fn. 1) His Majesty took occasion to praise the Ambassador Carleton appointed to Venice, and he dwelt at length on the qualities of Sir Henry Wotton, telling me with great emotion that he had known him in Scotland for a man of spirit and had loved him ever since. (fn. 2) He discoursed at large on the chase, on his parks, on his health, on the leanings of Queen Elizabeth, on Spanish designs, and gave them scant praise. He showed not the smallest regard for the Duke of Saxony, his brother-in-law, nor for the Imperial investiture granted him for the Duchy of Cleves; nor yet does he think that the forces collected in Milan will be employed on any enterprise. | ||
The whole day was consumed in amusements up to night fall, and it is not to be believed the amount of fatigue his Majesty will endure at this exercise, for at the time of my arrival he had already killed two deer and yet, under a blazing sun, he insisted on mounting horse again before dinner in order that I might slay one with my own hand. He assured me that he had never touched medicine in his life, but he believed that he would die if he gave up exercise, as he knew he was growing stouter daily (et mi affermò che si come non ha mai preso medicamento alcuno a suoi giorni, cosi crederebbe di non poter vivere se abandonasse questo essercitio, conoscendo che ogni giorno si va facendo grasso). | ||
Two days later the Prince returned by post to his lodging at Richmond, eight miles out of London. The Queen is at Hampton Court and the King arrives there the day after to-morrow. He spent some time on the journey, as he went hunting in various parks. I returned to Oxford and stayed there till the King left. I paid various visits which I thought would be of service to my mission. | ||
My recreation on this journey has been disturbed by the news that reached me forty miles from here that one of my suite, a poor young man, had died of plague in London. The sickness has been on the increase these last few months but not to the extent of previous years, and, thank God, is now decreasing. I attribute this misfortune to the fact that he frequented many English houses where he was very welcome, as he spoke several languages and played the lute (attribuisco la causa di questa disgratia alle pratiche che teniva in molte case de' Inglesi a quali egli era molto accetto, perchè possedeva diverse lingue et sonava il liuto). Owing to this misfortune I have resolved to keep away from London for some weeks, and meantime I have sent my secretary to make various visits so that your Serenity's business shall not suffer. In a day or two I shall move myself, and I am taking a lodging near to Hampton Court and Richmond, where the Court lies. | ||
The Merchants of the Levant Company continue to wish to make me a proposition of joint action against the pirates. I am told they are waiting my return to London. They did not call on the day they named, as one of their leading men was absent from London. I shall draw near to the City next week so that they can discuss the matter with me if they choose. Some weeks ago I had an interview with these same merchants at the instance of the Consul Sagredo, who wished them to instruct the English merchants in Syria to stand in with the Venetians and the French on the subject of removing the port of discharge to Tripoli. They show readiness to comply and hope that good may result, though as they have small trade in those parts they do not wish to embark on great expenses. Foscarini writes to me from Paris that he has not only obtained a similar result but that Villeroy has ordered the French Ambassador at this Court to confer with me. I have ordered my Secretary to inform the Ambassador of all that I have done. The whole affair lies in the hands of the merchants who elect and pay the Consuls. | ||
Some weeks ago I wrote to your Serenity that my predecessors have been accustomed, on retiring, to give one hundred and fifty crowns to Lewkenor, Master of the Ceremonies, and to make some smaller gifts to Courtiers and Ministers. I must, with all due respect, point out that such a custom can not be dropped without great damage to this post. Other Ambassadors make such presents by the thousands. I trust your Serenity will recognize that my poor fortune is unable to dispose of such sums. The presents I have made hitherto run up to fifty ducats a month. This is not said as a boast, it is the purest truth. The mere transport of things by sea—which your Serenity made good to this Embassy—amounted to more than the forty ducats voted for all extraordinary expenses. Viscount Cranborne, Lord Salisbury's son, left three days ago for Italy, where he will spend the winter. He has his father's orders to spend almost all the time in the territory of your Serenity and of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. With him goes the third son (fn. 3) of the Earl of Suffolk, Lord High Chamberlain. Enough for me to have informed your Serenity, who is well aware of the power of these houses, and especially of Lord Salisbury, whose only son, Lord Cranborne, is heir to a full treasury rather than to a merely opulent estate. The Viscount has special instructions not to touch any point in Papal territory, as they fear that his Holiness would be glad to have in his hands the son of so powerful a Minister. (fn. 4) | ||
The Catholics in this country find themselves very much harassed by the late edicts of Parliament, which are being enforced with some rigour. The obligation upon husbands to pay forty crowns a month for their wives who do not attend the Protestant church, or else the wives must go to prison, weighs heavy on them. This will cause many to abandon the Catholic faith, which they have maintained hitherto by rearing their children in it. They are unable to conceal their distress. | ||
Bornoud, 16th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.] | ||
Sept. 16. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 54. Marc' Antonio Correr, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate. | |
A gentleman of the General in command of the English troops under Juliers, arrived eight days ago from camp, has brought news to the Earl of Salisbury that on the last day of August the besieged agreed to surrender to Prince Maurice if succour did not arrive within three days. As no confirmation has been received in this long interval the news is doubted, although it is quite in accord with the general expectation. Three times have they discussed a capitulation and the chief difficulty lies in a demand of Prince Maurice that they should surrender to him two gunners who had deserted from the garrison of Ostend and some other personage of greater importance. The besiegers gradually drew closer to the fortress, and having brought some mines to a successful issue the besieged showed alarm and desire for an agreement; so it would not be surprising if they had grown more ready to accept the terms offered, while the besiegers, who at first demanded the place at discretion, may now have modified their severity, tired with such bloodshed, for the capture of a half-moon by the French recently cost them six hundred men. After the capture of Juliers the army is to sit down before Bedburg (?) (Bredenbe), where they will meet with little resistance. If not harassed by the Imperialists they will return whence they came. | ||
The French have already asked and received free passage through Luxembourg. At Woodstock last week the King told me he hoped soon to hear of the fall of Juliers, and that the war was over; and from this I gather that there are no bigger schemes afoot. The mission of the Princes and other Envoys who are, it is said, in Cologne are not likely to prove fruitless after Cleves and Juliers have come into the hands of the “Possessioners,” owing to the Emperor's straits and the little it would cost the “Possessioners” to make a show of recognition. | ||
A gentleman of the Margrave of Brandenburg arrived in London a few days ago; he has come about the investiture of Cleves granted to the Duke of Saxony. The King sent Murray (Moris), a Scotchman, to meet him and give him some very fine horses and dogs. The King is hostile to this investiture, and wishes to detach Saxony from the Imperial party. | ||
The ships seized and brought into the Thames on their way to Hamburg have at last been set free on the demand of Portuguese merchants, who proved that they were entirely their property. The good will of Hamburg in not carrying out the Imperial Edict has contributed to this result, as also has the hope that Le Sieur will be successful at the Imperial Court. | ||
Bernoud, 16th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.] | ||
Enclosed in preceding despatch. | 55. Terms of the Surrender of Juliers. | |
[Italian.] | ||
Sept. 18. Senato, Secreta. Despatches from Florence. Venetian Archives. | 56. Giacomo Vendramin, Venetian Ambassador at Florence, to the Doge and Senate. | |
The Earl of Warwick, (fn. 5) the Englishman who built the last great galleon for the Grand Duke Ferdinand, is going to bring to Leghorn a number of English Catholics and eighteen bertons, built there. | ||
Florence, 18th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian.] | ||
Sept. 18. Minutes of the Senate. Roma. Venetian Archives. | 57. To the Ambassador in Constantinople. | |
Seeing the ill-will of the Lieutenant Grand Vizir towards our affairs you are to desist, for the present, from any attempt to expel the Jesuits. This may have the effect of restoring the good understanding between yourself and the French Ambassador. | ||
Ayes | 165. | |
Noes | 5. | |
Neutrals | 5. | |
Sept. 21. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 58. Antonio Foscarini, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate. | |
The Ambassadors Extraordinary and Ordinary of England on learning that their Majesties were to go to Monceaux before going to Rheims, suspected that this was done so as to swear the treaty with England in a small village to avoid offending the Spanish Ambassador. They let it be understood, and even said so openly, that unless the treaty were sworn to with all ceremony nothing would be done. Their Majesties have accordingly put off their journey until Monday, the 27th. Yesterday the King had both Ambassadors to dine with him, an honour which, since I have been at this Court, has been conferred on no other Ambassador. After dinner the Confederation was sworn in the Church of the Order of S. Bernard, in the presence of Queen Margaret, the Princes, and all the Court. The Church was magnificently decorated. The Ambassador Extraordinary arrived on Thursday. He was met by the Marshal de Laverdin and a large cavalcade. | ||
The Queen has assigned the Luxembourg as their lodging, to the inconvenience of the Prince of Tingri, who was living there. On Sunday there were separate audiences of the King and Queen Wotton expressed horror at the “parricide” of “the great” King and declared that his Master was ready to pledge himself to his Majesty. The Prince Joinville and more than a hundred gentlemen were with him, and next day paid a visit. So have most of the Princes; as that was not done in the case of the Duke of Feria, they say the Queen will cause him also to be waited upon. As yet neither has received an invitation to the “Sacring.” The Ambassador of England in Ordinary and the Ambassador of the States have returned thanks for their invitation, but have declined on the score of religion. Nor has a word been said to the Marchese Botti. Council has resolved to return the Embassies to both Kings. The Marshal de Laverdin is destined for the English mission; he will assist at the swearing of the treaty by the King of England and will take back the Garter of the late King. To Spain they say they will send the Grand Ecurier and for Venice they talk of the Count of Rocheguglion, who although of very noble blood still is not the equal of the Ministers of the Crown whom they are sending to the crowned heads, and is besides so young that he in no way corresponds to two grey and venerable Senators. I have caused these observes to be repeated in Council by an intimate as though speaking for himself, and I hope they will produce a good effect. | ||
Since the death of the King all the Ambassadors are in mourning and the Court will wear mourning even through the “Sacring,” all except the King, who will put it off for that one day. | ||
Paris, 21st September, 1610. | ||
[Italian.] | ||
Sept. 21. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 59. Antonio Foscarini, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate. | |
Six days ago the Consul of Syria returned from Rohan. He came to see me and to take his leave. He renewed his promise to compel the Vice-Consul to replace the thirty bales of cloth that were stolen and to punish him severely even in his very life. The Consul tells me that he will arrest the Vice-Consul and put seals on all his property and will consult with your Serenity's Consul as to how to mete out justice; such are his orders from his Majesty confirmed by Villeroy. I stimulated his zeal and said I hoped that in his own words he would clap the Vice-Consul in prison before touching bite or sup. He leaves to-morrow for Marseilles and after two or three weeks in that city he will sail for Syria. He pointed out reasons why it was desirable that all the Consuls should retire to Beirut rather than to Tripoli, especially on account of the safety of the journey. He says that the Vice-Consul moved to Tripoli proprio motu and, although he has left his brother in Aleppo, still his action is wrong; such changes should be made only after mature consultation such as the English Consul held. `He added that he was informed that the road from Tripoli to Aleppo was most insecure and that it would be too hard on merchants if, after all the risks of plunder on the sea, they should be exposed to the same on land. | ||
The Merchants of Marseilles have manned three of the galleons belonging to Dauncer, and, as yet, have spent seventeen thousand crowns, ten for provisions and seven for pay for the crews; they are all people of Marseilles except Dauncer, who has only two or three of his old lot with him. This to make sure that he does his duty, in addition to which he is to leave all his substance deposited in Marseilles. In ten days' time these galleons will sail for Algiers and Tunis, and Dauncer promises that, if the like amount of reinforcements are sent him, he will clear out those pirates' nests within a year. On Thursday, the Merchants of Marseilles received a royal decree authorizing the imposition of a tax on exports and imports for the up-keep of these galleons. As to the cessation of all trade with Tunis and Algiers, it meets with great opposition from those who are interested in the coral fisheries; but it has been settled that if the Estates of Provence, which are to meet in October, declare such a step to be for the general good it is to be put into operation. This will certainly be voted, for everyone recognises that this is the only way to extirpate the pirates. | ||
Paris, 21st September, 1610. | ||
[Italian.] | ||
Sept. 25. Senato, Secreta. Despatches from Florence. Venetian Archives. | 60. Giacomo Vendramin, Venetian Resident in Florence, to the Doge and Senate. | |
The English have begun to arrive at Leghorn. They number five hundred. They bring eighteen well-armed ships, and their families. They say they are Catholics, but God only knows what religion they profess, for they negotiated to come to terms with the Turks and to settle in Africa. His Highness thinks he has made a good affair. | ||
Florence, 25th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian.] | ||
Sept. 25. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 61. Giovanni Mocenigo, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, to the Doge and Senate. | |
The French Ambassador mentioned to the Pope the King of England's complaint that in the reply to his book more attention was paid to attacking him personally than to a consideration of the religious question. The Ambassador remarked on the ill-effect this might have. Others besides Bellarmin have replied to the book, among them Father Capello. | ||
Rome, 25th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian.] | ||
Sept. 27. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 62. Antonio Foscarini. Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate. | |
Says that the University of Paris has published a remonstrance, addressed to the Queen Regent and the Council, condemning the assassination of Sovereigns under the plea of piety; citing the gunpowder plot, repudiating the Jesuit doctrine of Papal authority. The Nuncio has complained. Almost contemporaneously has appeared a small book published in reply to Father Cotton's defence of the Jesuits. This book is called “Anticotton.” The publisher of the second edition has been distributing sheets, containing the chief points, all about the main thoroughfares. At the instance of the Jesuits he has been arrested. The Nuncio and the Jesuits press for punishment, but meet with opposition. A reply has appeared; it is said to be by Cotton. Parliament, by an arrét, has forbidden any further reply or counter-reply. I send all that has been published so far. | ||
Paris, 27th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian.] | ||
Enclosed in preceding despatch. | 63. The Remonstrance of the University of Paris. | |
The assassination of Kings by assassins who devote themselves to death out of piety is a pestilential doctrine. It is a new doctrine unknown to the ancients, to Christians, and to pagans alike; among Mohammedans the old Man of the Mountain (fn. 6) alone employed it, but was at once destroyed by his co-religionists. This plague has only appeared in the last sixty years and has been put in practice in England and in France. We say in England because in all that touches civil and temporal obedience, and as to the safety of their lives, all Kings, be they Christian, pagan, heretic, idolaters, infidels, excommunicate or apostate, are holy and sacred, as the Apostles, the ancient Christian Church and the examples of the Saints in Paradise who once were Prelates and Bishops of France, all teach us. Now this infernal doctrine is based and founded upon another erroneous doctrine, the toute puisance of the Pope, who by us is recognised as head of the Church in the same manner as our ancestors recognised him. This doctrine of the supreme power is not to be found in the Theology of Paris, still less in the bosom of the University, but it is to be found in the preachings and writings of the Jesuits, and in the replies of the assassins when interrogated by their Judges. To convince oneself of this let us listen to their words. Parry, who undertook to kill the Queen of England, said that this might be done as she had been excommunicated by the Pope, and therefore her life was abandoned. Catesby, author of that mine which was to sweep away the King of Great Britain, the Queen, their children and the Estates of England, answered that the attempt was a holy one, because Clement VIII. in two breves had forbidden the acknowledgement of the King, and therefore as the King was acknowledged he desired to remove him. Giovanni Castello said that it was a meritorious deed to slay the late King, for although the French Bishops had received him into the Church, he was not really inside it, as the Pope had refused to admit him. Ravailac declared that the King made war against the will of the Pope, that God was the Pope and the Pope God because of the words “Thou art Peter.” In consequence of this the Bishop of Claremont, their pupil, after the execution of the assassin, did not fail to attend a meeting of the Sorbonne which had met to condemn the doctrine of the assassins, and as the Doctors were taking their places to vote, he cried out “Have a care what you do; you have here two Apostolic Nuncios”; and when all were seated he moved that the question be referred to the Nuncios, who would write to the Pope, as though there were to be no kings but such as are pleasing to the popes. After many sound preachers of this University had condemned the assassination, Father Cotton presented to your Majesty a letter setting forth the doctrine of the Jesuits on this point, in which he endeavoured to quiet all those who complained that Jesuit teaching lent too strong a support to these three doctrines, which are closely connected, i.e. the supreme power of the Pope, and in consequence the legitimacy of rebellion, and the abandon of the lives of kings whenever it pleased these people to name them as tyrants. Many people of intelligence are aware of the disingenuous equivocation with which he covers and hides his pernicious doctrine, in accordance with the teaching of his society as set forth in treatise approved by their General. See Henry Garnet on “Equivocation.” | ||
The University would be loath to lay bare his fallacies were is not that the Jesuits lay claim to teach the young, a concession strenuously refused by the late King; and the University, therefore, as a faithful daughter of the King of France, would meri blame if it did not lay bare these fallacies and pray your Majesty to preserve it unpolluted by a sect which has been proved so inimica to Kings. | ||
Cotton says that the authors of his order (ordine) declare that is is not right to slay a tyrant; but the authorities he cites and especially Valentia, their last great doctor, add a proviso “unless it be on public judgement,” and to make it clear what “public judgement” means he has written several tracts on the “Authority of Kings.” | ||
The document then goes on to assert the Conciliar Principle and to dwell on the fallacy involved in Cotton's use of the word “absolute,” and in the doctrine of the “conjunction of temporal and spiritual powers” in the Pope. Protest against the doctrine of Suarez that subjects may rise against their King, even though not excommunicated, if they think fear is the reason why excommunication has not been launched. This is the doctrine on which the last assassin acted. They do not doubt but the Pope, well advised will put a stop to all this. For people will say that he who can put a stop to such evils and does not is himself the author. By the teaching of our Lord Jesus Christ, we—in spite of all ecclesiastical censures, interdicts, dispensations from the oath of allegiance, papal commands to rebellion against our Sovereigns—are bound to render them all civil and temporal obediences. Justifies the Oath of Allegiance. | ||
[Italian.] | ||
Sept. 30. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 64. Marc' Antonio Correr, Venetian Ambassador if England, to the Doge and Senate. | |
An Agent of the Emperor sent to the Archdukes to exhort them to succour Juliers arrived in Brussels after the place had been consigned to the “Possessioners.” At any time it would have been a useless attempt, for although their Highnesses have massed their troops on the confines of Cleves, no representations would have persuaded them to mix actively in this war without express orders from Spain. After the siege of Juliers, part of the garrison was received in Maastricht and other places. They are greatly honoured and flattered both because of the valour displayed in the defence and because, when all hope of succour had disappeared, they came to terms that guarded religion, life, property, the rights of citizens and their own personal honour. At the present time those States are relieved of a great burden and the neighbouring cities of serious alarm by the disbanding of the auxiliary troops. Every one is waiting to see how Brandenburg and Neuburg will arrange among themselves. Every one thinks the claims of Neuburg are the better founded, but, on the other hand, Brandenburg has the better support and following, and is more vigorous in power and forces, and it seems that the very Princes who have taken part in this enterprise consider it more to their interest that those States should go to Brandenburg, a Prince capable of holding them and of rendering a return for the services received in acquiring them. It is also thought necessary to come to some arrangement with the Duke of Saxony, for though his claims are not held in much regard by his Majesty, still on the grounds of relationship they will receive support rather than otherwise, on condition, however, that his interests are considered separately from those of the house of Austria, as I am informed by a Minister of the highest standing and as is confirmed by what his Majesty promised to Count Mansfeldt who was here as Envoy from the Duke. | ||
The Spanish Ambassador praises the prudent answer given by your Serenity to the Duke of Savoy on the question of the recent concentration of forces. He never fails to amplify the offers of assistance made to his Catholic Majesty by other Italian Princes. He declares that all will end quietly, thanks to the kindness of the King of Spain, as he is satisfied with having reduced the Duke of Savoy to straits and shown him that he could have done him an injury. | ||
Lady Arabella has, on the King's return from his Progress, induced, the Lords of Council to present to his Majesty a petition drawn up and written out by herself begging for greater freedom. She met with some opposition, but they agreed to oblige her. The King first of all made an observation on the subscription in which she no longer calls herself a Stewart but Seymour, the family of her husband, and he showed annoyance. After reading the petition he desired the Earl of Salisbury to look through it; Salisbury subsequently declared that he did not blush to own that his style, for all that he was first Secretary, could not rival that of a woman, for he thought it would tax all Parliament to draft an answer which should correspond to the arguments and eloquence of the petition. (Il quale dopo disse che non si vergognava dire che 'l suo stile, ben che primo Secretario, non arivasse a quello di una doña perche credera che tutto il Parlamento durerebbe fatica a formar risposta con argomenti ct eloquenza corrispondente.) The King asked whether it was well that a woman so closely allied to the royal blood should rule her life after her own caprice, and announced that he reserved his answer. All the same it is thought that she will presently be satisfied, as it will be difficult for her to see her husband again before she is too old to bear children. (Dimando il Rè se era bene che una cosi congiunta al sangue regale si governasse di sua testa, et disse che si riserbara la risposta nel su peto; tuttavia si crede che possi restar presto compiacciuta si come riuscirà sempre difficile il poter riveder il marito mentre si troverà i età di haver figli.) | ||
The plague is on the decrease and with a touch of cold it should disappear. | ||
These Princes are ten miles away from London and will not come into town till the season is colder. After four weeks' absence from this house I have again taken up my residence on the advice of the doctors, and I think of moving nearer to their Majesties in the course of a couple of days. Last week I renewed my complaint to the Ministers, because in spite of the King's promise given to me the prisoners who are sureties for the value of the booty taken out of the “Reniera and Soderina” are still frequently seen walking through the city. The Council at once sent orders in writing to the Judge of the Admiralty Court, to keep them shut up, as this was the absolute will of his Majesty. If this be done, as I hope it will, there is no doubt that they will make up their minds to satisfy the claim. | ||
London, 30th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.] | ||
Sept. 30. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. | 65. Marc' Antonio Correr, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate. | |
They are waiting the arrival of Father Baldwin, the Jesuit. He was arrested in the Palatinate as an accomplice in the Gunpowder Plot. He was to have as escort into Holland a strong detachmen of the cavalry that was in Cleves. The Spanish and the Archduke, did all they could to prevent Baldwin being sent, but as the Palatine aims at marrying his son to the Princess he found no difficulty in obliging the King on this point. His Majesty has for long desired to have Baldwin and frequently urged the Archdukes to surrender him. He hopes by means of Baldwin to discover some other accomplice of the plot. The Father does not deny that it was imparted to him in confession, but says that he condemned it and dissuaded from it with all his might. We must expect, however that he will be most severely tortured. (Sperando poter per suo mezo penetrar alcun' altro complice della detta congiura; la quale intendo che questo Padre non nega che gli fosse conferita in confessione ma afferma haverla dannata et disuasa con ogni suo potere; bisogna pert credere che habbi ad esser rigorosamente tormentato.) | ||
In the county of Oxford (contado di Ossonia) a few days ago a Catholic priest was arrested. In spite of the outlawry and the opportunity granted them to retire the country is still full of priests. This priest while in prison converted two young men condemned to death, who publicly proclaimed themselves Roman Catholics and ended their days with great constancy. On this account the oath of allegiance was very strictly put to the priest and he, refusing to take it, was straightway put to death, which as I am assured wrought great confirmation among the Catholics and the conversion of many others. | ||
London, 30th September, 1610. | ||
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.] |