Venice: May 1554 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.

Citation:

'Venice: May 1554', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554, ed. Rawdon Brown( London, 1873), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol5/pp486-501 [accessed 25 November 2024].

May 1554



May 11. Original despatch. Venetian Archives.	880. Giovanni Capello, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
	The Papal Nuncio here received letters lately from the Right Rev. Legate [Cardinal Pole], dated [Brussels ?] 27th ult, whereby it is understood that Pole having had audience of the Emperor, to whom he announced what he brought back from this court, his Majesty replied that, as the King held out for honour (stava su 'l honorevole), and made the great demands notified by me to your Serenity, the Emperor would make no further reply, save that both parties should attend to their interests, and that he would not make any agreement with the King, unless to his own honour, he having no fear whatever of French bravadoes (de bravate de Francesi). So the Nuncio having sent the identical letters of Cardinal Pole to the Constable for communication to the most Christian King, his Excellency said to their bearer that in a short while his Majesty's forces would be in such order as to enable the Emperor to ascertain whether they will be bravadoes or not; and to say the truth, since the receipt of this intelligence they seem here to be hastening their military preparations.
	The Portuguese ambassador has news from Lisbon that the Princess, the Emperor's daughter [Joanna of Austria], was to leave Lisbon on the 6th instant for Valladolid, where she was to reside as Governess of Spain during the absence of her brother the Prince, he being still in that city, with the intention of going postwise to meet her; then proceeding straight to Coruña to embark at the end of this month on board the Fleet, and cross over to England together with 6,000 Spanish infantry, who, he says, are ready to embark; and that the English ambassadors had arrived at Bilbao; (fn. 1) and at this court it is said that the English Parliament had decreed that those who spoke against this marriage should incur the penalty of rebellion (che quelli che parlassero contra, questo matrimonio cadessero in penna, (sic) di ribellioné).
	Two days before I left Paris, the noble Zuam Michiel, destined by your Serenity to represent the Republic in England, arrived there; he continued his journey by the speediest and shortest road.
	Compiegne, 11th May 1554.
	[Italian.]
May 22. Original despatch. Venetian Archives.	881. Giovanni Capello, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
	At the close of my conversation with the Constable [Anne de Montmorency], he told me he understood the Emperor was going to Bruges, where some persons said he would be joined by the Prince of Spain, together with the Queen of England, for the consummation of the marriage in that place, which did not seem credible, seeing that the Queen of England scarcely ventured to go out of London, wherefore she would not absent herself from the realm, there being apprehension of some fresh tumult; but should the Emperor move to Bruges, it would be for the additional support of his interests in England (per dar più favore alle cose sue in Inghilterra), and to render the Queen as secure as he could. The Queen, by the advice of the Bishop of Winchester, caused divers persons to beheaded daily, of which fate her own sister ran great risk, having been a close prisoner for many days, though she is now understood to have been set somewhat more at liberty; and the Emperor, to secure England for his family, in case no children be born to the Queen, was negotiating the marriage of her sister aforesaid, to the Archduke of Austria [Ferdinand], son of the most Serene King of the Romans; and as to Courtenay, it was supposed he would be soon put to death; and were the right Rev. Cardinal Pole to go to England, the Constable believed the like would be done by him, so that no one who could lay claim to that crown might remain alive. (“La quale per il medesimo effetto di sicurarsi meglio che può in quel Regno, col consiglio del Vescovo di Vincestre fa tagliare ogni dì molte teste a diverse persone, del che la istessa soa sorella ne è stata in pericolo grande, essendo sta tenuta in gran stretta molti giorni, ma al presente si intendeva, che è alquanto allargata, et che l'Imperator per sicurarsi che quel Regno resti nella Casa soa, in caso che non nascessero figlioli delta detta Regina, trattava di maritare la predetta soa sorella nell' Arciduca d'Austria figliuolo del Seren^mo Re de Romani; et a quanto a Cortené si giudicava che questo sarebbe fatto morire; et che si per sorte il Rev^mo Cardl. Polo andasse in Inghilterra, soa Eccellenza credeva che il medesimo sarebbe fatto a lui, perchè non restasse in vita più alcuno che possi pretender a quella Corona.”)
	Compiegne, 22nd May 1554.
	[Italian.]
May 25. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. cl. x. Printed in vol. 4. “Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli,” etc. pp. 138–148.	882. Cardinal Pole to Cardinal Morone.
	Has received his very long autograph letter, so that he cannot but thank him greatly in the first place for this labour of love, although their friendship is such as not to require a similar office.
	Perceives to his very great regret what Morone tells him about the dissatisfaction which the Pope felt in consequence of certain advices given him by the Nuncio, (fn. 2) who, by a courier despatched from Brussels on the day of Pole's audience of the Emperor, wrote that his Majesty disapproved of his return. This news seemed the more distressing, as from the “Report” of Dr. Chizzola hopes had arisen of the total restoration (reduttione) of the realm of England to the union and obedience of the Church, there being also some idea of the possibility of commencing a negotiation for peace between these princes, about which the Pope spoke in consistory, thus rendering his own joy universal, and gave orders for fresh thanksgivings. Morone then adds, “Sed ecce mutata sunt omnia” by reason of the Nuncio's advices, which contained nothing but what could be known at the time, namely, that Pole's return had not been agreeable to the Emperor. Cannot comprehend how any of the news brought by Chizzola could be contradicted on this account, as it was all based not on words but on facts, such as the Queen's autograph letter to the Pope, the Bishops' proxies (procure), together with all the other advices from England authentically proved, so that for the desired conclusion of the total restoration of the realm to the obedience of the Church, nothing remained but the restoration (la reduttione) of the Church property as demanded by the Pope, although by the last letter written to Pole on the subject by the Bishop of Winchester (da Mons. Vintoniense), which Chizzola took with him, no hope whatever could be had that this restoration would be made in the last session of Parliament (net Parlamento ul^lo finito); neither does Pole see any change to the contrary, with regard to what Chizzola brought and narrated about the disposition (animo) evinced by the King, concerning the affair of the peace.
	Although the Emperor did not subsequently demonstrate satisfaction at Pole's return, yet does he not see, most especially with regard to the matter of England, that this indicates such great change, the dissatisfaction relating not to the cause, but to Pole himself individually (ma alla persona mia propria). So should it be deemed that he is so connected with the cause, that by removing the cause would suffer, and he would thus displease the Pope, whereas a remedy might be applied by removing certain umbrage taken by the Emperor, and that this is in great part in Pole's power, Cardinal Morone may rest assured that Pole would rather die than fail to do his utmost to relieve the Pope from any anxiety.
	This is the warning given to Pole by Morone in the rest of his letter, coupled with suggestions for the attainment of this end; touching which, what Pole might be able to effect will be more intelligible to Morone when he shall have heard what part of his suggestions Pole has already adopted. For instance, Morone, wishing to explain the causes which might have made the Emperor doubt his sincerity about the affair of the marriage, considers that one of them was Pole's habitual silence (taciturnità), and lack of such demonstration of joy as the circumstance required; wherefore Morone exhorts him to remedy this, by doing the contrary both in public and private, saying that this would be the sole remedy to remove every sort of umbrage.
	Believes that he heretofore, by letter, assigned reasons to Morone, which in Pole's opinion might acquit him with every one, of not having been well satisfied with this marriage, (fn. 3) but he does not deny that whilst at Dillingen, (fn. 4) he abstained from speaking about this matter, although it was publicly discussed by everybody; and that when writing, and at several times sending messengers to the Queen, even when the marriage was supposed to be concluded, he nevertheless did not write to her on the subject, neither did he give any opportunity for speaking about it. He acted thus, because it did not seem to him, in conformity with modesty nor expedient for the benefit of the chief cause of the religion which he had in hand, to speak about such a thing, before the person whom it concerned had either asked his opinion or given him any hint of it. But subsequently, on his arrival at Brussels, the Queen, by means of her ambassadors, caused him to be spoken to about the marriage, and informed of the reason which induced her to make it, saying that it was solely from her wish to be enabled perfectly to reform and establish the affairs of the religion through the union (congiontione) with so powerful and Catholic a Prince, and simultaneously to give the entire realm some consolation from the hope of her having a successor. (fn. 5)
	Thereupon, Pole thought it was the fitting moment to speak about the marriage, as he did, saying that these were the true means, and that her Majesty being induced to make it for such an end, it might be said that she did not marry of her own will, but that in fact God united her; for the auspicious result of which union Pole would always pray, offering to serve their Majesties in what he could to that effect; adding many other words of this tenour, and making as it were a public speech. Morone was also informed of what Pole said in conformity with this to the Emperor at his first audience, moved by what Morone had written to him on the subject according to the Pope's order, announcing his Holiness's joy at this marriage, and then saying the same with regard to himself, offering his services, &c.
	From that time to this, Pole, when speaking with the personages of the Imperial Court, and with the ambassadors sent thither from England, has never allowed any opportunity to escape for very clearly expressing his goodwill in this matter; nor has he failed subsequently to do the like with the Queen by letters, and by means of the messengers whom he had occasion to send to her. All this he did before his departure from France; and the Divine Providence, to prevent any suspicion and dispel all umbrage from the Emperor's mind, foreseeing perhaps that no verbal evidences would suffice for the purpose, as it may be always said they are words, as are writings also, afforded him the opportunity of giving testimony of his mind by deed,—which opportunity was such that had he opened his breast he could not have more clearly shown the sincerity of his heart,—rebuking his nephew [Thomas Stafford] and expelling him his house in the way he did, without even choosing to see certain letters which he wished to give Pole from malcontents as impassioned as his nephew himself; and Pole subsequently spoke to the King, exhorting him not to give ear to similar persons and proposals. From this mode of proceeding, bearing in mind the time and place and the Prince, who perhaps heretofore, for similar causes, would have wished Pole to have visited his kingdom before going to the Low Countries, and by his departing immediately after this (fn. 6) those persons who consider all these circumstances, may, he believes, see that he could give neither a greater nor a surer pledge of his goodwill, so that had any umbrage remained, it would all have been removed by this act alone, on account of which, had nothing else come of it, he expected that his return to Brussels would have been most acceptable; and he also purposed continuing to testify his goodwill by words as he best might.
	On hearing that the Parliament had concluded nothing further about the return of the kingdom to the obedience, he did not write to the Queen, not choosing to distress her by complaining of this delay, as he interpreted and understood it to proceed less from her than from the Providence of God, who had ordained that in like manner as by the matrimonial discord of an English King and of a Spanish Queen, the obedience of the Church was abolished (levata) by that kingdom, so by the matrimonial concord of a Spanish King and of an English Queen was it to return. Pole, therefore, prayed God for the speedy and auspicious coming of the Prince, nor does he doubt but that in the next Parliament holden the first act will decree the return of the realm to the obedience of the Church, as the foundation of all the good which may be expected from a King and Queen who are so Catholic.
	Wrote this in his last letters to her Majesty, and argues in the same strain with everybody; and to those who, because the King is a foreigner, seem dissatisfied with this marriage, he is accustomed to say that God wills to deceive the English (for their consolation) with this foreign King, in like manner as they deceived themselves—to the offence of God, and so much to their own public and private detriment —in King Henry, in whom they had placed their whole hope of worldly felicity; and that in like manner as for trusting too much in that Prince and forgetting God, they were so chastised that no hostile foreign Prince could have punished them more severely, so at present, when apprehensive of losing all consolation by having a foreign King, they, if they obey God, will be deceived to their advantage, finding greater consolation in him than could be expected by them from any native sovereign. Thus does Pole converse and reason with everybody, be they satisfied or dissatisfied, and makes himself, as it were, a prophet for the purpose of soothing those who are irritated, and confirming the bias of the well disposed as much as he can by words; and if this be not sufficient to remove all umbrage, he knows not what more he can do; and any further step would make him suspect himself of affectation, of which he is by nature very abhorrent, (fn. 7) and render him less persuasive than he wishes to be; notwithstanding which, should any better means be suggested to him, he has not the slightest objection to carry them into effect, having no scruples of conscience whatever; and this he says before God, and, although at the commencement this marriage-case seemed to him a disputable problem—m utramque partem whether advantageous for the parties or not, it appearing to him of more doubtful profit to the Prince than to the Queen—nevertheless, now that it is concluded, he accepts this marriage as a fixed article (un articolo fermo) of the providence of God—who alone may gainsay it—and all Pole's deeds and words have been in conformity with this precept.
	This will suffice in reply to Morone's exhortations, that Pole should endeavour to remove from the Emperor's mind any umbrage conceived by him with regard to this marriage, nor can he see that his Majesty could have any other umbrage or other cause for taking offence, either on account of this his return from France, or for what he negotiated; there being two most cogent reasons for his return, for one of which he deserved to be thanked, and his Imperial Majesty, moreover, seemed to approve and be gratified by it, namely, that he returned the more willingly to Brussels, to avoid the concourse of those opponents of the marriage who went over to France. Although he gave them no harbour (ricapito), and was moreover contrary to them, the mere report of his remaining in France might nevertheless have encouraged many persons in England to depart thence (not being distinctly acquainted with his opinions), as several did, during his brief stay in the French territory. So that by his departure, depriving every one of any hope in him, he did service both to the Queen and to the Emperor, and showed how much he desired the quiet of England, and failed not, at the risk of offending the most Christian King and others, to perform such offices, as he did, departing immediately afterwards; and had there been no other cause, this would have amply sufficed to justify his departure from France.
	Concerning the matter of the peace Morone has heard everything, and seen the King's reply, which is made in such a way that the Emperor having predetermined to make either war or peace might take just occasion from that writing to do either one or the other, for should he wish to make war he may take the opportunity from the exaggerated demands made in the first part of the writing, and if he intends to make peace the last part opens the road for him to commence negotiations, most especially as Pole narrated what had been said to him verbally on the subject by the French ministry; so that had he been the most astute man in the world, and his sole object that of serving the Emperor, he could not have done better than the occasion caused him to do, without astuteness of any sort. Should the Pope be of opinion, as Morone writes, that Pole has not given any just cause of offence, he may be yet more confirmed in it on learning more in detail how matters passed; and as Morone says that Pole's silence might have caused his nephew [Thomas Stafford] to believe and tell others that he, Pole, was not well satisfied with this marriage, he chooses Morone to learn the opportunity granted him by the Almighty at Dillengen for proving quite the contrary, for whilst there his said nephew having in the presence of others uttered certain words evincing great displeasure that the Queen should marry a foreigner, Pole reproved him sharply, (fn. 8) and for this reason would by no means allow of his then going to England, but as he nevertheless chose to go contrary to Pole's opinion, he would not write to the Queen or others in recommendation of him, nor allow any of the rest of his retinue (ne lasciar che altri mei) to make mention of him in England.
	It remains for Pole to answer the last part of Morone's letter, where he endeavours to remove the suspicion which he supposes Pole to entertain that the Emperor is offended with him, so that he wishes to be recalled, Morone. showing that Pole was deceived in the chief suspicion, based on the sudden departure of that courier, which mistake has given him pleasure. But if Morone will consider the words said to him about his return, first of all by the Emperor, and the mode of discourse subsequently held with him by the Bishop of Arras, and what he afterwards said still more openly to the Nuncio, Morone will perceive that if they did not choose to have recourse to the cudgel and drive him away, it was impossible for their language to be more violent, and had he not taken it in this sense he would have shown himself to be little more than a stone. Will not repeat the words, knowing that Morone will have heard the whole [from the Nuncio] (fn. 9) and from Ormanetto; but to tell him the thing as it is, neither the Emperor's language nor that of the Bishop of Arras caused him to suspect them of seeking his recall, but the Nuncio, with good reason, was the first to draw this inference, from the sudden departure of the courier; and as notwithstanding all this, Pole could not convince himself thoroughly of the fact, he requested the Nuncio to speak with the Bishop of Arras to ascertain better the Emperor's mind, as he did, and on hearing what Morone knows, it then seemed to Pole that both one and the other of them had just cause to think that these Imperialists (questi Signori) were determined he should not remain in those parts.
	Morone is not, however, to suppose that Pole failed to bear in mind his hint, that the Emperor, if from no other cause, at least on account of his own honour, when he heard what Pole brought from France, could not but show himself dissatisfied, and that this dissatisfaction did not arise on account of Pole individually, but by reason of this reply. Such was Pole's interpretation also; in proof of which although he knew of the departure of the courier he would not write until he heard further, solely to avoid saddening the Pope, until more convinced by deeper investigation of the basis and root of the matter. But when he heard the words uttered by the Bishop of Arras, considering at the same time all that had been said and done by the Emperor from the commencement of his legation down to the present time, as also the sudden departure of this courier, Pole inferred that this resolve was positive, and that the Pope to avoid distressing him (as he might apprehend, knowing his gracious nature) was induced to retract his assurance; (fn. 10) and thereupon, despairing of any good result, Pole determined to write and beseech his Holiness not to have the slightest regard in this case for him personally, but solely to consider the cause and the satisfaction of the Emperor, without which there was no hope of doing anything.
	Morone will thus see whence Pole's request proceeded, not from any wish for repose nor from any other motive, but merely that his Holiness might be better served, seeing that in this matter for one reason or another (per qual rispetto si voglia) Pole was personally disagreeable to this sovereign; and if in this respect he had deceived himself, and if his Majesty shows himself averse to him, as hinted by Morone, merely on the point of honour, most especially considering what he said to him at the time that as to Pole's goodwill towards him he was very sure of it (considerando massimamente quel che sua Mtà. mi disse al hora, che quanto al animo mio verso Lei ella era sicurissima), (fn. 11) but that Pole's return to Brussels was a great affront to him; Pole leaves this and everything else relating to himself and the negotiation, to the very prudent judgment of his Holiness after he shall have seen Pole's letters, and heard Ormanetto's “Relation,” considering also what may have been conjectured subsequently to the contrary, namely, that the Emperor would perhaps not dislike Pole's remaining at Brussels, owing to some new idea formed by them on the subject, and from what the Queen caused to be said to his messenger, of which Pole's Messer Gio. Francesco (fn. 12) will give the Pope account.
	Morone will see that such is the state of the case; nor has Pole anything more to say, save that after the Pope shall have decided as God will have inspired him to do in this business, should he think that Pole's personal services can benefit it, he will refuse neither trouble, toil, nor danger, which he knows the cause must bring him; but that cause, and the person who has to command him, are such that not only will he not shun them, but willingly undergo any peril and hardship; and by God's grace he has no need to be exhorted thus to do, as Morone of his piety exhorts him at the close of his letter, to which part he will reply in his own hand, that he may complain to him more freely and express better his inmost sense in the matter, as at present he does not choose complaints to interfere with the thanks which he is bound to return him for these and so many other loving offices both in this and every other business relating to Pole, for which he knows himself to be more obliged to him than to any other friend he has in the world.
	It now behoves him to ask pardon of Morone for having wearied him with so long a letter, although as Morone sees he could not do less than write at length; notwithstanding which, he has not yet said all that would be necessary for the cause, so he prays him to hear the rest from Pole's agent, and to consider what he is certain he knows, that this cause, or these causes, are not Pole's more than they are Morone's, by reason of the pious mind with which God has endowed Morone towards his honour and the common weal and service of his Holiness; and with this making an end, he humbly kisses his hand, recommending himself to his devout orisons.
	From the monastery of Dilingan (sic) near Brussels, 25th May 1554.
	Autograph Postscript (fn. 13)
	Morone warns him, in ease the Nuncio did not communicate to him the letter sent by the first courier, that he is not to show the Nuncio the letter addressed to Pole by Morone, nor has he shown it; as not only did the Nuncio say nothing to Pole at the time of having written, but when Pole's abbot [Vincenzo Parpaglia, Abbot of San Saluto] asked him about this, he denied having written, and apologized to Pole for this contradiction (di questa varietà), showing that he did everything for a good end, and Pole cannot believe it to be otherwise, as he is more than sure of the Nuncio's love and good will to him, which Pole deservedly reciprocates. With regard to his mode of writing, namely, that whilst Pole was speaking to the Emperor, he was not so far off as not to hear a few words, especially the following—that the Emperor would have wished Pole, as he had no further reply from the King, to return to Italy by another road; although it might be suspected to imply that the Nuncio was dissatisfied, because Pole did not call him to be present when he had his conference with the Emperor, Pole cannot suppose that by this form of speech the Nuncio intended to say that he was not altogether pleased at Pole's not taking him in his company when he went to confer with the Emperor, which he could not have done, even had the Nuncio been his colleague; nor does he know whether he did right in doing what he could to have him called subsequently, with the Emperor's permission (piacendo all' Imperatore), when some conversation on the subject took place with his Majesty; but the Emperor interrupted the discourse in such a way it was impossible (ma l'Imp. interruppe il ragionamento in tal modo, che non si puote far do), and Pole called the Nuncio, leaving the Bishop of Arras alone, and had this last been called by the Emperor, Pole doubts whether from the interruption caused by one and the other, he should have been able to understand his Majesty's will (mente) as well as when talking alone with him. But be this as it may, with regard to the disposition (animo) of the Nuncio, he cannot but take whatever Pole did in very good part; and as for his writing unknown to Pole, he did what all novices are accustomed to do when they commence negotiating, to show themselves intelligent and diligent as they ought to be.
	With regard to his nephew [Thomas Stafford], Pole forgot to mention that on hearing of his having behaved so well in the Queen's service against the Duke of Norfolk (sic) [Suffolk], (fn. 14) for which he is greatly praised by everybody, Pole gave him to understand that he had forgiven him for going to England contrary to his will and opinion; and that should he continue to serve her Majesty well and faithfully, he would always be ready to show him such favour as he could; so that both from this, and from what has been already written in the letter, it can be seen that Pole's silence could not have caused him to act thus, as even he himself, after being rebuked at Fontainebleau, and driven away, confessed that he had neither promised himself nor expected any other reply from Pole.
	[Italian.]
May 25. ? (fn. 15) MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x.	883. Cardinal Pole to his Agent in England.
	Writes him this for his more full and ample instruction about what he has to treat at present in Pole's name with the Queen, about the affairs of the religion.
	Pole has been informed through a good channel, that there are certain persons in high authority, who not approving what has been done with regard to the absolution from schism demanded lately by certain bishops lately created, and which was conceded them, may possibly endeavour to persuade the Queen that it would be unadvisable (che non saria ben fatta) for any single person (alcuna persona particolare) to request such absolution, or to seek any reconciliation with the Church, until the return of the whole realm to the obedience of the Apostolic See be determined and concluded by the public consent of Parliament.
	Considering therefore what sort of counsel this is (che sorte de consiglio sia questo), and that being adopted, it would utterly cancel the merit obtained with God, for the most laudable act performed in England with regard to the religion since the Queen came to the crown, and as this counsel would thus impede and irreparably injure all those whom God has inspired, and will inspire, with the very devout wish to return to the unity of the Church, Pole deems it his duty towards God, and her Majesty, and the whole realm, and becoming his legatine office, to warn the Queen of the poison concealed in the said counsel (del veleno che sta nascosto net detto consiglio), and therefore charges his agent to inform her Majesty in his name of what he has heard and feared; for if it be true, as must be better known to her Highness than to any one else, and if this persuasion (persuasione) has not yet been employed, but deferred or totally suppressed, which is not impossible, it is fitting she should be informed of all that may be proposed to her, both that her Majesty may be confirmed in the holy act already performed by her as also by the grace of God to render her more ready to resist any such counsel and persuasion as may be offered her hereafter.
	The agent is therefore to inform her Majesty of the quality of this sort of counsel, which thwarts those, who, being harassed by conscience and the embarrassment of schism, demand and insist on demanding (dimandano et dimanderiano) absolution. Is to demonstrate to the Queen that this counsel, which defers the absolution from the schism committed, is no less odious before God than the act and counsel of those of whom Christ says, “Vœ illis qui scandalizant unum tantum ex pusillis istis,” such being those who from weakness of faith and not from malice, lapsed into the schism, not having had sufficient strength of mind to resist the fear of the sword hanging over their heads, and which threatened them with death. To impede the spiritual salvation of the meanest individual would be odious to God; and more odious to act thus towards others whose high position and example might be of great assistance, if not impeded by the Bishops, who, wishing to be reconciled and being rejected on account of this counsel, might renounce their holy intention of returning to the bosom of the Church.
	Is to request her Majesty to be pleased to consider what sort of counsel this is, there being so great a multitude infected with schism, to prevent an individual, either of high or low degree, he having by especial grace of God the desire to return to the obedience of the Church, from executing his holy desire, until all the others are convinced, and induced to do the like. This counsel may be compared to a case in a pest-house, where there being a great number of patients, and a certain remedy being proposed for one of them, it is rejected because it cannot be taken simultaneously by all the others. Such in truth is this counsel; and if it be contrary to all reason as applied to bodily infirmities, how much less can it be admitted for the grave and pernicious infirmities of the soul, amongst which schism is the chief. And this counsel is so much the more pernicious when speaking of a bishop, whose individual recovery it would be most unfitting to delay for one single hour or moment, still less for weeks and months.
	This reason, together with the others, being represented to her Majesty, Pole hopes, from the great favour which God has hitherto conceded to her spiritual and temporal welfare, that she will not need further exhortation than she has already received from his Divine Majesty, warning her of the mischievous effects and great detriment of such counsel, so contrary to the Queen's holy acts performed in this matter. And the agent is to demonstrate that her Highness should not only not draw back in this case, but that the longer Parliament delays decreeing the universal return of the realm to the obedience of the Church, the more should she endeavour that private individuals having this desire should not only without any obstacle on her part be enabled to have recourse to the place and persons with whom they will find that remedy which will restore them to health and to the grace of God, but that they should also know that her Majesty will the more commend them the more speedily and fervently they seek to obtain it. By acting thus, the Queen will do the will of that great Lord who has given her potestatem gladii, which power is declared by St. Paul, who says, “Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same.” (fn. 16)
	Above all, with regard to the bishops, whose nomination belongs to the Queen, her Highness has to observe this—that no one who has fallen into the schism, and finds himself separated from the obedience to the Church, to the observance of which all Catholic bishops are especially bound by oath, be allowed to assume any ecclesiastical cure (entri ad haver alcuna cura nella Chiesa), until he be reconciled to God through his return to the obedience of that Church. The observance of this rule would not only be spiritually beneficial to private individuals (persone particolari), and to pastors and their flocks, until the return of all be established by public consent, but when this return shall be proposed in Parliament, this precedent will render it of much more easy attainment. For this reason Pole commenced by saying that this act of bringing back the Bishops without delay from the schism to the unity and obedience of the Church was the most praiseworthy act performed by her Majesty since it has pleased God to give her the crown; and Pole trusts she will persevere in this course until the Almighty give her the grace to induce the whole body of the realm, by common consent, to accept the obedience to the Apostolic See, for which Pole, in company with all those who sincerely love and desire the honour of God, and the welfare of the Queen, pray constantly.
	From the monastery of Diligano (sic) [near Brussels], . . . [25 ?] May 1554. (fn. 17)
	[Italian.]
May 28. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. Printed in “Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli,” v. iv. pp. 133–138.	884. Cardinal Pole to Cardinal Morone.
	Will not keep him longer in suspense about what he wrote in his last in reply to Morone's letter of the 6th, that he had cause to complain of Morone, who, when exhorting him to convince the Emperor and everybody of the sincerity of his mind, showed he suspected that from satiety of worldly affairs, and not thirsting much for fame, (fn. 18) Pole willingly avails himself of any opportunity to withdraw from the negotiation of business (da retirarmi da negotij) and return to privacy. Morone says that although God is sufficient of himself to direct matters as He pleases, and maintain his glory, He, nevertheless, chooses us likewise not to neglect the opportunities which He sends us for doing his will. This mode of persuasion on this subject, had it been adopted by anyone else not intimately familiar with him and acquainted with his opinions, would not have surprised him; as in conversation he is often accustomed to attribute the entire glory of every work to God, saying that what is best is known to Him; Pole also often withdrawing from active life for the enjoyment of study, and not showing himself desirous of those grades which bring with them greater occupation through business.
	This might give any other person than Morone cause to think either that he is very indolent because he holds his private studies in more account than any sort of active life, or else that he shares the opinions of those, who are convinced that as God by his providence and omnipotence accomplishes everything, they have merely to remain idle, as He will discover and employ them immediately. But that Morone, who by this time must know Pole, should seem to share this opinion, cannot but surprise him, most especially as by reason of their intimacy, Morone not only knows what those studies are, which, as some persons suppose, render him too much of a recluse, but also the cause of his pursuing them. (fn. 19) Of that cause (the opportunity for doing so being now afforded him) he will now remind him, by stating the object of his actions, and the extreme limit of his ambition, which in truth, as he remembers to have told Morone heretofore, has never been so great (whether from pusillanimity or some other cause) as to make him wish to be that chief or magistrate (magistrate) who has to command all men, assigning to each individual his task, though he has never been averse, but on the contrary always inclined, to serve those who, finding themselves in that position, know how to command well, and have the wish to do so.
	Thus far has it been his desire and ambition to lead an active life, and by “commanding well,” he means whatever relates to the honour of God, and to the attainment of the welfare of others. This has been his desire and sentiment always; nor does he ever remember to have withdrawn either from the service of his Sovereign or from that of any private friend, save because they had not recourse to him; or, if they did call him, did not allow of his serving to their true welfare and advantage. Testimony hereof can be borne not merely by one part of his life, but by its whole tenour, down to the present time, ever since he was old enough to take service, and commencing with that Prince [Henry VIII.] to whom he was more bound by nature than to any other, and so anxious to serve him that he would have done so, at the cost of any sort of toil, and even if necessary by risking his own life rather than enjoy length of days in all prosperity in the service of others; which shows that he renounced King Henry's service for no other reason than because the first service demanded of him was contrary to his Majesty's honour and advantage. Pole did this, although by means of the proposed service, there was opened to him, in his own country, the path to dignity and riches: and that he renounced his service for no other cause may be seen by what he did subsequently, when called by that Sovereign [Pope Paul III.] whom God has ordered all men to obey for his honour, and by whom Pole having been several times enjoined to perform commissions not only toilsome and fatiguing but also very dangerous, no one can with truth say that he ever retreated a single step to avoid either trouble, fatigue, or any danger, having always been most ready to obey them.
	From this fact, and from all Pole's other actions, those who may chose well to investigate his career will find the cause of his declining negotiations, which he never shunned nor renounced for his own private studies, which he does not consider worthy to take precedence of the slightest service he could render to the meanest person in the world, though it is very true that he has never been accustomed to interfere and canvass employment, always waiting to be called, from fear of committing the same error as that of those persons of whom God says through the Prophet, “ipsi currebant et ego non mittebam illos” Would not therefore feel surprised (as said by him above) if other persons ill acquainted with his life and the inward workings of his mind were to attribute his withdrawal to other causes than the true one, which is, that he always waited to be called, and to receive commands from those to whom God has given authority to command him in whatever related to his Divine Majesty, and to their true honour and advantage; and in that case he trusts in God, that neither trouble nor danger of any sort would compel him willingly to retreat.
	But to enter now more into details about the negotiations he has now in hand at Brussels; Morone might inquire why, being called to a service which he always professed to desire, he should now seem desirous of relinquishing the negotiation. To this he will say in the first place what he thinks, which is, that he has such satisfaction, at being called, and for such a service! that his satisfaction is the greatest he could desire in this world, and he considers it a greater benefice than if the Pope had conferred on him alone all the benefices bestowed by him since his accession on all the rest of the cardinals together. And the true cause of this his great satisfaction is the one aforesaid, when he stated the limits of his ambition and his wish to serve such a master on such service; which satisfaction increases hourly by seeing himself stimulated by the Pope to this end without expecting from his service anything but the true honour of God and his own, together with the common weal, at which Pole rejoices immeasurably, it being the thing desired by him beyond all others. Nor may Morone suppose, that in negotiating this matter he does not know the nature of the sea of England in which he has to navigate, and what storms and toils he must endure to bring the ship into harbour, anticipating that both will be much greater than any he has endured hitherto, though he trusts in God that this will not make him wish to return to the harbour from which he departed; nor does he think that the letters written by his commission to his agent at Rome demonstrate any such desire.
	Those letters were written solely to remind the Pope that, if from any cause induced by the present times, Pole should not be considered suited to the persons with whom he has to transact these negotiations, and his Holiness were able to avail himself of some one else who might seem more to the purpose, he should not have the slightest regard for Pole individually, which, by reason of the Pope's gracious nature, might, he knows, easily be the case, as he desires nothing but what is beneficial both to the cause and to his Holiness.
	Such was the substance and intent of those letters; and this he announced to the Pope through Ormanetto. If Pole's love for the honour and advantage of those with whom he would have to negotiate could render him a fitting instrument for this purpose, he would not wish for any one else (io non crederei a niun altro); and as to knowledge of the state of affairs everywhere, in order to see what is for the honour and profit of all parties, Pole does not believe it to be so hidden as not to be easily visible to any impartial statesman, however slightly acquainted with it. But if Pole's wish to obtain more honourable and advantageous terms makes him appear less adapted to the business, Morone may know for certain that he has never spoken, nor will he ever speak, of honour and profit save in conjunction with the public and individual weal of those with whom he negotiates, which individual advantage, however, he cannot discuss without showing at the same time how it is coupled with the honour of God and the common weal; and in like manner as a physician, wishing to give food to a sick man in pain, seeks to raise him a little from his bed, and although the patient remonstrates and shows himself averse to be moved, yet does the physician do his duty; so would Pole act were he not positively forbidden, knowing the nature of the malady to be such that, unless the sick man be somewhat raised from his bed, it is impossible to give him food such as would benefit him. But Pole would not attempt to do this unless he saw that the pain was somewhat mitigated, as, otherwise, he would show himself an indelicate physician.
	Does not doubt that Morone will understand not only what he means by this simile, but his entire sense both about the business he has now in hand and all the other matters which may occur hereafter. And in this Morone will recognize the love Pole bears him, and the trust he places in his friendship, when, in the midst of so many loving offices performed by Morone in his favour, and for which he can never sufficiently thank him, Pole nevertheless takes occasion to complain of him, and all for the sake of giving Morone a more sure pledge of his mind, of which pledge he may avail himself by promising (fn. 20) for him in this case in such quarters as necessary, and to impress better in Morone's heart the sentiments of Pole, which are rooted there with that love which God has given him; and may He, of his mercy, increase it daily more and more in them until they are utterly dead in the flesh, and alive for love eternal in Him.
	From Brussels, 28th May 1554.
	[Italian.]
May 29 ? (fn. 21) MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x.	885. Cardinal Pole to Cardinal [Roberto] de' Nobili.
	Thanks him for his letter announcing his promotion to the Cardinalate, on which he congratulates him, alluding to his rare endowments, of which Pole had personal knowledge.
	From Brussels.
	[Italian.]