Rome: 1562, July-September | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Vatican Archives, Volume 1, 1558-1571. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

Citation:

'Rome: 1562, July-September', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Vatican Archives, Volume 1, 1558-1571, ed. J M Rigg( London, 1916), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/vatican/vol1/pp93-106 [accessed 28 November 2024].

1562, July–September



Vat. Arch. Nunt. Germ. vol. lxvi. ff. 29–31.	176. [Zacharias] Delfino, Bishop [of Lesina], Nuncio to the Emperor to the Legates at the Council. “Yesterday his Imperial Majesty sent me a copy of the letter which he has written to you, making me promise to go and confer with him thereon as soon as I had considered it. On reading it I remained satisfied in part, for I found that it set right much that was objectionable in what was before proposed, yet not altogether satisfied, for I could not approve certain modes of speech that were elliptical and ambiguous. “In the evening I repaired to his Majesty, who at once addressed to me these formal words:—‘I suppose you are satisfied with my answer to the Legates: but I may add that I leave everything in their hands; and I am content that they decide what matters are to be proposed in gross and in detail, and at their own time, for I am minded not to interfere except for good.’ “‘Sacred Majesty,’ replied I, ‘your answer in writing accompanied with these words which you have deigned to address to me, and which I shall faithfully commit to writing, makes such harmony that I am confident the Legates cannot but rest abundantly satisfied with your Majesty.‘ “The remark that it occurs to me to make touching the character of this answer is this: that great Princes are not wont to retract their words readily, or to censure themselves, least of all when the negotiation is in writing, and is thus a perpetual witness against them, and when interests so great and important are involved as in the present business; for, though the Emperor may not have been the author of that writing, yet he was the sender of it, which at least argues that he did not altogether disapprove it, seeing that he saw fit that it should be submitted to the Fathers; and, in short, seeing that he has done all these things with the concurrence of his ordinary councillors, it is no wonder that they defend themselves as best they can, and only yield by degrees, being loath to say and unsay in the same moment, and so seem inconstant; besides which, not only is his Majesty persuaded that it is meet that he should lay such matters as concern him before the Council, but perchance he is advised that it is to his advantage to pursue such courses that the French, who inform the Protestants of what goes on, may always be able to say that the animus which reaches the Council from this Court is not against the Protestants, but makes solely for that sort of reform which can do them no harm. And as the Emperor has done enough in carrying this policy up to a certain point, there, I am more than certain, he at present stays, and will stay in the future in similar cases, for the core of his nature is verily good, and if he saw any prospect of helping us to purpose, he would discover himself as all on our side, and all against the heretics; but, as one of his councillors has just said to me, if he sees no possibility of restoring the Catholic faith at present, why should he by attempting it inopportunely, and rashly, and to no purpose, run the risk of losing his dominions? “These then are the causes of which the effects are seen in his Majesty's present policy; to wit, his having determined to send that writing, his desire for an opportunity of exhibiting surprise that it had not had the effect that he wished, his desire for an opportunity of defending himself in some sort, his desire to renew, but in sober terms, his request that it should be laid before the Council. But at length, discreetly in writing, and by word of mouth, without the least ambiguity, he says to me: ‘It is for the Legates to act, I leave it to them.’ And whereas certain modes of speech in the said letter touching the authority and liberty of the Council do not seem quite clear, though Dr. Seldio (fn. 1) tells me they are phrases of the Chancery, this nevertheless I attribute to their desire to show themselves protectors and defenders of the authority of the Council beyond what is required of them; besides which, knowing that the French hang on by the teeth to the principle, Concilium esse supra Papam, the Emperor, though he holds, as I know right well, the contrary, and will ever act in a manner consistent with this verity, has I believe nevertheless grave reasons for being cautious in what he writes. “Better without doubt were it that he were not so cautious, better were it that Princes should recognize that they cannot serve two masters, that they should subordinate their interests to the service of God, not, as they do, the service of God to their interests, and that they should openly champion the cause of the Catholic Church, which before God's altar they have sworn to defend. But we have fallen upon times in which it is enough that his Holiness can say, what could I do that I have not done? and that, laying aside his wonted wisdom and address, he temporize et expectet Dominum agendo viriliter, and reconcile himself to that which God is pleased to ordain.” 2 July, 1562. Prague. Italian.
Vat. Arch. Conc. di Trento, vol. cxxxviii. f. 136.	117. [Vincent Parpaglia,] Abbot of S. Solutor to [Charles Borromeo, Cardinal Archbishop of Milan] . “The Queens of England and Scotland will not meet in conference on their borders, as till now it was said they would, to settle the succession to their respective kingdoms in the event of either of them dying without issue. This arises from the Queen of England's apprehension of mischief to ensue on the part of the Catholics if at any time she should quit the city of London while, as now, France is all in arms. The Abbot is informed by the Portuguese ambassador, who returned a few days ago from a visit to the Queen of England, that, being exhorted by him to marry Milord Robert [Dudley], a gentleman of rare qualities, she replied that, were she minded to wed any gentleman of her kingdom, there was none she could fancy but Milord Robert; she would, however, be guided by circumstances. “The said Queen defers her marriage, that she may first see in what quarter the Queen of Scotland will bestow her hand, suspecting that the King of Spain may give her his son, that the succession to her kingdom may be his also. In case this marriage should come about, the Queen of England would be disposed to marry the King of Sweden, or some other Protestant Prince who would be a counterpoise to the power of the Prince of Spain. “From the Cardinal of Lorraine's quarter the intelligence is that the King of Spain has not at present the least inclination to the said match. “The Abbot understands that the Queen of Scotland has been in treaty to wed the son of the Earl of Lynois [Lennox], a Scotsman, who has been in exile for many years, and with his father and mother is kept in prison in England for that reason. “In short, the said ambassador told him that the kingdom of England is much distraught, and awaits with anxiety the turn of affairs in France, which proving to be such as we desire, it might be that the Catholics of that kingdom, who are more numerous than is supposed, would raise some revolt.” 24 July, 1562. [Paris.] Italian. Summary. (fn. 2)
Vat. Lib. Vat. Lat. 6409. f. 285.	178. Father Oliver Starchey to [John,] Cardinal Moroni. Having learned from letters recently received from Vincent Parpaglia and Joseph Cambian that his petition for relief from the funds of the Pilgrims' Hospital at Rome had been reluctantly dismissed by the Cardinal because such relief was by the rules of the Hospital confined to residents, he was at first greatly dejected; but now he gathers courage to renew his petition, on the ground that, owing to the unhappy dissensions in the Church, there are now fewer pilgrims and therefore ampler funds in the Hospital than when it was founded. To deny him relief is therefore in the circumstances to defeat pro tanto the true intent of the founders, more especially as he is no alien but a Briton, and in the last degree indigent, not indeed a pilgrim, but, what is more to the purpose, an exile for the faith, and finally because he is absent from Rome, not by his own will but by compulsion, and at Malta, of all places in the world. He therefore rests his claim not merely on his sufferings and poverty, but on the rules of the Hospital as equitably interpreted, and relies upon the Cardinal's humanity to grant him the relief which he craves. He encloses a testimonial by Joseph Cambian for presentation to the Pope, if the Cardinal shall think fit. 28 July, 1562. Malta. Latin.
Vat. Arch. Pio, vol. cxxxiii. f. 221.	179. [Prospero Publicola] Santacroce, [Bishop of Chissamos,] Nuncio in France to [Charles] Borromeo, Cardinal [Archbishop of Milan]. “The English have sent hither a gentleman (fn. 3) to entreat the Queen to show herself ready to settle these differences; and they offer their mediation and would like to be arbiters in this business. Meanwhile it is supposed that the envoy is come to discover the condition of the country, and how things stand with us here. “He will find that our army consists of 6,000 Germans, 5,000 Swiss, 6,000 French infantry, 5,040 cavalry, and 1,200 German farriers, with captains as good as these gentlemen; and that almost all the people of France, and in particular those of this place, are very resolutely determined to live and die in the Catholic faith of their forefathers, not merely for religion's sake, but by reason of the hatred they have conceived for those who have occasioned so much confusion and mischief and devastation of the country, of the cities, and all else. He will learn also that in Orléans they have in a great measure lost heart, and that, if it were not that they suffer no one to go out, many would have deserted. “So it is thought that, all things considered, and especially the risk that country runs in taking action at this time, they will not be in a hurry to make up their minds. However, the last advices are such as you will see from my duplicate; and the most serious matter is the departure of Maligni (fn. 4) for that island, for it is much feared here lest they should possess themselves of Havre de Grace, a seaport and a place of great strength.” 1 August, 1562. Paris. Italian. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Conc. di Trento, vol. cli. f. 123.	180. Memorial laid before the Legates at Trent by the Portuguese Ambassador. “By reason of the change of religion in England and the law rendering it penal for any one to absent himself from church on Sundays and holy days during the recital of the Psalms and lections from the Old and New Testaments in the vulgar tongue, many of the Catholic laity, nobles as well as common folk, that fear God, being already in gaol or likely soon to be sent thither, are by the entreaties and admonitions of their friends and kinsfolk and the apprehension of imminent peril tempted at least in such measure to suffer themselves to be deflected from their resolve as to conform so far as to be present in the Protestant churches on Sundays and other feast days during the Psalm-singing and Bible-reading in the vulgar tongue and the preaching, of which the heretics make much use for the propagation of their dogmas. Accordingly those who hitherto have steadfastly refused to be present at the prayers and preachments aforesaid are most earnestly desirous to be informed what in the opinion of the truly learned and pious they ought to do. For if without in any wise jeopardizing their souls or sinning against God they may obey the law of the land, they would gladly so do, but on the other hand, if there is aught therein perilous to their salvation or injurious to the Divine Majesty, they are minded rather to suffer anything than by any act or omission of theirs to offend or incense God. And as this question perplexes and distresses many tender and devout consciences, those with whom it rests to resolve it should be implored to do so publicly, plainly, and as speedily as possible. “Nothing is craved in this memorial on behalf of any particular person, for the petition concerns not one alone but almost all the Catholic nobility of England, whose prospects are now in many ways brightened by great hope of succour, if that influence should deign to bring it to pass either for God's sake or theirs, through friends in the Council of Trent, that to this petition brought hither, in the name of all the nobility, there should be accorded and by your Lordship's care brought hither by some convenient way a mature and well weighed answer. In which answer those whose consciences are now troubled would doubtless acquiesce, being by so holy and illustrious a father certified of the judgment of the Tridentine Fathers in this matter; albeit perchance it would not be safe that this question should be publicly propounded in the Council, lest the matter being published should embitter the minds of our Protestants, and bring some into jeopardy; but this is said saving your better judgment. Be it yours then to consider with some care whether it were best to discuss this question with a select few whose opinion after consultation with the most pious and learned of the theologians may be as valid as if it were the judgment of all the Fathers. For the rest the whole matter may be left to your discretion, freely to do therein what you may see to be most expedient. Among the theologians now in England fear and dubiety prevail. Manifestly, therefore, an answer communicated by you from Trent would be satisfactory to them all.” 2 August, 1562. Latin. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Pio, vol. cxxxiii. f. 223d.	181. [Prospero Publicola] Santacroce, [Bishop of Chissamos,] Nuncio in France to [Charles] Borromeo, Cardinal [Archbishop of Milan]. “To what I wrote you by Abbot Roger, who departed on the 5th, I add that the English ambassador [Sir Nicholas Throckmorton], at his Queen's command, has craved leave to return home, saying that his mistress deemed herself slighted, seeing that her good offices, so many times offered, for composing these differences, had not met with acceptance; and so she bade him withdraw until it should appear what course these affairs would take. Which deliverance wears the appearance of a declaration of war; and the general bruit is that in that island they are making active preparations for effecting a landing in this country. Nevertheless everyone is very much surprised that the Queen should be minded to break the peace, and thereby forfeit all the advantage of the treaty in regard to Calais, at a time when she sees such accord betwixt his Most Christian and his Most Catholic Majesty that she can hardly fail to compel both to take part against her. We shall see what will come of it, and point by point I will keep you informed.” 7 August, 1562. Paris. Italian. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Conc. di. Trento, vol. cxxxviii. f. 136.	182. Vincent Parpaglia, Abbot of S. Solutor to the Same. The English ambassador has taken leave of the Queen on the pretext that he has been slighted; which is interpreted rather as a bit of bravado than as threatening war. (fn. 5) 8 August, 1562. [Paris.] Italian. Summary.
Vat. Arch. Pio, vol. cxxxiii. f. 226.	183. [Prospero Publicola] Santacroce, [Bishop of Chissamos,] Nuncio in France to [Charles Borromeo, Cardinal Archbishop of Milan]. “The English have sent I know not how many horse to Havre de Grace, so that it is maintained here that they have broken the treaty between them and this crown touching the restitution of Calais, inasmuch as it was agreed that during the time allowed the French for making the restitution the English should do no hostile act against this crown, otherwise the obligation to restore the place should lapse. The French have already notified the Catholic King to the effect that they are now released from the obligation to restore Calais.” 10 August, 1562. Paris. Italian. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Nunt. Germ. vol. lxvi. f. 35. Conc. di. Trento, vol. cli. f. 141.	184. [Zacharias] Delfino, Bishop of Lesina, Nuncio to the Emperor to the Legates at Trent. “German affairs are to-day, through the accursed machinations of the Sacramentarians in such a plight that there is a great danger of the Confessionist states of the Empire declaring themselves for the most part Calvinist. The Bremen movement was designed to open in the heart of Lower Germany an asylum for the Calvinists; and it is plain that Count Christopher of Oldenburg, who has occupied the city, depends upon, and is secretly favoured by, the Elector Palatine, the Duke of Württemberg, Wolfgang von Neuburg, and the Landgrave of Hesse, four confederate Princes, who, you may be sure, are as determined as possible to work might and main to unite Germany with England and France in religion. “Only yesterday a great man here, with whom I was conversing, was moved almost to tears as he told me that these four Princes, not being able to overcome the resistance of certain greybeards, as the Elector of Brandenburg, Margrave John his brother, and Duke Henry of Brunswick had set about corrupting the son of the Elector of Brandenburg, the young Dukes of Mecklenburg, Lüneburg and Pomerania, the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, and also the Elector of Saxony. We have danger, I verily fear, to apprehend, on the part of all these, except the son of the Elector of Brandenburg, whom respect for his aged father has kept, by what I learn, very sound. Had the match been made between the King of Sweden and the Queen of England, that King would, pursuant to the treaty, have introduced sacramentarianism into all his dominions. You may therefore judge for. yourselves what the state of his mind may be. The Elector of Saxony, on whom the King of Denmark is entirely dependent, would, were Melancthon still alive, have certainly declared himself a Calvinist. For Melancthon, fascinated and corrupted by the Elector Palatine, whose subject he was by birth, subscribed, shortly before his death, as Mgr. of Ermland well knows, to the opinion of Calvin touching the most Holy Eucharist; and to-day all the followers of Melancthon, and they are numberless and govern almost all the synagogues of Saxony, account this heretical opinion of Calvin as to the most Holy Eucharist as adiaphoristic. Such being the state of affairs, the Emperor is all the more firmly persuaded that it is necessary to proceed with caution, and not rashly to provoke the states of the Augsburg Confession, or drive them to desperation with anathemas, seeing that the Sacramentarians will know but too well how to avail themselves of this opportunity of setting the Confessionistt states by the ears.” 10 Aug., 1562. Prague. Italian.
Vat. Arch. Nunt. Germ. vol. iv. f. 316d.	185. Pope Pius IV to [Hercules Gonzaga,] Cardinal of Mantua. “All depends on your prudence and goodness, and we rely on you absolutely that you will not suffer any prorogation. We shall not be found wanting in aught that is meet; but at present we must needs consider how to defend ourselves with arms, for our enemies have passed Carpentras, and threaten Avignon. “England is arming in aid of the Huguenots and to advance her own interests; Switzerland and Germany are divided, both in arms and eager to fight, some for the Huguenots, others for the Catholics; and it is to be feared that they will come to blows, particularly in Switzerland, so that we are bent on being quit of this Council in order that we may be the better able to help the Catholics, who, we are resolved, shall nowhere find us wanting in any respect. “You who are on the scene of action will best know how to seize the occasion of bringing the Council to a speedy close; and you will do well to leave us to deal with the Princes, who are all in our hands by reason of the need they have of us. As for the doctrines, if they involve so much delay, let them be: and may our Lord preserve you and grant you all that you desire.” 15 August, 1562. Rome. Italian. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Conc. di Trento, Carte Farnes. vol. iii. p. 74.	186. [Germanicus Bandini,] Archbishop of Corinth to [Ranuccio] Farnese, Cardinal [Archbishop of Ravenna]. “I had intelligence yesterday from Brussels, that the preparations on the part of England go forward but slowly, and indeed rather slacken; and that France had sent thither an envoy to entreat them not to break the peace and encourage rebels; that the Huguenots were withdrawing to Orléans, where they were in great strength, and that the Catholics were investing them and were in hopes of reducing them; that the Catholics were reinforced by 1,500 pistoletti (fn. 6) and several companies of German and Swiss infantry; that the Queen Mother and the King intended to go to the camp in person to encourage their men; that Molluch (fn. 7) had killed 5,000 Huguenots with the loss of 1,000 of his own men; and that there was now talk of a treaty, which, if it should come about, would be greatly to the credit and advantage of the Catholics.” 20 August, 1562. Trent. Italian.
Vat. Arch. Pio, vol. cxxxiii. ff. 228d–229d.	187. [Prospero Publicola] Santacroce, [Bishop of Chissamos,] Nuncio in France to [Charles] Borromeo, Cardinal [Archbishop of Milan]. “I send you the duplicate of what I wrote you two days ago. We have since received his Majesty's command to stay here until his return from Bourges, as the road is not safe, and his Majesty can send no escort, since it is understood that one (fn. 8) Montgomery, the same that slew King Henry, of illustrious memory, in the tilt-yard, has taken the field on the side of the Huguenots with 500 horse, pillaging and burning on all sides, and is now in these parts, insomuch that it would be necessary to send by way of escort a stronger body of horse than it is just now deemed expedient to detach from the army. “Maligni, (fn. 9) who was in Havre de Grace, has, they say, returned from England re infecta, the Queen, it is believed, having refused to intervene by accepting that place.” (fn. 10) 21 August, 1562. Chartres. Italian. Copy.
Ibid. ff. 236–238d.	188. The Same to the Same. “You will learn from the Legate's letter and from Niquet [Abbot of St. Gildas,] his Lordship's intention of going to Rome, adopted at the instance of the Queen and the Lords. I sounded her Majesty to-day on the subject, hoping to discover the motives alike of Mgr. de Lorraine and the Legate. She told me that, considering that the affairs of this kingdom cannot be settled by force of arms alone, but will also need the aid of the Council, she had resolved to send thither Mgr. de Lorraine with thirty or forty prelates; and that his Holiness may be the more inclinable to listen, it is also her desire that the Legate go thither, because, being acquainted alike with the condition of things here and the exigencies of policy there, he would be the better able to make his Holiness understand what the situation requires. “I tried to elicit from her Majesty what boons they are that she would crave of the Council for this kingdom, assuring her that all that could rightly be done his Holiness would do with great goodwill. Her Majesty replied that there will be many boons to crave, but that for the present they had but determined after long consideration upon sending Mgr. de Lorraine, reserving it to themselves afterwards to instruct him in writing, point by point, in regard to all essential matters, among which she instanced communion sub utraque. I told her that as to that I thought she could not expect any consideration in the present circumstances, and that those of the new religion did not demand it. She replied that I was mistaken, that all the realm ardently desired it, yet she spoke in a manner that implied that she was not as yet fully decided upon what she should demand. “The Legate has great hope of being able to do signal service in this matter, and of maintaining a good understanding with Mgr. de Lorraine, and of inducing him to come to Rome, as, indeed, I understand Mgr. de Lorraine purposes to do after he has attended the first session at Trent, where he is resolved to be at all events for that while. And, though I have not had an opportunity of visiting him, because he has quitted the camp and gone to Rens [Reims], yet I have heard from many quarters that he departed with his mind made up to serve and obey the Pope in all things. I am also informed by the Queen that there is nothing which trenches in the least on the authority of his Holiness, and that, to keep him apprised of all that passes, she will send M. de Manne, who will have to come hither to receive his Most Christian Majesty's licence and letters, and in the absence of Niquet will be the bearer of this letter. I find myself much embarrassed at the prospect of remaining here to sustain alone a burden too heavy for my strength, and ever zealous as I am for his Holiness' service, I advise and implore you to find another better able than I am to bear this load. “These Lords have resolved to go to the siege of Rouen, which they are confident will soon be reduced, and thence they will proceed to Havre de Grace and Dieppe, where some ships manned by Englishmen have made their appearance. Whether the English have met with a welcome is still uncertain. But in any case the Lords wish to make matters safe; though everybody deems this design upon Havre de Grace an enterprise of the utmost difficulty, as well by reason of the strength of the place as because all the artillery and munitions of war that the French brought back from Scotland are there stored, and have never been touched since they were landed, insomuch that it is said that there are 120 pieces of heavy artillery there and all needful munitions. There is also said to be a further difficulty in the position of the place, the soil being so sandy that water is found at a depth of four spans. Accordingly there are not a few who disapprove the enterprise, the more so as England is able to succour the place as often and as effectually as she please. Howbeit, such is the sagacity and such the experience of these Lords that it is to be supposed that in going thither they know what they are about. “The best hopes are entertained about Lyon, more especially since it is understood that the Bernese have recalled their men, and that they have already withdrawn, as I am informed by the Queen, who has received intelligence to that effect this very morning. “We have still sufficient force about Orléans, as I wrote in my former letters, to prevent their doing anything important or making a sally with safety, and meanwhile, as they consume their victuals, they lose courage, seeing that they have lost all the places about and are left alone in the centre of the kingdom; and by what the Queen has told me there is hope that in two months' time we shall have made great progress, and be perchance at the end of the war.” 21 September, 1562. Tampes. (fn. 11) Italian. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Arm. lxiv. vol. 28. f. 103.	189. — to Henry Pining, or Pinninges. (fn. 12) “I have received your letter of the 14th inst, by which I learn with great delight that you are now tolerably recovered from your indisposition, and by God's grace are likely to mend day by day, which it will rejoice me to hear. You say that you have received the piece of cambric, and that it is to your liking, save that you would have preferred it a little smoother, and so, methinks, you will do well to sell it, and another piece shall be sent you of the sort you prefer, and you will be pleased to advise me of the cost for my reimbursement by your cousin when he shall be in receipt of moneys on your account, and so that Ferrante may have nothing to do with the affair. “I have seen the latest intelligence from Italy and, France, for which I thank you much. Persons who left Tamps [Etampes] a week ago, and a week ago to-morrow, report that the King of France was then there and was to be in the Queen's camp on the following Monday, and that the King of Navarre and M. de Guise were about to go towards Rouen, where, if so, they ought to be to-day. I should say they would be there to-morrow. They have left the Constable, Marshal Montmorency, Marshal de Bufe [d'Elbeuf] and other Lords at the siege of Orléans. M. de Vi[eil]l[e]ville, who came here a month ago, and Secretary Laubépine, were, I understand, for parleying with those of Rouen, and, I hope, have made good terms with them: if so, the intelligence should soon reach us. And as we have daily tidings of such great mortality and losses on their side in France, the Queen and her Council have deemed it expedient to send to Portsmouth between three and four thousand men, who, it is supposed, are there now, and some will have it that part are on their way to Havre de Grace, which, I trust, may not be the fact. “Should it prove to be true, as reported this evening, that M. de Mongonbarel, (fn. 13) who wounded King Henry in the tourney, has taken Havre de Grace by ruse for the King and put many there to death, which may be so, as it was told me a week ago by a gentleman that I met fifteen miles from here, who came to Court in the employ of the Prince of Condé, and said that M. de Mongonbarel had marched with 2,000 foot and 800 horse from the neighbourhood of Caen in Normandy to Havre de Grace, and had been there, and that, as he marched back, he halted at a little place not far from Havre, where the Duke of Male [Aumale] had quartered 300 of his soldiers on his departure from Havre, all of whom the said M. de Mongonbarel caused to be put to death, and then marched towards Harfleur with intent to take it, with what result is not known; and as that Lord was at first on the side of those called Protestants, it may be that, having heard that their affairs are not prospering, it was to gain the King's favour that he so did, more especially as he must have been informed that our English purpose to go to Havre, nay Dieppe, which places, it is thought, her Majesty would be content to take and keep until the King be 21 years of age, and then restore them: if, I say, this should turn out to be true, I think our people will go to neither of the said places, and we may account it very fortunate that most of the captains that are to lead them have only received their orders two or three days ago. It is said that Lord Warwick is to be the general, and that Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Maurice Denis, Sir Thomas Finch and Mr. Thomas Dud[ley], and other gentlemen, are to have commands. “I understand they write from Havre that there were there three of the Queen's ships that had brought thither 50,000 crowns to purchase merchandise. If so, I hope for my part that they will do no harm to our people, but that they will suffer our moneys to be invested in the said merchandise, which, it seems, may afterwards yield profits. “It is understood that there are great garboils in Scotland in consequence of the King's Bastard having slain a priest while he was saying Mass, and having afterward slain the Knight Marshal whom the Queen, being informed of the murder of the priest, had sent to arrest the Bastard. “Madam Waldegrave shall be informed of what you write as to the Cardinal's legacy to her husband. “I have no more to say but that herewith you will receive a letter from your cousin, and to assure you of my respectful regard, praying God to have you in His safe keeping.” 26 September, 1562. London. Italian. Signature torn off. Postscript.—It is said that M. le Vidame de Certeris [Chartres] (fn. 14) stays here as hostage until it be known whether our people have taken Havre de Grace, and we too on our part have to send a son of Lord Sackfield, Francis Carr, and another, by way of hostages to Dieppe and Havre, but to what end I hardly know. Italian. Note in Gothic hand.—“You shall have moch adoe to rede this letter, but in a lytell markyng of hys maner of wrytyng you shall at length fynde it owte.” Marginal note in another hand: It seemeth that the Quene hath sent thys mony afore, whiche ys also lost; therefore the townes be taken for the Kyng; and, peradventure, it was sent to them that sholde render the towne as a marchandize made for so moche monys, for other marchandize the Quene hath none specially in soch places. Endorsed: Al Molto Magnifico Signore Arrigho Piningho in Lovanio [Louvain].
Vat. Lib. Urb. Lat. 1039. f. 380a.	190. News Letter. “The Queen of England is firmly resolved to make war in France, for the purpose not of aiding the Huguenots, but of making good the loss of Normandy, to which she lays claim as hers, and withheld from her by the French by force. There are already landed in France about 5,000 English under the general command of the Earl of Warwick, brother of Milord Robert [Dudley], with Lord Gray (fn. 15) as lieutenant-general and Lord Sydney (fn. 16) as camp-marshal (marescial del campo). These gentlemen with many others quitted the Court on 14 Sept. to take ship. (fn. 17) “The Queen displays much annoyance at King Philip's negotiation with the Queen of Scotland, by which, some think, he offers her his natural brother for husband: others say otherwise, especially since it is understood that the Queen of England is so troubled thereby that one day, finding herself alone, she burst out into horrible blasphemies in Italian, thinking that she was not understood, saying, ‘they would do a thing hateful in God's sight, they are minded not to let me enjoy mine own while I live, and I desire no more of them.’ “Mgr. de Aquila, ambassador of the Catholic King in England, has no longer the same influence with the Queen as of yore. The Catholic Bishops are kept in close confinement, and the new bishops are not ashamed to preach publicly that they ought to be put to death, lest they should live to put them to death. “Of late there have been committed to the Court [sic, an evident error for Tower] of London some, as well men as women, that were formerly high in favour with the Queen, among them being Mrs. Asheley, who had such influence with the Queen that she seemed, as it were, patroness of all England, and Mrs. Dorell, who was so intimate with her Majesty that oftentimes she slept in the same bed with her. There have also been committed to another prison called the Fleet certain Catholic doctors, to wit, Draicot, Chedsei and Baker, who was confessor of the Court in the time of Queen Mary of happy memory. The cause of their committal is unknown.” 26 September, 1562. Louvain. Italian. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Pio, vol. cxxxiii. f. 247.	191. [Prospero Publicola,] Santacroce, [Bishop of Chissamos,] Nuncio in France to [Charles] Borromeo, Cardinal [Archbishop of Milan]. Decipher. “I know that the Cardinal of Lorraine entertains not only the desire but the hope of a match between his niece, the Queen of Scotland, and the Prince of Spain. It would be no great thing to crave of his Holiness that he should negotiate the match, and that for many reasons, among which this above all, that save from thence nothing would be known of it here, and it would not appear that the Cardinal had solicited it, which is important because he knows that it would be very displeasing to the Queen, seeing that she thinks to give the Prince her daughter. I believe she has no chance of success, but yet she broods much on this hope, and anything that made against the project would be very grievous to her, besides which she has perchance another reason for totally disapproving the match with the Queen of Scotland. You now see what a point d'appui this scheme might be made, even though the Cardinal should not move in the matter. It is also known that he greatly cherishes the idea of being Legate in France, and the next thing would be that he would endeavour to make his position subserve in some way the desired end. It behoves you to ponder this well, for I cannot say how gratifying his appointment would be not only to the Queen but to the people.” 26 September, 1562. Paris. Italian. Copy.