Henry VIII: October 1528, 21-31

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.

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'Henry VIII: October 1528, 21-31', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530, ed. J S Brewer( London, 1875), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol4/pp2104-2119 [accessed 16 November 2024].

'Henry VIII: October 1528, 21-31', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Edited by J S Brewer( London, 1875), British History Online, accessed November 16, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol4/pp2104-2119.

"Henry VIII: October 1528, 21-31". Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Ed. J S Brewer(London, 1875), , British History Online. Web. 16 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol4/pp2104-2119.

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October 1528

21 Oct.
Le Grand, III. 175.
4865. DU BELLAY to MONTMORENCY.
Yesterday evening I had audience of Wolsey, who spoke a great deal of the affairs of the King (Francis); but as to the contribution, I found him terribly cold. He alleged that the said contribution was arranged for their part of the maintenance of 30,000 men of war for six months. He had always had a great deal to say about this number, and now more than ever, finally declaring that a great abatement would have to be made in it. This is what I always expected, as I wrote to you on the 17th (fn. 1), when I spoke of the coming of Montpezat. Had a good deal of discussion with him, and at last he said he would pay (fn. 2) me, but not as being bound to do so, and that he must speak again to the King his master, who, till now, did not expect that affairs would take this turn. I took no notice of this, that I might not be under the necessity either of confessing the debt or concluding nothing, but merely loaded him with reminders of the benefits we have received from him, and turned the conversation until an opportunity should offer to recur to the subject. At this moment he has promised to despatch me in five or six days, complaining, however, that he had not received an acknowledgement, as demanded, of what he had delivered of the first quarter. This, he says, is a serious inconvenience to him, adding that although, at my urgent request, he was content with the commission I had, it was a great trouble not to have it according to his intention, which might have been done just as easily. I have promised him that he shall have it in the very form he demands, praying him, nevertheless, to be satisfied with the above commission. It is merely a matter of style, and he has given me his word to despatch me on my promise, just as he did before, but I shall give him no rest about it, though he is as busy now as can be.
For the rest he made me a long story, beginning about the affairs of Francis in Italy and elsewhere, stating that Silvester had not yet had an answer from the Emperor, who had shown himself at first somewhat inclined to peace, all the more so as he had heard that his herald had not been able to obtain a safe-conduct, by which the affair of the combat had been brought back to such terms that there would be no obstacle; but since his herald had passed he had pretended to be very much piqued, and to have changed his mind. This Silvester reported to the bp. of Winchester and the Almoner, who were commanded to keep away from the Emperor, and were very ill treated. The Emperor had, moreover, asked Silvester if he had a commission from Francis; who replied that he had not. With regard to which Wolsey says Francis ought, if he has not done it already, to have a commission ready at Bayonne, as agreed at the departure of Silvester, in case matters take such a turn. Wolsey had also been informed that the general of the Cordeliers, (fn. 3) that good prophet whom our Holy Father has made a cardinal, has agreed with the Emperor, in the Pope's name, to enter into alliance with him; without, however, being bound to take arms on his account, or to help him in anything, unless he be attacked in Naples; that the Emperor gives up to him Civita Vecchia, and whatever he may still keep from him, and delivers the Cardinals, whom he holds as hostages; that when the bishop of Pistoye arrived in Spain, he had news of this treaty, and with it, of the revocation of his commission by the Pope, which was to make a totally different agreement, as he had confessed to the English ambassadors, at whose request he returned immediately to the Pope, in order to keep him right before the arrival of the said general.
Pistoye complained much that he was stopped in France when he was going into Spain, because he was expressly charged to exhort the Emperor to a reasonable peace, according to the articles offered to him, which would have made proceedings against him sure, if he had refused. Wolsey thinks that there is something more unreasonable concealed in these negotiations, which ought to be carefully guarded against by making those overtures to the Pope, which he knows Francis has despatched, viz., that signor Hercules should be put in the duchy of Milan, with instructions to make a composition about Reggio and Modena; that the Pope has heard of these overtures, and is waiting to see what they will say to him. Wolsey thinks Ravenna and Cervia should be added, without which the Pope will never do anything to the purpose, as he knows well by cardinal Campeggio; also that great diligence should be used to surprise the said general, either by sea or land, to learn from him more fully the whole story of the negociations. This would even be a greater satisfaction to the King, his master, than to himself.
The reason why the affair of his marriage does not proceed quite according to his demand is, that he promised the Pope before his liberation that he would never pass this point. (fn. 4) I did not fail to put before Wolsey's nose the fine demonstration of his good will, which the Pope had made in these acts; but he said we must not be too much surprised, considering the treatment he has received at our hands, not only in the way we have always spoken of him, but in the arrest of Pistoye, and other things, showing extreme distrust of him, against which Wolsey has a thousand times protested; that he had been reduced to despair, seeing his acts were always taken in bad part; and that if we had taken Wolsey's advice at the coming of Gambara, matters would not have been in their present condition. He warned me at great length that if Francis do not pay better attention to his own interests, and to the support of his friends, he will bring an irreparable ruin upon his affairs, and wondered that in France you do not see clearly what is proclaimed by all the world; and he earnestly hopes Francis will use his own good sense according to what he showed him at Compiegne.
Such was part of our conversation, during which his countenance betrayed the utmost possible anxiety, tears sometimes coming into his eyes. I took great pains to excuse all the mischief that had been done, but I promise you he did not take all my excuses for payment, but alleged plenty of other things, e.g., as to Naples; that if Lautrec had been in time, and been sufficiently supplied with money, his enterprise would have had a different issue. He also assured me of the treaty of Gueldres in such terms as I wrote to you on the 17th, adding the restitution of all the Duke had lost, and a pension from the Emperor of 20,000 florins. This Wolsey attributed to Gueldres not having been included in the truce, and took me to witness how he had urged that he ought to be; that if it had been spoken about at first he would have had more power to accomplish it, but that when it was mentioned the Flemings saw that matters were so far advanced that we were obliged to accept their conditions.
Returning to the subject of Ravenna and Cervia, he said the King his master was in the greatest perplexity to find himself so disdained by his good brother, in whom he had placed his entire confidence, and who should have acted in this matter very differently, even if the advice given him had not been so equitable and so much for his own advantage; that if he had proceeded without dissimulation the Venetians would not have made the slightest pretence for refusing, and that some of the Venetians themselves knew the state of matters to be so; that this had been a great vexation to Henry, both by retarding his marriage, and by diminishing his reputation, considering the assurance he had given to all the world that his good brother would deny him nothing; that the Pope had evidently been led to think that the union between the two Princes was by no means so firm as pretended, or that they both abused him,—an impression very damaging to their common interests, and tending to a complete breaking off of the said marriage. This, Wolsey says, even counting the loss of the Pope as nothing, is a matter of such importance as any man can easily see when it is known that the first terms of the divorce were set forth by him, in order to separate for ever the houses of England and Burgundy, which was what he meant when he said to my Lady at Compiegne that if she lived one year she should see a perpetual conjunction on one side, and disjunction on the other, as great and as well assured as she could desire; bidding her take note of this word, to remind him of it thereafter.
Wolsey thinks you should recommence negotiations with Gueldres by indirect means, as by Mons. de Lorraine, so that when he has recovered and fortified his towns, he may take occasion to show that what he has done was under compulsion, and that meanwhile he may do nothing against us. He begged for one more interview before I wrote to Francis; but as I see he is so busy, and will be all this week (for the King comes tomorrow to his town house, whither Campeggio will go to meet him), I thought it best to write to you now. Campeggio can hardly yet leave his bed, although he is somewhat better. London, 21 Oct.
Fr. Add.
22 Oct.
[Cal. E. I. II.?] I. 209. B. M.
4866. FRANCIS I. to WOLSEY.
Has written to Henry, his ally, begging him to pardon my Lord Marquis for having used certain expressions about him. Begs the Cardinal will intercede that the Marquis may be pardoned and set at liberty. Fontainebleau, 22 Oct. Signed.
Fr., p. 1, mutilated. Add.: "A Mons. le Cardinal d'Yort."
22 Oct.
R. O.
4867. JAMES V. to WOLSEY.
Requesting a safe-conduct for Will. Stewart, ambassador of France, to return by England. Edinburgh, 22 Oct. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
23 Oct.
R. O.
4868. JOHN TAYLER, Master of the Rolls, to WOLSEY.
This day the Chancellor and Grand Master came to Meldune, and, summoning the ambassadors, told them of the King's mind to the vayvode of Hungary, and how he had granted him 30,000 scudi, wishing that the other sovereigns of the League should do the same. The Hungarian ambassador is going to England. The Grand Master has returned to Fontainebleau, to the King; the Chancellor to Paris. The abbot of St. Denis is dead; the cardinal de Bourbon is abbot; the cardinal of Lorraine abbot of Clugny. Meldune, 23 Oct. 1528. Signed and sealed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
23 Oct.
R. O.
4869. WILL. BUCKMASTER, Priest, to DR. BELLOCESSE.
Thanks him for his kindness in always furthering "our" causes. Begs him to help the bearer in his suits to "my lord your master." Need not write the urgency of the case, for which he desires to labor to "my Lord our chief patron," but refers him to the bearer, whose faith and diligent service in causes of our University are well known to you. Cambridge, 23 Oct.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: Mr. Buckmaster letters to my master.
23 Oct.
R. O.
4870. The OFFICERS of TEVIOTDALE to _.
"Worshipful Sir,"—Attemptates have been lately committed by your countrymen in these parts. Last Tuesday evening, Wm. Archbold's son, of Cornhill, and others of the laird of Cornhill's servants, thirty in number, came to Hosley, and took thirty kye and oxen and other property of Wille Davyson's. Are surprised at this, considering the strict commands to the contrary. Ask for redress. Will do the like for any wrongs committed by their countrymen. 23 Oct.
Copy, p. 1. Headed: By th'officers of Teviotdaill.
24 Oct.
Vit. B. X. 117. B. M.
4871. ITALY.
Extract from letters of Gregory [Casale], dated Rome, 24 Oct.
Hears that the French king has told the Venetian secretary that if the Pope manages his affairs incautiously he will suffer for it; that he did not wish to contribute more than 40,000 cr., but would supply 20,000 more if the Pope would grant him the tenths, which he is not bound to assign to his Holiness; and generally blamed the Pope, and commended the Venetians. He also wished the Pope to send a letter to the Emperor to exhort him to peace, in consequence of the progress of the Turk. He complained that the Papal and Venetian ambassadors have not made the protestations to the Emperor which they ought to have done. The Papal ambassador has had no letters for six months, except one from the bishop of Capua. The Pope held a consultation about the news from France, and determined to send a mandate according to the form declared to Sanga, and a letter of exhortation to the Emperor, and to grant the tenth to the French king on condition of his sending 100,000 cr. to the Pope. Used every argument to urge that, as soon as the Swiss and the cavalry have come to the Pope, the whole army should be turned to the attack of Campania, the frontiers of Naples and the Colonnas, that the Pope should help the Orsini, and send them to recover their lands in Abruzzo. He will not break the treaty by doing this. Has told the Pope that as soon as the Viceroy comes, if he perceives the Pope has shut himself up in Rome, he will be sure to march thither at once, notwithstanding the treaties; but if he sees his Holiness has already occupied those places, and is waging war at a distance from him, he will gladly ask for peace, or, at least, for the observance of the truce. Has tried to get the Papal fleet sent to Corsica to join the French fleet. Two things prevent the Pope from doing this: first, that he hears that the French king will not send him money; and, secondly, that he intends to raise money by selling provisions assigned for his own table, and by appointing men to offices in perpetuity. By this means he has already raised 200,000 ducats; but these officers are so frightened that they will pay no more money, and the merchants also refuse to contribute more. Unless the Pope's courage is raised by help from France, things here will end disgracefully. If his Holiness had done two months ago what he is willing to do now, he would have raised 400,000 ducats. He has granted a tenth to the French king, but not the jubilee, which is reserved for an expedition against the Turks. Advises the Pope to apply to Francis for a loan, on condition that it shall not be used against the Emperor, but only for the recovery of what he has lost; and also to create cardinals, though the dignity should only be conferred on more deserving persons than are now in the College. He does not know how to recover the money owed to him, nor how to raise more. It is long since the Florentines have paid anything. The Nuncio with the Emperor is too much of an Imperialist, as his letters show. The French king has not yet determined how to act towards the Pope, and was waiting for Paul Rexius. It might even be arranged that the Pope should go to France and Spain for the recovery of the King's children. His Holiness forbids any one to write to France except to say that he can do no more unless the King grants him 100,000 cr. from the tenth. He complains that these misfortunes have come to him in consequence of his having helped the French king, for whose sake he entered the war.
Lat., in Vannes' hand, pp. 4.
24 Oct.
R. O.
4872. W. CAPON, Priest, to CROMWELL.
Thanks him for his letter received by Dr. Cranemer, and for his remembrance about the wheat at Felixstow, for which he wishes to have good expedition. The price of grain is increasing. Wheat is 11s. and malt 9s. a quarter.
Thanks him for what he has done about the reversion of the lands in Southwark belonging to Jesus College. Asks whether he shall write to his friends to assist Myddilton in that matter. Asks him to take pains, and use the best sergeants of the law. Will spare no money about it. Gipswiche, 24 Oct. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: To the right worshipful, &c., Mr. Thomas Cromwell.
25 Oct.
R. O.
4873. G. EARL OF SHREWSBURY to WOLSEY.
Has received his letter directing him to repair to the King. Is unable to do so by reason of his old weakness in the limbs. Sends his chaplain to make his excuse. Wynfyld, 25 Oct. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: To my lord Legat. Endd.
25 Oct.
R. O.
4874. JAMES V. to the EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Has received two letters from the King, his uncle, by the Earl's servant, this bearer, to which he has written in answer. Northumberland has always shown himself friendly to Scotland; but the "attemptates," of which he complains, committed by the Nicsons, Elwolds, and Croysars, cannot well be redressed while England "resetts" Scotch traitors. The Scotch wardens cannot surely meet till "their auld and accustumat pride" be repressed. Edinburgh, 25 Oct. 16 Jac. V. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: "The earl of Northumberland, warden of the East and Middle Marches of England." Endd.: "Sundry letters of the king, queen, and council of Scotland, mensibus Marcii, Aprilis, Maii, Julii, Augusti, Septembris, et Octobris, 1528."
26 Oct.
Theiner, p. 573.
4875. CAMPEGGIO to SALVIATI.
I do not despair of success in persuading the Queen to [enter some] religion, though I see it is difficult and more than doubtful. I wish it were possible to gain over the Emperor to this course, and cause him to write, or rather to send some personage, to persuade her. Imagine my condition, when, besides the indisposition of my body, my mind is in such infinite agitation. As she is nearly 50, and would lose nothing whatever, and as so much good would ensue, I cannot see why it should be impossible to induce her to take this course, which would be less scandalous and more secure. As the bishop of Rochester (Fisher) is in favor with the Queen, and I believe she will depute him as one of her councillors, with the King's consent, on the 25th I had a long interview with him, and exhorted him to this course for many reasons; and when he left me, he seemed to be satisfied and well instructed. God grant the best counsels may prevail !
These people warmly insist on the affair being despatched with all celerity; but it is necessary that the Pope should take some resolution, and write what I am to do, in such a manner that I may exhibit it, so as to leave no burden on my shoulders; for I am unable, being here, to defend myself from their constant solicitations. At Christmas (Natale) all the barons and prelates of the kingdom are to be here for this "expedition," and therefore this movement cannot be suspended without peril. Again I humbly implore that such a reply may be given me that I may be able to breathe freely. You may judge of my condition, when, in addition to bodily indisposition, I find myself in an infinite agitation of mind. For twenty days I have had the gout (gomma) in one of my knees, so that I am unable to use it without great pain.
Yesterday I wrote thus far. This morning at daybreak, being in bed not a little tormented by the gout, the cardinal of York came to visit me, and gave me to understand that the King had spoken with the Queen, who had demanded of him foreign councillors, proctors, and advocates, and that the King had granted her for councillors the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Rochester, Bath, and London, the Queen's confessor, bishop _, and the bishop _, and the chancellor of Ely (Helien). As he will not agree to her having a Spaniard, he is contented that she shall have a proctor and another advocate from Flanders, and a Spaniard named Ludovico Vives, whom she herself nominates, and who was formerly in this kingdom, and read lectures at Oxford.
Then the Cardinal told me the Queen had asked permission of the King to come and confess to me; which he had granted her. Accordingly, at 9 o'clock, the second hour of the day, she came privately, and was with me for a long space. Although she told me all under the seal of confession, yet she gave me liberty, indeed she besought me, to write to our Lord (the Pope) certain resolutions (conclusioni), and [she requested me] to take an oath from my secretaries to keep silence, saying that she would declare her intentions in proper place and time.
Her discourse ranged from her first arrival in this kingdom till the present time. First, she affirmed, on her conscience, that from the 14th of November, when she was espoused to the late [prince] Arthur, to the 2nd of April following, when he died, she did not sleep with him more than seven nights, "et che da lui restò intacta ct incorrupta, come venne dal ventre di sua madre."
Secondly, after I had exhorted her at great length to remove all these difficulties, and to content herself with making a profession of chastity, setting before her all the reasons which could be urged on that head, she assured me that she would never do so; that she intended to live and die in the estate of matrimony, into which God had called her, and that she should always be of that opinion, and would not change it. She repeated this many times so determinately and deliberately that I am convinced she will act accordingly. She insists that everything shall be decided by sentence, and if that should go against her, she would then remain as free as his Highness; saying, that neither the whole kingdom on the one hand, nor any great punishment on the other, although she might be torn limb from limb, should compel her to alter this opinion; and that if after death she should return to life, rather than change it, she would prefer to die over again.
In the third place, she prayed me to supplicate and to prevail upon his Majesty to allow her to remove this phantasy from his Holiness, and to regard her as his consort, as she had been till now, and [to tell the King] that she offered her head to use her influence with the Emperor for the conclusion of the universal peace, and that his Majesty (the Emperor) would, for her sake, abate so much of his demands that the peace at least might take place.
As I had not failed to say all I could to persuade her [to adopt] the profession [of some religion], and had found her so firm, nothing more occurred to me, and she left me. I assure you that from all her conversation and discourse I have always judged her to be a prudent lady, and now more so. But as she can, without prejudice, as I have said above, avoid such great perils and difficulties, her obstinacy in not accepting this sound counsel does not much please me. London, 26 Oct. 1528.
Ital.
Laemmer, p. 27. 2. Letter from Campeggio to Sanga.
As above, word for word.
26 Oct.
R. O.
4876. THOS. MERYNG to WOLSEY.
Was appointed this year escheator (fn. 5) of Notts and Derbyshire. Wrote to Wolsey at Easter how he thought the King could be best served in those counties, suggesting a commission and articles touching the King's prerogative. Has had no answer yet, to the King's great loss and hindrance. If Wolsey intend that the King be served after the plan he has written, begs him to get Sir William Perpoynte or Sir Godfrey Folgeham made escheator, and a sheriff appointed who will act with them. 26 Oct. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: To Thomas lord Cardinal, legate, &c. Endd.
26 Oct.
R. O.
4877. GEORGE LAWSON to CROMWELL.
Although Master Chamber procured, through the good offices of Cromwell and Dr. Stevens, a prevention of a donative or annual service in St. Edmund's chapel at Gateshead, the prioress of the nuns of Newcastle, who pretends to be patroness of the chapel, will not suffer him to enjoy the fruits. Master Blythman, registrar of Durham, is now in London, and can inform him further. Requests to have such writings that the grant may be effective. Sheriffhutton, 26 Oct.
Begs him to remember his matters with the prior of Lees and Grenefeld. Desires to be commended to his gossip, Mr. Bonvice and Mr. Woodhall.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my right worshipful Master Cromwell, with my lord Legate's grace. Endd.
26 Oct.
Vesp. C. IV. 264. B. M.
4878. T. BATCOCK to_
"My singular good Lord." On the 16th instant, a ship came to San Sebastian, from Ireland, with four Irishmen. The chief man, named Sherek, a big man of person, is a great ruler, and holds a high place with the earl of Desmond. He has brought hawks and two brace of greyhounds to the Emperor, and letters of credence. His master and other gentles of Ireland desire the Emperor to take him and them as his subjects, because the King does not administer justice, and because their first progeny came from Spain. They ask for handguns, artillery, and powder. Sherek is gone to the Emperor at Toledo. Does not think he will be shortly dispatched. When he returns will find out what he has concluded. Will write to Mr. Amner (Lee), who is with the bishop of Worcester at Valladolid. They have sent him "four in bulteris," three of which he has sent to the bishop of Bath, and he now sends the fourth packed to Brian Tuke. It is always his fortune to spend his money and labour in vain. His mind is always to serve the King while he lives; and now that what he had is all spent, he cannot do such diligent service. The Rendre, 16 Oct. 1528.
Begs him not to discover what he has written. It would be no great mastery to take the ambassador on his return with all his writings, if the King would send a galleon with letters for the Emperor or his ambassador, and then to wait till the man left. There are ships of this town in Bristol, by which he can write.
Hol., pp. 2.
28 Oct.
Le Grand, III.
188.
4879. DU BELLAY to MONTMORENCY.
I trust you require little assurance that it is not owing to my remissness that I do not get money. The more I touch upon the subject, the more I am convinced of the truth of the conjecture which I have two or three times written to you; and at this moment I know the very seat of the malady. It is true Wolsey is wonderfully busy, and more than he ever was in his life; but I declare I have sought so frequently for my despatch, without anything gained, that I have need of patience. However, after all dissimulations, they will do it; but this coming of Montpezat is my ruin. God bring him soon, but another time when you have to pluck the iron from the loadstone do not add to its force by such means.
On Thursday last Campeggio was brought to do reverence to the King, and Wolsey took him into his house upon the way. We were all called to be present. His secretary made a fine oration, in which, after deploring the ruin of Rome, and after great expressions of gratitude for the great offers made to the Pope, both before and after that event, by the Defender of the Faith, and some exhortations to peace, he promised on behalf of his Holiness that both in general and in particular, and especially in the affairs which he had mentioned to him, all that a good son can and ought to expect from a most indulgent father, as he would be informed more particularly by the two cardinals there present sent by his Holiness for those causes. A reply was made by Dr. Fouques (Foxe), the same who made the oration at St. Paul's; "bien assailly, bien deffendu." They entered the King's chamber, and were a long time together. The King has several times since come privately to visit the Cardinal, the Queen also has been once, and the Legate is there almost every day. Yesterday began the approaches. The two Cardinals came together towards the Queen, who was at no loss for an answer, complaining much, without the least degree of anger, that they came to question her upon a matter so high, and so nearly concerning her, without giving her notice beforehand, or allowing her time to take counsel, especially she being a woman and a foreigner. They went on, and were a long time together, having called to them the bp. of London, the Cordelier bishop (Standish), the abp. of Canterbury, and another. This day there has been a pause, and Wolsey has been closeted with the King for most part of the time. They appear to have enough to do, though some say they will go on, and do the most they can. I believe Campeggio would like to delay, but the matter is too hot. (Here occurs in the original a long passage in cipher).
Hopes at last to have his despatch shortly, or at least that when Montpesat comes it will help him to get money. Writes nothing of what Campeggio has said to him, for it was only about the Pope's good intentions. As to the present matter, for all his professions of friendship I do not mean to trouble him. Sometimes he touches upon it to me, but I shut my ears. The Imperial ambassador came to him this morning, I understand, not without making some protests.
Forgot to mention that the Florentine ambassador left yesterday. Advises that he should be well received in France. London, 28 Oct.
French. Add.
28 Oct.
Laemmer,
Mon. Vat.,
p. 29.
4880. CAMPEGGIO to SANGA.
Yesterday it was the King's pleasure that York and I should go to the Queen, with whom we found the deputies and counsellors. In the presence of them and the Queen I explained the cause of our legation, and repeated the commissions, and all that I had previously said to her Majesty, especially the exhortations and counsels which I had given her not to attempt this course of [going to] trial, but content herself with a chaste profession of living in the service of God, and in tranquillity of mind and conscience, with satisfaction to God and man, and principally to the tranquillity of this kingdom and of the King, from whom she would obtain all she chose to demand. I spoke at great length; and when I ceased York commenced, but in the English language. At the end he kneeled down before the Queen, and for a long while prayed and supplicated her to accept these good counsels and the goodwill of the King, to her honour, convenience and benefit. Her Majesty replied that she would do nothing to the condemnation of her soul, or against God's laws; and that she would consult with her counsellors, and then give us an answer. Then I caused my secretary to read the bull of the commission, which all heard. We shall see what they will advise her Majesty to do, and which of their counsels she will adopt, though as yet it does not seem likely that she will bend either one way or the other. London, 28 Oct. 1528.
Ital.
Theiner,
p. 574.
2. Similar letter to Salviati.
28 Oct.
Laemmer,
Mon. Vat.,
p. 29.
4881. CAMPEGGIO to SANGA.
At my departure his Holiness believed that his most reverend Lordship (Wolsey), with the King, was not so resolved in this matter but that I should find him willing to labor with me in persuading the King to hold another course; and that I should probably be able to persuade his Majesty to rid himself of this idea, and conform his mind to persevere in this marriage, without the publication of a judicial sentence. For this purpose his Holiness gave me express commissions to exert myself both with his Lordship and with his Majesty.
I detailed all the reasons which moved his Holiness to procure this result in a matter so greatly affecting the conscience, honor and dignity of his Majesty, the well-being of himself and his kingdom, and his Lordship, as also all Christians, and the present calamities. But though I spoke with my utmost power, I could not in the least move his Lordship (Wolsey) from his opinion. He alleged that if the King's desire were not complied with,—fortified and justified as it was by the reasons, writings and counsels of many learned men who feared God,—the speedy and total ruin would follow of the kingdom, of his Lordship, and of the Church's influence in this kingdom.
As I have been and still am confined to my bed, his Lordship came three or four times to visit me. We argued the question for three or four hours together. But although in the Pope's name I have constantly debated this matter, and striven to reconcile the mind of his Majesty with his Eminence and with the Queen, in order that things might continue as they were, I have no more moved him (Wolsey) than if I had spoken to a rock. His objections were always founded upon the invalidity of the marriage, and upon the [in]stability of the realm and the succession. They (the King and Wolsey) have so abandoned themselves to this opinion, that they not only solicit my compliance with them, but the expedition of the business with all possible celerity.
Thus I find myself in great straits, and with a heavy burden on my shoulders; nor do I see how judgment can be deferred even for a brief space. They will endure no procrastination, alleging that the affairs of the kingdom are at a stand-still, and dependent on the issue of this cause; and that if it remains undetermined, it will give rise to infinite and imminent perils.
We (Wolsey and Campeggio) are agreed in opinion to test the mind of the Queen, and to persuade her to consent to the separation, and to enter the profession of some religion. For this purpose his Lordship promised me the assistance of himself and all the prelates of the kingdom, and the favor of the King, and that the Queen shall have any honorable conditions which she demands, retain her station as Queen, and not lose anything except "l'uso della persona del Re," which he (Wolsey) says she has lost for many years; allowing her her dowry, rents, ornaments, and assignments for her support, and many other things; especially that the succession of the kingdom for the present shall be established in her daughter, by the ordinance and consent of all the estates, in case there should never be any legitimate male heir. They have thought of marrying the Princess, by dispensation from his Holiness, to the King's natural son, if it can be done. At first I myself had thought of this as a means of establishing the succession, but I do not believe that this design would suffice to satisfy the King's desires.
When I said that the result of this divorce would be perpetual, and cause mortal war with the Emperor, and all hope of the universal peace would thus be lost, Wolsey denied that this would be the case, because he (the Emperor) would not take it so badly, as the affair would be conducted and determined with so much benefit and honor to the Queen; nor was it credible that the Emperor would choose to burden his back with a greater war and quarrel for this sister than he had done for his other two sisters, who had been expelled from their kingdoms and states.
With regard to the peace, his Lordship (Wolsey) says he has the management of it, and is well inclined to it; nor does he trouble himself on this account; but he insists upon the necessity for expedition in this business. As I could find no other expedient, I represented that according to the Pope's instructions I was bound first of all to make him acquainted with my opinion, and to await further directions, and that I was not yet resolved; but as soon as I could make up my mind I would write to the Pope, before proceeding to give judgment. He (Wolsey) was greatly exasperated at this, and said, "Si sic est, nolo negociari vobiscum sine potestate, neque sic agitur cum Rege." I proved to him that I had not spoken thus because we had no powers, but because it was necessary to perform my promise to the Pope. We then left the consideration of this point; but if it be again brought into discussion they will be displeased, and I do not know how I shall be able to persevere, considering the present state of things. They are so determined and engrossed by their own opinion that it is impossible to shake them, to judge from what I have been told by York. From what I hear from various persons in all quarters, I fear that nothing but evil can result if this matter be brought into dispute and altercation.
In my last conversation with his Lordship he said and repeated many times (in Latin), "Most reverend Lord, beware lest, in like manner as the greater part of Germany, owing to the harshness and severity of a certain cardinal, has become estranged from the Apostolic See and from the Faith, it may be said that another cardinal has given the same occasion to England with the same result." He (Wolsey) often impresses upon me that if this [divorce] is not granted, the authority of the See Apostolic in this kingdom will be annihilated; and he certainly proves himself very zealous for its preservation—having done and still doing for it very great services—because all his grandeur is connected with it. London, 28 Oct. 1528.
Ital.
28 Oct.
Cal. B. VII. 135.
B. M.
St. P. IV. 519.
4882. NORTHUMBERLAND to WOLSEY.
Received, 10 Oct., Wolsey's letters, with those of the King to the king of Scots. Forwarded the letter by a servant, who, after being detained till the 25th, was despatched with a letter to the Earl, which he encloses, with copy of his own to the king of Scots. Wolsey will see that he still bears malice against Angus. Has made proclamations, as commanded, throughout Northumberland, for all men to be ready at an hour's warning, as James was raising an army against Angus, and it was feared would invade the English Marches. He has laid siege to Temptallon. Received from Magnus, on the 17th, by a pursuivant, the letters of the King and Wolsey, commanding him to be near the Borders to attend the Commissioners. Will accordingly remain at Alnwick. On the 27th, received his letters by Geo. Douglas, directing him to let the people slip, if they will, with Angus, he being in great necessity. Since these assemblies in Scotland began, has placed Roger Lassells in Norham Castle, who will let none enter but the Douglases. Alnwick, 28 Oct. Signed.
Add. Endd.: "1529. (fn. 6) My lord of Northumberland the xxviijth.
29 Oct.
R. O.
4883. JOHN CASALE to PETER VANNES.
Prays that his last pay may be delivered to Marco Antonio Venero, Venetian ambassador with the King, who will make it payable here. Desires to be remembered to the Cardinal. Venice, 12 Oct. 1528.
Hol.
P.S. by "Francesco Catulo, Brixiano."—This letter has been detained till today. When it was written the ambassador firmly believed he should be despatched into France. Please to excuse this delay to the Cardinal. On the 13th, the ambassador departed from Venice for Bologna to consult with the "cavalier" his brother (Gregory Casale), who has come to Bologna to recover his health. When the ambassador was about to return to Venice, a courier arrived from the king of England, and as the "cavalier" found himself unable to endure much fatigue the ambassador mounted on horseback, and rode post to Rome. This was on the 23rd instant. Venice, 29 Oct. 1528.
Ital., p. 1. Sealed. Add. Endd.
29 Oct.
R. O.
4884. STEPHEN VAUGHAN to CRUMWELL.
Today a merchant to whom he spoke about the chest showed him the keys, which are goodly. He expects the chest daily, but the ways are so foul that the delay is no marvel. Will send it by the next passage, if he likes it, and the price is reasonable.
Reminds him of his affair with Clarencieux. Will not be able to depart till Lent. No news. Antwerp, 29 Oct.
Wishes much for a letter from him.
P. 1. Add.: To, &c., Mr. Crumwell, in London.
29 Oct.
Fiddes' Coll.
p. 46.
4885. DR. CLYFFE and the UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
An account of the excommunication passed upon Dr. Clyffe, chancellor of the bishop of Ely, in the year 1528–9, for infringing the privileges of the University by citing before him one Sir Henry, of Barnard hostell, commonly called the Conjuror. On the matter being referred to cardinal Wolsey, and argued before him by Dr. Stephen Gardiner against Dr. Clyffe, the latter was compelled to submit and ask for absolution.
ii. Copy of his excommunication, dated Cambridge, 29 Oct. 1528.
Cott. App.
XLVIII. 68.
B. M.
Fiddes' Coll.
p. 48.
2. University of Cambridge to Wolsey.
Thanking him for maintaining the privileges of the University against Dr. Clyffe. Think it will contribute much to the exclusion of error from the University if they have three booksellers with royal privilege, who shall sell no book which has not been examined. Think that they ought to be foreigners, as books may be thus purchased more cheaply.
Lat.
Fiddes' Coll.
p. 49.
3. Speech of Dr. Buckmaster made in 1529 in reference to the same subject.
Lat.
Cott. App.
XLVIII. 79.
B. M.
4. University of Cambridge to Wolsey.
Thanking him for the reconciliation he has promoted between them and the bishop of Ely ... Mention is made of Croke, but the passage is so mutilated that the sense cannot be made out. Cantab., kal...
Lat., pp. 2, mutilated.
R. O. 5. Dr. Robert Clif to Wolsey.
As one who has been long unused to converse with men, though living among them, and who has not for many days performed the office of a priest, beseeches him in the name of Christ, whose Nativity is at hand, to hear and make an end of his cause. If he cannot grant a perpetual absolution, begs that he may at least have one for the holidays. Signed.
Lat., p. 1. Add.: Revmo D. Legato Eboracensi. Endd.: A Roberto Cliff, doctore.
30 Oct.
Vit. B. X. 119.
B. M.
4886. ITALY.
Extract from a letter of the prothonotary Casale to Peter Vannes, dated Rome, 30 Oct.
His brother Gregory has received letters from Wolsey and Vannes, brought by Tadeus to Bologna, and sent him to Rome, as he was unable, from his illness, to go himself. Has spoken to the Pope about gaining Andrea Doria by promising liberty to Genoa. His Holiness feared that the Emperor might be offended. Told him he need not appear in it. John Joachim also approved of it, and thought if the Genoese had their liberty, and if Savona was given to them, they could easily induce Doria to remain neutral by sharing with the Pope in the payment of his wages.
He asked Paul Casale to go to Doria, and the Pope has given him a short credential. It is a good opportunity for preserving the Pope's authority, for the Emperor will not venture to insult him while Doria and the Genoese have a fleet. The Pope would not write to the Genoese. These preparations were frustrated by a letter of Doria's that he had entered Savona on the 28th Oct. It was a great pity the town was not succored. Has fulfilled his instructions relating to the card. S. Quatuor and others, and will continue to do so till Gregory arrives. Desires him to thank Wolsey for his kindness.
The erection of the cathedrals was proposed in the Consistory, and all seemed ready to assent to the King's desire; but as it is a matter of the greatest importance, it should be granted with greater authority than could be done then. Power might be asked for the Legates to decide which monasteries are fit to be erected into cathedrals, to arrange the revenues, &c., and then the whole referred to the Pope for confirmation. Cardinal S. Quatuor and De Monte advise this, thinking it too important to be finally settled except in the Consistory, the Pope being present, lest it should be thought that the Legates were influenced by private interest. Wishes to know exactly the form in which the King wishes it. Sends a minute of the former matter.
Lat., pp. 5.
30 Oct.
R. O.
4887. RICHARD WESTON to WOLSEY.
Has received from the lord Chamberlain his letters, telling him to pay to the said Lord his wages as captain of Guisnes, 56l. of his annuity also due, his wages and fees as treasurer of Calais till his leaving the office, and the remaining 50 marks out of the 100 marks which Weston promised him before Wolsey. Has several times called together the Company of the Staple for the money they should pay for the retinues, but they say they have none, and know not when they will be able to pay. It is always customary for the retinue here to be first paid, as they have no living but their wages. As to his wages as treasurer from 6 April till he departed, reminds Wolsey that he surrendered his patent, and Weston received his on that very day, and he was sworn in on the 21st, so that he thinks he ought to have the wages from the said date; but he will pay them if Wolsey think it right. Beside the 56l., the Chamberlain demands 70l. for his half year's fee as treasurer from the custom of wools and other things. Annuities and fees here are only payable at Michaelmas, and must be levied from rents, customs, &c. coming to the Treasurer's hands for the time being. He has already received 153l., which is more than his annuity by 27l., but he says he will account for it to Daunce. Wishes further instructions. The King's servants here are in great need of their wages. Calais, 30 Oct. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace.
30 Oct.
R. O.
4888. GEORGE LAWSON to CROMWELL.
Begs him to remember the letter which, in consequence of Cromwell's promise, he has so long looked for. It would do him much good many ways. Refers his matters with the prior of Lees and Grenefeld, and "my money of Tiptree," to Cromwell's discretion. Will not fail to requite his kindness in sending the letter. Sheriff Hutton, 30 Oct.
Desires commendations to my cousin Smyth.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my right worshipful master Cromwell, with my lord Cardinal's grace.
31 Oct.
R. O.
4889. SIR W. BULMER to WOLSEY.
Wishes to know, by the bearer Sir John Bulmer, his pleasure touching Norham Castle, now that the King's garrison is discharged. Requests Wolsey to consider his age and ill health. Is daily more unfit for that country, and cannot now give attendance on my lord of Richmond. Cannot mount or dismount his horse without help. His son Sir William is ready to serve if Wolsey think fit. Wilton, 31 Oct. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
R. O. 4890. SIR W. BULMER to WOLSEY.
Though Wolsey appointed him steward of the duke of Richmond's household, his diseases during the last three years have interfered with the performance of his duties, and are now increasing so, that he does not expect to live long. Will advance Sir John Bulmer and his other sons to do the King service. From Wilton. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
R. O. 4891. HENRY DUKE OF RICHMOND to HENRY VIII.
Has passed this last summer without any peril of the rageous sweat that hath reigned in these parts. Thanks the King for the preservatives he sent. There are now with him my lord of Westmoreland and his wife, and their son lord Nevell. Sheriff Hutton.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
Cal. B. VIII. 52.
B. M.
4892. The COMMISSION FOR SCOTLAND.
Instructions from Henry VIII. to Magnus and Sir Thos. Tempest, as commissioners to the Diet on the Scotch Borders.
1 and 2. As the king of Scots has desired by Patrick Sinclair that a Diet should be held of the two kingdoms, Henry, out of regard to his nephew, accords the same, trusting when James grows more in years he will recognise the favor. Has appointed for this purpose Magnus and Tempest as his plenipotentiaries. 3. They are first to confer with Northumberland and Dacre, and endeavor to have the Diet fixed at Berwick; if not, at Norham or in a neutral place. 4. As no truce can be lasting without redress of grievances, they shall begin with redress. 5. If this is out of the Scots' power, they shall get what they can;—6, especially they shall demand redress for the murder of Dacre's servants. 7. They shall remonstrate against the usage of Angus,—denying his attempt to deliver the king of Scots into Henry's hands,—exaggerating the falsehood as a heinous offence,—stating how well he has acquitted himself since he returned from France, and to labour in this with all dexterity. 8. But not to insist too strongly on it, so as to peril the treaty. 9. If they cannot procure Angus's return to favor, they are to send privately some discreet person to Angus, and persuade him to come into England, and tell him that by so doing he can recover his authority; and if Magnus thinks fit, he may give the Earl the enclosed safe-conduct. 10. A blank has been left for Magnus to insert in the commission the name of any person equivalent in rank to any named by the Scotch, and he may enter the earl of Northumberland's name, if a Scotchman be named equivalent in rank.
Signed, "Henry R." top and bottom.
11. After the writing and singing of the above, letters came from James, which induced the remodelling of the above instructions, inserting therein the abbot of St. Mary's, York, the prior of Durham, Dr. Magnus, Anthony Ughtred, captain of Berwick, Will. Frankeleyn, chancellor of Durham, and Sir Thos. Tempest. 12. As the king of Scots is afraid of the restoration of Angus, the commissioners may insist the more on full redress, and make their advantage. 13. As the King has received more ample information by Alexander Douglas, fears that the Emperor may have intelligence with James for a treaty of marriage. He considers it necessary the Earl should be preserved. They shall therefore demand his restitution to his lands according to the effect of the King's letters sent to Scotland at this time. They shall remonstrate against the late attainder of the Earl, and exculpate his conduct on the Borders, refusing to proceed without satisfaction. 14. It will be better, therefore, that he remain in Scotland, doing all the harm he can, than come into England, and supported by England he can do them more annoyance than the Emperor can do good. 15. But if this be totally impracticable, they shall offer, as of themselves, for a separate article, leaving this point in abeyance till the king of England has had time to become more fully acquainted with the truth of the charges against Angus.
Pp. 24.
Cal. B. V. 40.
B. M.
2. Copy of the preceding.
R. O. 4893. SCOTLAND.
"For Mr. Magnus.—The King's commission for the truce. A safe-conduct for the earl of Angus. My lord Legate's letters to Mr. Magnus and other from the King. Other from Mr. Tempest to them both. Other to my lord of Northumberland from them both. Other to my lord Dacres from them both. The instructions. An article to be inserted in the truce in a case. Copy of the King's letters to the king of Scots sent by Lion. Copy of the King's other letters to the king of Scots touching the army. Copy of the king of Scots' letters sent to the King's highness.
"For Lion.—The King's letters marked with L. A safe-conduct for the commissioners of Scotland.
"For him that shall go with the letters touching the army.—My lord Legate's letters to my lord of Northumberland, with a copy in it of the King's letters sent to the king of Scots, touching the army. Like letters, with a like copy to my lord Dacres. The King's letters to the king of Scots, marked with A. All Mr. Douglas' copies.
"Mem.: To date the writings under the great seal, and to put in the term that the safe-conduct shall endure."
P. 1. In Tuke's hand. Endd.: "A memorial of the expedition of Scotland."
Love Letters,
XVII.
4894. HENRY VIII. to ANNE BOLEYN.
"To inform you what joy it is to me to understand of your conformableness to reason, and of the suppressing of your inutile vain thoughts and fantasies with the bridle of reason, I ensure you all the good in this world could not counterpoise for my satisfaction the knowledge and certainty hereof. Wherefore, good sweetheart, continue in the same, not only in this but in all your doings hereafter; for thereby shall come, both to you and me, the greatest quietness that may be in this world. The cause why this bearer tarryeth so long is the business that I have had to dress up yer (geer?) for you, which I trust or long to see you occupy, and then I trust to occupy yours, which shall be recompense enough to me for all my pains and labors. The unfeigned sickness of this well-willing legate doth somewhat retard his access to your presence; but I trust verily, when God shall send him health, he will with diligence recompense his demowre, for I know well whereby he hath said (lamenting the saying and bruit that he should be Imperial) that it should be well known in this matter that he is not Imperial. And thus for lack of time," &c.
R. O. 4895. The WARDROBE.
Account of Sir Andrew Wyndesore from Mich. 19 to Mich. 20 Hen. III. Receipts 1,766l. 8s. 7d. Payments 3,064l. 2s. 7d.
Oct.\GRANTS. 4896. GRANTS in OCTOBER 1528.
2. Sir Edw. Guldeford and Sir Anth. Brown. The office, in survivorship, of standard-bearer, with 100l. a year, on surrender of pat. 13 Sept. 16 Hen. VIII., granting the same to Guldeford and Sir Ralph Egerton, deceased, in like manner as Sir Thos. Knyvet and Sir _ (fn. 7) Cheyney held the same. Del. Westm., 2 Oct.
20 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
Copy in R.O.
5. Geo. Rowlles, Hen. Edgare, Roger Fissher and Hen. Rowce. Grant of the next presentation to the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene, of Briggenorth, Salop. Del. Westm., 5 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
6. Tho. Garton, page of the wardrobe of the King's Beds, and Tho. Anthony, page of the wardrobe of the Queen's Beds. To be bailiff, in survivorship, of the lordship of Budbroke, otherwise Hampton-on-the-Hill, Warw., in same manner as Sir Wm. Compton held the office. Esthampstede, 24 Aug. 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 6 Oct.—P.S.
6. Sir John Audeley and Elizabeth his wife. Licence to alienate the manor of Leghcombray, and messuages and lands, and 20l. rent in Leghcombray, Wapensale, Parva Dalley (Dawley), Malynslegh and Ketteley, Salop, to Jas. Leveson and Sir Anth. Fitzherbert, justice of the Common Pleas, Rob. Norwiche, sergeant-at-law, Nic. Leveson, Walt. Wrotesley, John Nicholls and Guy Crafford, to hold to them and the heirs of the said James for ever. Westm., 6 Oct.—Pat. 20 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 1.
7. Wm. Daunce. To be one of the tellers of the Exchequer on a vacancy, with the usual fees. Del. Westm., 7 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 13.
8. Ric. Mylborne. Livery of lands as s. and h. of Hen. Mylborne. Del. Westm., 8 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 1.
10. Ric. Bedell of Wretell, Essex, and of London. Pardon for the death of John Vavasour. Del. Westm., 10 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 18.
10. Leonard Skevington. To be a gunner in the Tower of London, vice Tho. Dolyng, dec., with 12d. a day. Oking, 27 Sept. 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 10 Oct.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 1.
10. Peter Bawde, gunner in the Tower. To have a pension of 16d. a day. Oking, 4 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 10 Oct.—P.S.
12. John Palmer of Angmeryng, Suss., squire of the Body, and Ric. Segrave of Billyngherst, Suss. Pardon for the possession of nets called bukstallis and derehayes, and all injuries to vert and venison in the King's forest. Del. Westm., 12 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 9.
14. Sir Tho. Cheyne. To be chief steward and hold other offices in the manor of Writle, Essex, part of the honor of Beaulieu, in the King's hands by the death of Wm. Cary. Del. Westm., 14 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 9.
15. Roger Dyngley, S.T.P. Presentation to the church of Bradley, Cov. and Lich. dioc., in the King's gift by attainder of the duke of Buckingham. Greenwich, 14 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 15 Oct.—P.S. Pat. p. 1, m. 16.
16. John Danyell of Messyng, Essex.—Exemption, during the time he remains in the service of Eliz. countess of Oxford, from being made sheriff, &c. of any county in England. Del. Westm., 16 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 10.
16. Wm. Tynswike, draper, of London. Protection; going in the retinue of Sir Robt. Wingfield. Del. Westm., 16 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 10.
18. Geo. Croft, clk. Presentation to the church of Shipton Malet, Bath and Wells dioc., vice Geo. West, resigned. Greenwich, 16 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 18 Oct.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 11.
18. Tho. Cave and Eliz. his wife, John Smyth and And. Barnard. Licence to the said Thomas and Elizabeth to enfeoff the said John and Andrew of four messuages, &c. in Ikford and Wornall, Bucks; and to the said John and Andrew to regrant the premises to the said Thomas and Elizabeth, and the heirs of their body, with remainder to the right heirs of the said Elizabeth. Westm., 18 Oct.—Pat. 20 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 15.
19. Bernard Tunbroke, a native of Cologne. Denization. Richmond, 23 April 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 19 Oct.—P.S.
19. John Dale, yeoman for the mouth in the Queen Consort's privy kitchen. Grant of the ferry called Sandford Fery, Oxon and Berks, lately held by Wm. Busshe, dec. Easthampstead, 26 Aug. 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 19 Oct.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 6.
21. Walt. Mounforde alias Mowfourde of Shae or Shaa, Devon. Protection; going in the retinue of Sir Rob. Wingfield. Hertford, 28 June 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 21 Oct.—P.S.
21. Rob. Holt. Wardship of Rob. s. and h. of Rob. Evers of Belton, Linc. Del. Westm., 21 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
23. Tho. Smyth of Gouthurst, Kent, smith. Pardon of all treasons committed before 4 June, for which he was condemned at Rochester Castle, before Tho. Broke, lord Cobham, Sir Rich. Broke, and other justices of oyer and terminer. Westm., 23 Oct.—Pat. 20 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 10.
28. Sir Wm. Ascue. Custody of the manors of Estwykam and Thornistoo, with certain other lands in Linc., during the minority of Eliz., kinswoman and heir of Sir Wm. Hanshart, dec. Del. Westm., 28 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
28. John Knyght. Lease of a meadow and a pasture in Pulkesley, in the tenure of Wm. Clerk, and a close called Brownstocking, in the tenure of Ralph Adington, in Pulkesley, in the lordship of Covesgrove, parcel of the lands late of the earl of Warwick, North.; for 21 years, at the annual rent of 60s. for the said meadow and pasture of Wm. Clerk, and 26s. 8d. for the close called Brownstocking, and 10s. of increase. Del. Westm., 28 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 1, m. 9.
28. Christ. Wren and John Knyght. Lease of all demesne lands in Castelthorp belonging to the manor of Hanneslap, part of Warwick's lands, Bucks, and land in Tutteland and Michelholme; for 21 years, at the annual rent of 28l. 8s., and 2s. of increase; on surrender of patent 17 Feb. 13 Hen. VIII., granting a 21 years' lease of the premises to Tho. Slade, general receiver and surveyor of Warwick's lands. Del. Westm., 28 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 33.
28. Tho. Grey, yeoman of the Guard. To be keeper of Grove Park, Warwick, an office lately held by Sir Wm. Compton; and to have the herbage and pannage of the park, besides the usual fees. Ampthill, 8 Aug. 20 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 28 Oct. 20 Hen. VIII.—P.S.

Footnotes

  • 1. 16th?
  • 2. conteroit, evidently a mistake for contenteroit.
  • 3. Francis Quignones.
  • 4. This passage is ambiguous, and there appears to be some error in the text. As printed by Le Grand, it stands thus:—"A quoy le Roy son maistre anroyt plus grant plaisir que luy, est cause de quoy l'affaire de son mariage ne va du tout comme il le demande et qu'il fist promectre à nostre S.P. avant que sortir de prison qu'il ne passeroit jamais ce point."
  • 5. Thomas Meryng was escheator of Notts and Derbyshire in the year 19 and 20 Hen. VIII.
  • 6. The "29" is blotted over.
  • 7. Blank in S.B.