Henry VIII: August 1516, 1-10

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 2, 1515-1518. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1864.

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Citation:

'Henry VIII: August 1516, 1-10', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 2, 1515-1518, ed. J S Brewer( London, 1864), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol2/pp681-698 [accessed 5 November 2024].

'Henry VIII: August 1516, 1-10', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 2, 1515-1518. Edited by J S Brewer( London, 1864), British History Online, accessed November 5, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol2/pp681-698.

"Henry VIII: August 1516, 1-10". Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 2, 1515-1518. Ed. J S Brewer(London, 1864), , British History Online. Web. 5 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol2/pp681-698.

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August 1516

1 Aug.
Calig. E. II. 44. B. M.
2236. MOUNTJOY and the COUNCIL OF TOURNAY to HENRY VIII.
Have received his letters by Norroy. In answer to the charge of enlarging the plan for the citadel laid down by the King, &c. they have not extended it beyond forty feet, nor made any other changes, except to avoid laying the earth of the ditch in the churchyard. They will not [meet with] more rocks one way than the other. Have required of Wm. Pawne what provision there is for the workmen. Have had no money since the departure of the Lord [Chamberlain], "which was the 22d day of January, unto the 5th day of April next ensuing." As the Chamberlain had sent Lancaster herald and Ponynges at different times to the Council, and could get no answer, he had caused the houses to be appraised, that if the King chose to remunerate the owners the precise value of the property might be known, and discontents avoided. The burning of the suburbs was another matter. That was done by the people themselves on the spur of a supposed necessity, and did not deprive the owners of the ground. Besides, several of the owners are [subjects] of the King of Castile, resident in his countries. Will do their best to induce the inhabitants to contribute, and have brought the subject before them. The artillery house is not yet begun, but a place is selected for it. The mint will not serve the purpose. Have not followed any of the devices in the new plat, except the bulwark at Porte Brule, planned when the Earl of Worcester was here. Have done their best to save expence. Must have for a time a much larger number of workmen. Never promised to complete the works by Michaelmas: they are too extensive. Without the materials of the old houses and wa[lls] and the stone in the ditch, could not have got the one half above ground. Hope in a month to be [out] of danger of water; the rest will then fast up by God's leave. Have appointed Wm. Bartilmewe serjeant, and Hugh Say, whom my Lord Chamberlain knows, to fill the office of controller. Beg a good supply of money be sent. The lieutenant and Jerningham the treasurer have certified my Lord Cardinal of the treasure that will remain at next payment on the 24 Aug. Tournay, 1 Aug.
Signed: W. Mountjoy—Sir Ric. Whettehill—John Wyman, k.,—Richard Sampson—Sir Ric. Jarnegan—Sir John Tremayle—Byc. Hansart—Wyll'm Pawne—Thomas Hert.
Pp. 6, mutilated.
Calig. E. II. 57.
B. M.
2237. TOURNAY.
"... like manner under correction and better advice to see the ... of the said memories and instructions, the answer may be in manner following." Finances of the town [Tournay.
Fragment, p. 1, mutilated. The same hand as the preceding.
1 Aug.
R. O.
2238. OUNTJOY to WOLSEY.
Hopes the Council of Tournay's answer to the King's letter sent by Norroy will be satisfactory. If not, they desire commissioners to view and report how they have discharged their trust. Is sorry the King's Council think he acted without their advice in the compensation offered for the houses. It was done by their advice, like all other matters concerning the citadel, except that touching Mortaigne and the court sovereign, in which he had special instructions. Requires more money to advance the works speedily. After next payment on 24 Aug. there will not be more than 1,626l. 13s. 4d. Tournay, 1 Aug. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: My Lord Cardinal.
1 Aug.
Calig. B. VI. 187. B. M.
2239. ALBANY to DACRE.
Sends Lyon king of arms. The measures taken for the preservation of the peace ought to content him. Edinburgh, 1 Aug.
Hol., Fr., pp. 2.
1 Aug.
S. B.
2240. For JOHN BUTTIS.
Lease for twenty-one years, at the annual rent of 7l. 16s. 8d., of possessions of the late Viscount Beaumont, parcels of the manor of Wyrmegay, Norf., vix.: two pastures near a mill called "le Holmes" and Baddesfenne, late held by John Lasshebourne; demesne lands there late held by John Fyncham; a pasture called Russhefenne, late in the tenure of the priory of Pentney; a marsh called Normandisfenne, late in the tenure of the Prioress of Blakburgh; and marshes called Busshefenne alias Pentneybusshefenne, Brondisfenne, Mocholadisfenne, Dunstable and Scottisfenne, late in the tenure of the said Prior. Del. Westm, 1 Aug. 8 Hen. VIII.
2 Aug.
R. O.
2241. SILVESTER BP. OF WORCESTER to WOLSEY.
Sent his last on the 18th by the German posts, which he supposes have reached sooner than the former letters, informing Wolsey that the Pope was sick and unable to attend to business. On his recovery, Worcester with the ambassadors of the Emperor and the King of Spain urged him to keep his promise of sending Wolsey a mandate for the formation of a new league. He makes great difficulties, as Wolsey will see by Worcester's ciphers to Ammonius. Sends at last the brief touching Tournay in duplicate, obtained with great difficulty. The French ambassadors complain that he kept it folded up for several days. He has granted it with the condition that it is not to be shown under pain of excommunication. Since writing the messenger has deferred his departure three days. The Pope has had a relapse, of which Worcester has written to Ammonius. Rome, 2 Aug. 1516. Signed.
Lat., pp. 2. Add.: Tho. Card. Ebor. Endd.
4 Aug.
Calig. E. II. 141. B. M.
2242. SAMPSON to WOLSEY.
The French elect is come. Inhibition against him must be procured from Rome. If Wolsey will write to Lady Margaret, Sampson will procure a prohibition from her Council. Tournay, 4 Aug.
Hol., pp. 1, mutilated. Add.: [T]o my Lord Cardinal.
4 Aug.
Vit. B. III. 51. B. M.
2243. SILVESTER BP. OF WORCESTER to [AMMONIUS].
Reverende, &c. Alli dicennove del passato vi ma ... con piu advisi; di poi anco alli venticin[que scri]psi per mano di Messer Tomaso Spinelli che ... to saranno state bone littere et vi dixi in ... come nostro Signore cominciava a guarire i ... cra guarito et la speransa ferma chel ci ha ... ta di volere mandare omninamente quel me .. tino con quel mandato; ma in effecto non po .. ad niuno modo lo oratore Hispano, et io con og[ni] diligentia et forsa fare che per anco c ... servi per le difficulta che continue n ... che di novo ci e al certo di certo accordi ... li Suisseri con li Francesi che da Alp ... to disturbo alla mente et ogni moment ... cta littere da Messer Jacobo Gambaro ... cio con dicti Suisseri de intendere a ... cosa passa et dicto adviso per niente ... re advenire per che la dieta loro fu al [ven]tidue del passato. Di poi sua Sanctit[a] ... uo sta in grande pensamento di questa ... del Gran Mastro di Francia in Picardia ... ontarsi con Monsignor de Cievres et q[uesti Fran]cesi dicano al certo chel seguira ... quod pejus est nostro e stato chi ... che li Franciosi offeriscano allo Impe[rator]e se vuole accordarsi con loro la destructi[one d]e Venetiani, cioe essere con lo Imperatore [con] tucte le loro forse, et cetera. Et questa ... ama pare che la meni Monsignor di Cievres ... ra vedete quante difficulta fanno stare el [P]apa suspeso, et non crediate per niente che ... este siano cose ficte che tucte sono vere che ... i pare tucta via che di costa interpretino che ... sia Francioso et chel trovi queste scuse [e]t cetera; et io vi affermo chiaramente che non [e]vero, et che nessuno haveria piu caro la expul[s]ione de Francesi de Italia et poi anco la dimi[nu]tione loro che sua sanctita, ma tucto perfa ... e una pace universale niente di manco non ci [e]xclude che non vogli mandare dicto mandato ad ... ni modo di brevissimo maio per me tengo per [c]erto che non lo mandera se prima non vede qual[c]he bon segno del impresa, per che molto teme ... secondo me certo ha pur anco lui da pensa ... lli casi suoi ad scoprirsi havendo li France [si lu]i vicini et potenti et li Venetiani che ... i li possano levare la Romagna si che ha ... vostra solita prudentia bene amonstra (fn. 1)re questo et che liberamente non e p ... cosa et so che questo medesimo serive [il orator] Hispano al suo re.
Heri hebbi lettere dal Campuccio de xvij. di Luglio et nessuna ... Dio sa quanto ne desiderano Dio sia quello ne mandi D ...
Il Marruffo scrive al Gibraleone che a ... mente non li scriva piu per Alemania ma [per Fra]ncia et divulgandosi questo non si vot ... [in]terpretare altramente se non che non ce ... alcuna gelosia di guerra con Francia et ... sara unaltro dubio in la testa del Pap[a].
Sabbato Joanni Francisco de Bardi trarra a Lione li denari ... paga del Cardinale Hadriano; et non sappiamo sei denari ... che il Campuccio non ne dice niente, come fa sempre di tucte ... importanti che le lassa ad rietro.—Finalmente si e resoluto dice di venir ad Joanni Paulo ques ... vedete che cose da putti son queste, havere la commodita del ... et volere dare la lunga fino ad Gennaro. Chi non sa che lo ... poi che per la asperita de tempi non puo fino ad pasqua etc. Io sto continue in tagli o in roctorii in questa mia fiscola ... capi et non ho securta alcuna ne molta speranza di gu ... e in loco tanto fastidioso che mi fa stare come ... a mia vita oltra li alteri miei infiniti dispiaceri continue ... [gran]-dissime spese trovomi, Dio gratia, quattro fra fisici et chirur[gi. P] ensate che spesa e questa, et voi di costa nulla mi recuperate [que]llo che ho speso, et di nuovo anco ho speso parrecchii ducati per [qu]esti brevi Tornacensi, et voi havete paura a parlare per me, credendo [fa]re el meglo, et io vidico che fate el peggio, et cosi io mi sto [con]tinue in necessita et mala, immo pessima contentessa.
(fn. 2) " ... e poco mancho di 2 mesi che fra icaldi et la indispositione [de]l papa che non estato signatura, salvo de 3 di, in qua ... ... non ho potuto havere la signatura della dispensa[tione del] magistro de roli, che bixogna la mano propria del [Pa]pa. Ora attendero affare expedire la bolla et mandare quam [pri]mum potro.
[Que]sto corriero doveva partire tre di sono, ina Messer A[lo]isio che lo manda con le bolle Herfordense, dice non [ha] potuto prima, et interim e ritornata la febre al [pa]pa alquanto molesta, ma non gia che fino a qui si ..., dichi periculo alcuno, si che quanto alle cose ... l mandato non ci e ordine fino non guarisce ne anco ... ci vedo per me ordine se prima non vede qualche [se]curta della impresa tanto piu che oltra tucte [le a]ltre cose che ho decto disopra il Cardinale de [Medici] mi monstra una lettera delli undici del [meso ultimo da] B[ru]ggia ben che non ho potuto vedere.
(fn. 3)Voi me imputate molto che io non scvivo e ... scrivo de continuo; et se le littere non po ... sare, io non posso altro ne sono per mandare ... per via de Francia ad me spese maxime ch ... tempo immo molti mesi che le nove si expe ... di costa che di qua non ci e stato cosa niuna [di] minima importantia, ma io comprendo bene ... di costa si moveno molto al grido sensa fu ... to alcuno. Non so che scriva loro quelle pa ... che ne facevi tanto conto che le gente d ... ame erano passate et ite ad trovare lo imp[erato]re, credente voi che io sia tanto ignorant[e] ... quando fusse stato una tal cosa che io non ... vessi dato adviso. Le gente non si sono ma ... se dalle confine del Reame et li stanno d ... la gratia et sono per potere fare poco ƒ ... et quando andassero per staffetta non so ... potere ire in Lombardia in dui mesi et ... ti pochi di si perdera Verona in tanto se ... si dice per la dapogaggine dello imper[atore] ne queste gente sono tante che se andass[ero] avanti li Francesi non li incontrassero ... li giassero. Ulterius dite Messer A[ndrea] costi overo scripse che di qui si ... [nu]ncio del Papa per venire costi con il man ... et cetera. Molto sono stimato poco che se tal ... a fusse. Io non ne havessi scripto quello ne e [a]mato; lo ho scripto ad unguem, laltra si e che di me che costi si sa claramente che il Papa e scoperto contra i Francesi, cum sit che ha mandato Messer Jacobo del Gambaro alli Suisseri ad portare loro denari et inanimarli contra i Francesi apertamente et cetera. Vi dico de novo che cotestoro sono pessime advisati da altri. Io so che sempre dico quello che e vero et non le frasche; ma mi pare diano fede secondo che vorrenno le cose ad loro proposito Messer Jacobo del Gambaro e vero che sitrova per nostro Signore da Suisseri insieme con il Vescovo de Veruli, tucti dui nuncii di nostro Signore; et vero e che hanno ad questi di dato certi denari a Suisseri, ma non per quel conto che dite voi, ma per conto di certa pensione che il Papa promisse loro ogni anno quando fu facto Papa, che entro in lega con loro [e]t lo Imperatore; si che de directo voi siete ... mo male informati che il Papa sia scoperto ... to contra li Francesi, che non e vero, (fn. 4)ne c per esscre fino vede cominciare la i ... egie ben vero che decto Vescovo de Veruli [et Mes]ser Jacobo del Gambaro dove possano secre[tamente] et modestamente hebbeno in commissione da [nostro] Signore de dissuadere continue li Suisseri d[alla] devotione de Francesi quando intese di quest ... ga che se havea ad fare et di questa impresa ... la quale si po mettere per ita in fumo per ... se sono seguite poi del re Catholico vendu ... prio dal suo consilio preter expectatione s ... um che mi penso sia costa dispiaciuto ult ... et cosi e anco dispiaciuto di qua a nostro ... re assai, per che in facto come sempre veho ... ad lui saria de summa gratia che questi [France] si fussero cacciati de Italia et abbassa[te] le corna, et ad questo quando havesse visto ... dere la lega del Re de Hispania lui franca p ... anco vi saria entrato et contribuito di qu ... havesse possuto ma hora li pare che il nostro ... possendo offendere li Francesi per via de f ... et con el favore et adjuto loro che non p ... per se solo quello che saria el bisogno ... la offensione di costa era quella. (fn. 5) ... resa vincta et perduta. Pero nostro Signore ... e per innovare cosa alcuna ansi intratenersi ... glo che potra con li Francesi quali li offeri ... cano ogni di maria et montes; tamen se si trova modo che il re de Hispania sia de altra opinione et che la impresa se habbi ad fare per conclusione nostro Signore fara sempre quello che vi ho dect[o].
[D]el matrimonio del magnifico Lorenso hora duca de Urbino non ho mai inteso niente, et sto stupito che tal cosa vadi ad torno et io non lo sappi; et per niente lo credo, ma prima che io serri questo lo sapro, et credo sia piu presto inventiva di Messer Galeatio Visconti, quale ha uno cervello inquietissimo, ben che di costa habbino a[l]tra opinione.
[M]esser Ricardo Paceo si duole di me che lo non l[i] scrivo, et tamen infinite lettere li ho script[o] che non li sono capitate. Non posso fare altro. Lui si fa molto galiardo de Suisseri, ma mi dubito si trovere ingannato, per che loro vanno con[t]inue prorogando per vedere la conclusione di ... lo faceva il re Catholico et come saranno ... di quel che il decto re Catholico (fn. 6) ha facto (fn. 7) voi troverete che si con legh ... mente con li Francesi che mai piu si pot ... re alli nostri giorni et cosi se non vi si r ... li Franciosi faranno cio che vorranno.
Non crediate mai che il re nostro possa concl[udere] con lo Imperatore che el venga in Flandra ... che Monsignor de Cievres et li altri sim ... ad lui che sono li non lo comporteranno ma ... tucti li disegni sono guasti per questa pa[ce]. Non faro intendere niente al Papa quanto di ... te circa li denari che per lui havessi a sb[orsare] il re et cetera; non e tempo per niente [par]lare di tal cosa, ben che simil cose me se[rive] anco Messer Ricardo Paceo.
Io sono stato di poi a lungo con il Papa et dolut ... fine al celo di questa pratica del matrimo[nio del] Duca de Urbino sensa mia saputa et per altr ... et quanto questo cosa mi sotterri havendo ma ... to questa diffidentia di me, et sopra quest ... passate fra lui et me molte cose per che io m ... resentito come uno aspido, finalmente lui ... mille sacramenti che di sua commissione ... tal cose ad torno et sta molto malcont[ento] ... (fn. 8) ... tra littera dice essersi concluso darli quest ... e Saresberi, et cetera, per che non e per niente [d]i sua intentione, se gia non vi si accordassero tucti li principi et che ne havesse ad essere Duca di Milano, il che conosce benissimo sua Sanctita non essere per riuscire ad modo alcuno, ansi piu tosta per ruinarvi sotto, et levato questo, apertamente me ha decto quando fusse bene una sorella del re che lui non la pigleria per il decto Duca de Urbino, non che non havesse piu honore che non me ritasse mille volte ma per che non faria per il duca per esser troppo longe la sala dalla cucina et cio che cotestoro li volesseno fare, dice sa bene alpiu saria de darli quaranta o cinquanta milia ducati in dote et questo lui estima uno zero, perche ha bisogno de stato, o, de appoggiarsi il loco che li possino facilmente defendere que[l]lo che ha et quello che havera lui mi ha decto chiaramente che questa e una cosc mossa da quello [c]ervello inquieto di Messer Galeatio Visconte [qu]ale ne scripse di questo ad Sancta Maria in Por[tic]o quando si trovava verso Modona che ad lui ba ... anima di condurre una tal cosa et cetera. (fn. 9) Et Sancta Maria in Porticu ne li sc[... se] condo che dicto Messer Galeatio li ha ... scripto et che lui per non parere di le ƒ [are] uno tal partito et per intratenere Messer Gale[atio] ne animate alla impresa contr F ranc ia r ... ad Sancta Maria in Porticu che li dovers ... pondere che andasse intratenendo la cosa ... lui non saria mai per refutare li boni par ... et cetera et giurami che mai piu ne ha in ... altro, ne credeva se ne fusse mai piu parl ... Giura etiam, che altra littera mai ne br ... credentiali o in altro modo non ha facto a ... del mondo di tal cosa, et che quando havesse ... hauto tal pensieri, confessa chel saria ... il piu ingrato homo del mondo sel se fusse g ... to da me. In fine el midice in tal modo qu ... cose che io mi rendo certissimo che le s ... vere, et credo che tucto procedo che Mes[ser] Galeatio Visconte vuol male ad tucta la c[asa di] Sforsa, et quando se habbi ad fare impresa ... vere victoria lui e per fare el peggio ... chel Duca di Bari non habbi quello sta ... sempre si e sforsato metter questo in ca ... et gia come sapete, io ne scripse di ... (fn. 10)... eano che il Magnifico Lorenso fusse Duca di [Mil]ano. Et il Cardinale mi respose che il se havea [d]ata la fede sua al Duca di Bari et che mai la rom[p]ere et cetera. Et allora il Papa levo totalmente il pensieri et dissemi dieci volte "Il re fa molto bene, per che questo mio pensiero di Lorenso era uno ... ecarmi in odio tucto il mondo," et mi giura esscre molto malcontento di questa determinatione facta costa che secondo voi era conclusa, ct dubito mi neve ... ra scandolo per che absolutamente il Papa non lo faria ... et chi ne havera parlato dovera haverli poca gratia ... dal re.
[Tri]carica scrive di Francia che la matre del re li[h]a decto come il Cardinale Eboracense havea decto costi allo oratore Francese overo nuncio ... li capituli in che modo si faria la pace con Hi[s]pania per la qual corsa lei ne piglara malconcepto dubitando che questa pace non sia cosa fict[a] et che sia pace ficta. Molti lo credeno per di[v]erse ragione, maxime per quello capitulo che se .. tende che il re de Hispania possa essere contr[a li V] enetiani in favore dello Imperatore contra [quale]unque, et cetera. Item ci e una littera di [Messer An]drea di Burgos de Flandria, quale e de (fn. 11)venticinque del passato, et la scrive [a suo fra]tello, et dice "Io non ti posso scrivere d ... non stare di mala vogla che presto udirai ... ti piacere." Et questo suo fratello insiem [e con] epso Messer Andrea sono inimicissimi de Fra[ncia]. Ulterius el non se intende che lo Imperato[re] lamenti che da indicio pur de pace fict ... ogni homo et presertim il Papa expecta d[i ... ] glare la mire dalli advisi che dara il nost[ro sere]nissimo re, quali sono expectati con tanto [deside]rio quanto mai fussi cosa al mondo, et se pur ... vero che questa pace fusse facta in conte ... del re come io perme lo comprendo per lo scri ... vostro et che si veda che il re de Hispani [a] ... pur fermo in questa pace. Io ho de bon loc ... il Papa dico il Duca de Urbino se in pare ... con Francia si che vedete come le cose so[no] andare et per vostro fede datemi pieno ad ... che scrive di costa tanta ciancie in co ... il Papa non e pero per correre ad questo par[lamen] to con Francia fine che non veda vene ce ... il re de Hispania vogli pur star impace co[n Fran]cia et che prima sia in Hispania.
Il prefato re de Hispania insta grandeme[nte il] Cardinale il Vescovo de Canbr[ai ... S]ignor de Cevres et questo fa per lassarlo go[ver]natore in Flandra che saria una mala cosa ... do questa motione de parentato costi per il [D]uca de Urbino riuscire scandalosa cosa per che [i]l Papa nega absolutamente che mai ne ad Messer Galeatio ne ad Messer Ricardo Paceo ha dato tal commissione ne in para ne in scriptis. Et il Cardinale Sancta Maria in Porticu presentia mia c stato ad paragone con il Papa, qual dice non si trovera mai che lui ne habbi dato commissione alcuna se non che Messer Ricardo et Messer Galeatio hanno mosso loro che roleano il parentare il re con il Papa per questa via del Duca de Urbino, et lui response loro, "Piu di quattro mesi sono che nostra signore havera sempre piacere quanto piu sara intrinsecato con la majesta del re," et cetera, et che ad questo faccino quelle opere che parra loro ma mai ha dato commissione di matrimonio alcuno, et come dice il Papa, il Cardinale Eboracense [a]bsolutamente non respose piu fa che quanto al []ucato di Milano il re ne havea dato la fede al Du[ca] di Bari, et che mai saria permutarla; et lui ... ra ne levo ogni speransa tanto piu quanto sem ... we difficilissima cosa, immo impossible, et per (fn. 12) tirarlo in odio con tucto il mond[o.]
Non so come Ricardo potra purgare questo ... che in vero mi pare che habbi errato gr[andemen]te, non potendo monstrare alcuna commissi[one da]ta dal Papa ne par uno breve di credenti[a] ... io vedo bene che si sono accordati lui et M[esser] Galeatio Visconti per fare questo parent ... excludere el Duca di Bari et lui guadagn ... di qua nello stato Milano qual che gran m ... to, ma di costa so come sono facti daranno la co ... costoro et non ad Ricardo et non so come pigle ... la cosa quando redranno che il Papa non ci vo ... tendere come al securo io so che non ci vo ... dere se non in caso che il Duca potesse ess[ere Du]ca di Milano, il che il Cardinale piu mesi ... excluse affermative.
Farete tucto intendere dextramente nel su ... vostro che in effecto quando il Papa ha ... hauto il capo ad tal cosa non haveria usato ... instrumento di me et cosi tacitamente ... scrivo per una breve quale spero poterum ... la copies con questa, ma il breve non c ... in ordine chel secretario e un poco in ... et questo fante che manda lo orat[ore ... (fn. 13) ... qu]esta sera ad ogni modo et fa la via de Franc[ia] ... io indirisso la lettere ad Messer Tomaso Spa[ne]lli rel al Taxis che siano mandate costi pre[s]to.
[Co]me vederete per la copia del breve, haveti campo assai ad poter monstrare la fede che il Papa ha in me ct come non haveria tractato tal cosa se non per mia mano, ma ri bisognera dire che il Papa ha inteso questa pratica facta di questo matrimonio per Messer Galeatio et Messer Ricciardo per altra ria che me, et che con dispiacere ha inteso andare tal cose ad torno sensa commissione sua et cetera. Governatela bene, come non dubito saprete fare, che forsa darete la lettera ad qualcuno ... I bisogna ad ogni modo che qualche inbratto si in questa pace, per che li copituli che hanno hauti li Francesi oratori et quelli hanno hauto lo oratore Hispano che tucti li hanno monstri [a]l Papa il molte cose non concordance.
Ital., cipher, undeciphered; pp. 16, badly mutilated; some leaves bound upside down..
4 Aug.
R. O.
2. [SILVESTER] BP. OF WORCESTER to AMMONIUS.
Sent a messenger to him on the 19th, and on the 25th a parcel to Spinelly, which he is sure will arrive quickly, to the effect that the Pope was getting better, and promised to keep his word to send "dominus Latinus," his chamberlain, with a mandate for Wolsey; which, however, neither he nor the Spanish ambassador has yet been able to obtain. The obstacles have been the Pope's illness, his natural slowness, but chiefly the messages received by him from the Emperor, stating that the Catholic King had not yet made the league with the King of which Ammonius wrote, that the Swiss were in favor of the French, and have almost joined them, but that the affair was to have been brought before the diet on the 22nd of last month, of which he hoped daily to hear the result from Jacopo Gambaro.
The Pope is much troubled to hear of the Great Master of France going into Picardy to meet Chievres. The French declare there will be peace between them and the Catholic King, that they will restore Brescia to the Emperor, and not only keep Verona for themselves, but compel the Venetians to be in alliance with the Em- peror. Chievres is the mover in all this, and there is great suspicion that the Emperor is lending an ear to the French promises. The Pope is afraid of offending them since he is in their power. No one wishes more than he does the expulsion of the French from Italy, and without it there can be no general peace. So long as the Venetians and the French are allied, his life is in great hazard. Antonio de Vivaldi and Marruffo request their letters may not be sent by Germany, but by France,—a thing that is considered unlikely unless the alliance between the French and Italians be confirmed. The Cardinal de Medici has shown him letters of the 11th ultimo, dated Bruges, of which he could not read the writer's name, stating that several of the Catholic King's Council were in favor of a peace with France, which the writer thought would take effect, and that nothing was concluded between the Catholic King and England for offensive action against France. The messenger has been delayed three days. The Pope has had a relapse into fever, but is not thought to be in danger.
Has with great labor obtained the brief for the administration of Tournay, but the Pope wishes it not to be used till it be known that the French do not get the upper hand. Writes to Wolsey touching the Abbey of St. Martin, which the Pope long ago gave to a kinsman for whom he had a particular affection. The illness of the Cardinal St. Severino is dangerous. There is great sickness in the city. God and man are equally unfavourable to him.
Latin decipher by Ammonius, headed: "Ex literis Domini Wigorniensis, 4° Augusti ex Urbe ad me datis."
Pp. 3. Endd.
4 Aug.
Galba, B. IV. 130. B. M.
2244. SPINELLY to [WOLSEY].
Wrote last on 30 July. Is told by Andrew de Bourgo that "the Emp[eror] hath consented not the coming of the horsemen of Naples ... not sure way, that they might join with the garrison of V[erona] by reason of the great power the Frenchmen and Venetians have about Brescia and Pescara, and that in case the King ma[y] ... set forthward the Swissers, the said Frenchmen shall be compelled to resist unto them. And so the Emperor in 15 [days] without danger might command and have the horsemen." Has some difficulty in believing this; first, because one month will [not] serve to come to Verona; secondly, because the King, while treating for a marriage with France, could hardly permit his subjects to invade the French. Casius has received letters, dated 26th ult., from Fellinger, who was not despatched hitherwards, and Casius thinks the Emperor waited for news from England. Casius also says, when Hedin declared to Chievres and the Chancellor the Emperor's displeasure at their proceedings with France, "that before their going to Noyon [he wrote a letter] of his own hand, both unto the King and them, [saying he had not] given to the said Hedin any such charge, and that ... was very well content and pleased with them all." Casius received similar intelligence by the post of the 26th, and says the Emperor has good reason to be pleased with them, as they have sent him 15,000 ducats for the garrison at Verona.
Yesterday news came from Noyon, where the ambassadors met the French on Thursday, and commenced the conferences on the 1st. Does not know the particulars, but that the French are "difficile." Has seen Berghes, who has a slight disease in the leg. He cautions the King against Hedin, who is a double man. If his charge is of importance, the King should instruct his ambassadors to answer it. The Chancellor's servant, Mr. Henry, has letters from him, speaking of his success in a certain matter, which will not take effect but within x[ ... days], so that they are not likely to return so soon as they thought. The French King was at Paris on the 8th. The towns in Holland are impatient for the succors to be sent to Friesland. The besieged towns are in great danger. Count Felix has arrived at Cleves with 2,000 foot. The Count Palatine has returned from Luxembourg, where he received the oath of the country in the King's name. They have contributed 25,000 golden gulders to redeem certain places mortgaged by the Duke of Lorraine. Brussels, 4 Aug. 1516.
Ric. de la Pole has been at a place of Rob. de la Mark's, and returned to Mettz. He has not been in France, as was said. Has shown the ambassadors the news in this letter.
Hol., pp. 4, mutilated.
4 Aug.
P. S.
2245. For JOHN SEGEWYKE, page of the Wardrobe of Beds.
To be keeper of the Wardrobe of Beds at Wodestok, Oxon, during pleasure, with 4d. a day. Richmond, 16 July 8 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 4 Aug.
Pat. 8 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m.4.
5 Aug.
Calig. B. II. 263. B. M.
2246. JAMES V. to HENRY VIII.
Requesting a safeconduct for Johnne Ireland, burgess of Edinburgh, with a ship of 100 tons burden laden with fish, and two factors or attorneys, one master or steersman, and other six persons, besides mariners. Edinburgh, 5 Aug. Signed: James Chancellar.
P.1. Add.
5 Aug.
Galba, B. IV. 133 b. B. M.
2247. TICIONUS COUNT DECIAN and HESDIN to WOLSEY.
Have spoken with Leonard Frescobaldi about the bond and the payment of 10,000 crowns to the Emperor. Request Wolsey to inform the King and give them despatch. London, 5 Aug. 1516. Signed.
Lat., p. 1, mutilated. Add.: Card. York.
6 Aug.
Galba, B. IV. 132. B. M.
2248. SPINELLY to WOLSEY.
Wrote last on the 4th. A post has since come from Spain urging the King's going thither. Nothing can be determined about it till the return of [Chievres] and the Chancellor from Noyon. Everything is quiet in Castile. Yesterday Urreas and Don Lewis Carroz told him their King had such bad advisers that there would need to be a change when he went into Spain. They thought it strange that Chievres and the Chancellor should have presumed to make peace, and ... their master in France, without the advice of the many wise men here both of Castile and Arragon. The Marquis da ... Don John of Castile, Louis de Cardona, and many others, are of the same opinion. Hopes, therefore, when the King comes to Spain, the peace will endure no longer. The King should have vigilant ambassadors, who "shall not suffer the Frenchmen by the means of their gifts and corruption to take any foot about him." Understands there are 42 ships prepared for the going into Spain, which have been in wages since the 15th ult., and some provision made of bread and flesh, powdered in England. If the voyage be delayed it will endanger the King Catholic's succession. Of the general discontent of his subjects, that of the Neopolitans and Sicilians is the greatest. The King has gone hunting. Owing to the absence of Chievres and the Chancellor, nothing is done. Their last letters were dated the 3rd, but nothing is known of their contents. The Chancellor has written to my Lady that the French King is urgent to have them at Paris. Hears from Tuke Wolsey's good mind towards him, and hopes for some good resolution in his affairs. Requests that Giles Ringot may soon be sent back. Brussels, 6 Aug. 15[16].
Hol., pp. 3, mutilated. Add.
6 Aug.
Vit. B. XIX. 224. B. M.
2249. Extracts from various letters of [GALEAZZO VISCONTI.]
"Ex litteris datis Turegii vj. Augusti."
The Emperor sent to Galeazzo his herald, with a great bundle of imputations, "quas attribuit et ca ... prte ill. D. Galeatio," a copy of which, and the Emperor's letters, "hoc t ... fatientes dimisit." A specimen of all these is sent to be shown to the King and Wolsey. The Emperor threatens that he, the Pope, the Swiss and the Catholic King will desert England unless they abandon Galeazzo. Galeazzo therefore prays they will adhere to the Emperor, and substitute some other captain for himself. There are three reasons why the Emperor persecutes him: 1, his greediness to devour Milan and the whole of Italy, which it is well known Galeazzo will never suffer; 2, the affection of the Swiss and his authority over them, by whose means they say that Galeazzo opposes everything the Emperor wishes to do in that state; and 3, their belief that if Galeazzo and Pace could be removed, they would have the money of [the] Eng[lish] in their own hands, and could dispose of it just as they pleased. He will die before he will assent to this. Recommends the King and Wolsey to make no new disposition of the state of Milan and of Italy against the will of the Pope. Leaves in their hands his losses and sufferings. Begs permission to betake himself to whomsoever he pleases, but knows not to whom he shall go. Promises faithful service to England if he is only restored to the entire [posses]sion of his honour.
"Ex litteris datis Turegii x. Augusti."
The French are unceasing in their attempts to [gain over] the Swiss; and the five cantons never discontinue their efforts to break the French alliance, in which they will succeed. The ambassadors of all the cantons did not come to the diet which was to be held yesterday at Zurich, but fixed another for St. Bartholomew's day. The French alliance is to be rescinded. The men of Lucerne have determined this de novo in a General Council. By the advice of Galeazzo the Zurickers have united the communities in the canton of "Clarone" (Glarus?). Five of the wavering cantons last year censured in private some of their captains or footmen, and intend to proceed specially against those who have been treating for peace with France.
The French ambassadors who were at Berne, afraid of being taken prisoners or put to death, took flight; and the Great Bastard of Savoy, who was to proceed to Berne with new mandates from France, does not dare pass Savoy, but has written to all the cantons desiring them to send their ambassadors to Geneva to treat with him, but all refuse.
"Ex ejusdem litteris datis Turegii x. Augusti."
Sends a reply to the calumnies of the Emperor and his councillors against Galeazzo. Urges that the matter be treated with the utmost delicacy and secrecy, and the greatest respect shown to the Emperor that no disagreement may ensue. At the request of Pace and even the Emperor's ambassadors, who are equally grieved at the Emperor's intemperance, Galeazzo was unwilling to publish his defence. He even wrote as kind an answer as possible to the Emperor, a copy of which he sends to be shown to Wolsey. Had these recriminations been known to the Swiss their suspicions of the Emperor's making an alliance with the French would have been awakened, and this would have ruined the whole business. Galeazzo wonders that St. Laurence's Day has passed without news from England. Hopes, however, the league with the Catholic King is concluded. Galeazzo advises that nothing be done without it. In the event of the Catholic King, and those who ought to go the right way, proving refractory, Galeazzo has a design which he reserves for a future occasion. He has already given some inkling of it to Pace. Begs to know the resolution of the King and Wolsey speedily. The imputations of the Emperor, if well looked into, [redound] rather to the honor than the dishonor of Galeazzo.
"[Ex ejusdem] litteris datis Turegii xij. Augusti."
All speed ought to be made against the French in Italy. It the French King see that no advance is made against him in Italy he will move his troops to the borders of Naples. He now daily sends his men towards Genoa, where a large fleet is preparing. The Pope fears the burden will fall on his own shoulders, as in the last expedition he refused to aid the French, to which he was bound by the treaty. In Sienna and Florence the French King has many supporters; if he get possession of Naples, "jacta est alea." The Venetians daily urge the French King to beware of the Pope, and not to permit the Magnifico Lorenzo to imp his wings. They assert they have intercepted letters, by which they have clearly ascertained that the Pope is not faithful to the French King. Delay is dangerous; the Pope will be compelled to declare himself openly for the French King, and make another league with him.
"Ex litteris D. Saxi Vicecomitis, xij. Au[gusti.]"
There are few or no French in Milan, and if they ride out they are killed by the country people. The G[allicisers] are in great fear. Their opponents rejoice; all the Milanese exiles have [returned]. They all look up to Galeazzo. All the French have gone either to France or to Genoa. If an invasion of the Milanese were made now, there would be no want of money.
From letters of Mark Antony Cagnola, "x4. Aug. Tu[regii]."
The French are going back to France with all speed. Those in Milan are in great fear. The fate of the whole world is at stake between England and France. If the other Christian powers have the will, they have not the means. The remaining potentates will join that King to whom the Swiss give their adhesion. The French shower money on the Swiss; for if Milan is quiet, they will turn their arms elsewhere, repair their expenses, and rule the whole world.
Nothing is to be expected from the Emperor's folly. Unless nature find a remedy there is none. If the King desires success, he should send an Englishman of rank to take supreme command of the expedition, who will not be influenced by his figments. The King should take the duchy of Milan, and afterwards give it, if he pleased, to the Duke of Bari. It must be done quickly; there is now abundance of provisions in the Milanese if the Swiss come down.
From Galeazzo's letters everything is to be told first to Wolsey, and by him, if he think fit, to the King.
Pp. 8, mutilated. Endd.: Extract' litterarum ... sine dat'.
7 Aug.
Nero, B. VII. 22. B. M.
2250. [LAUR. LOREDANO] DOGE OF VENICE to SEB. GIUSTINIAN.
Has heard with great pleasure the Cardinal's announcement of gallies to be sent thither (istuc). Desires he will use his efforts with the King that the same treaty may exist between him and their republic as existed in the days of his progenitors, and safeconduct be secured for their shipping. Had received a similar privilege from Queen Johanna. Is to procure that the King's army join with theirs in the expedition against Verona, and assure his majesty that, if that city be once gained, there will be an end to all wars in Christendom. 7 Aug. 1516.
Lat., pp. 2.
7 Aug.
S. B.
2251. For HEN. WOGAN.
Livery of lands as husband of Katharine Wogan, deceased, viz. a fourth of the possessions of David Mathewe and Alice his wife. The coheirs are Ric. Harde and Eliz. his wife, Wm. Throgmorton and Margaret his wife, and Th. Bayneham and Anne his wife,—the said females being daughters and heirs of the said David and Alice. Wogan has a daughter named Joan. Del. Westm., 7 Aug. 8 Hen. VIII.
Pat. 8 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 6.
8 Aug.
S. B.
2252. For JOHN PULTENEY.
Lease of the lordship of Kenyngton, Surr., parcel of the duchy of Cornwall, for 21 years, at the annual rent of 26l. 13s. 4d.; and allowance of 10 marks for the fee of Sir Ric. Cholmeley and Sir John Daunce, stewards of the said lordship. Pulteney agrees to keep all buildings in repair, except the mansion called "Prince's Palace." Del. Westm., 8 Aug. 8 Hen. VIII.
Calig. B. VI. 188.
B. M.
2253. SCOTLAND
"Instructions yeven by the King's highness to his trusty and well-beloved Clarenseux king-at-arms, to be declared to the King's cousin, the Duke of Albany." 1. The King has received Albany's proposal for ratification of the articles between himself and Wolsey made on his behalf by De Playnes and Fayet, principally for the Duke's passage to France by England. The King is agreeable to the same, but as the articles now sent vary from the former, touching the Queen's dower and the rupture of the comprehension of France, Albany must not wonder that the King cannot ratify his "book." Relying, however, on the Duke's honor to accomplish the conditions offered by him to Wolsey, he has sent Clarencieux with a copy of his ratification under the Great Seal in form as agreed to heretofore. The original is to remain at Berwick with Lord Dacre till the Duke has delivered his confirmation, when the letters of ratification shall be exchanged.
As Clarencieux is more expert than Dacre in the French tongue, he is to examine the Duke's confirmation, and inform him that a safeconduct has been granted under the Great Seal, and is ready for him at Berwick; that his demands for hostages are so extreme, and dishonorable to the King, that they cannot be granted. The King, however, is content, for the Duke's security, that the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Dacre and Conyers be laid in Scotland, and the Earl of Surrey, Admiral of England, in Boulogne. If the Duke will come to England, authorized by the Estates, between this and Christmas next, the truce taken till the Feast of St. Andrew's shall be prolonged to St. John the Baptist's Day next ensuing; otherwise the King will take his advantage, and set garrisons on the Borders. Is informed that the direction lately made between the ambassadors of England and Scotland for restitution of jewels, plate, and stuff belonging to the Queen of Scotland had not been fulfilled. Clarencieux shall demand redress of the Duke. The King is resolved to make a terrible example of those who ill-treated La Fayette at such time as he last passed from England to Scotland. The King cannot restore the Lord of Glencarn, a rebel, being in England, as he never heard of the said Lord, nor knows where he is. Clarencieux on his way will communicate these instructions to Dacre.
Pp. 6.
R. O. 2254. WOLSEY to SIR JOHN HERON.
"Mr. Heron,—Forasmuch as the King at this present time sendeth Clarencieux into Scotland with the ambassadors of France, his pleasure is, that ye shall deliver to him his diets, after the accustomable manner, for the space of fifty days, 16l. 13s. 4d. Yours, T. Carlis Ebor."
Hol. Add.
9 Aug.
Calig. B. II. 354. B. M.
2255. CLARENCIEUX to WOLSEY.
Has delivered to Albany the King's and Wolsey's, with his credence; with all which the Duke expressed himself much pleased, saying he is determined to abide by all that he had promised by Mons. de Planys and Françoys de la Fayette. Two things now remain: (1) the return hither of La Fayette to bring him licence from the French King to leave the realm; (2) he must call Parliament to meet on 2 Sept., when he will propose the sending up of himself and other lords to treat for peace; after which he intends going to France to see the King his master, and my Lady his wife, leaving a deputy in his absence. Has delivered him the safeconduct, "and he thinketh to visit [you] at length." Replied to his inquiries about the hostages, as Wolsey had commanded, that they should be re-delivered when he left England. The Duke said that the lords would not suffer him to leave the realm without a sufficient hostage given in his place. The Duke has crossed the water to Dondy, where the Chancellor is. Clarencieux will follow tomorrow, and know more of his mind. Has seen the King of Scots, a fair young prince. Dacre's servants are gone to Stirling to view the Queen's lands and goods. Edinburgh, 9 Aug.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: To my Lord Cardinal's good grace.
9 Aug.
Vit. B. XIX. 223. B. M.
2256. [SIR ROB. WINGFIELD] to [HENRY VIII.]
Wrote last from ... When Geo. [Lovekyn] was with him at Fiessen there came thither two gre[y friars, for whom] he made good cheer, [as] they seemed, both of person, array and years, to be "good fadyrs." [They] were sent by their provincial and convent to Bologna, wh[ere] a chapter was to be held, and in their favor Wingfield "atteey[ned] ... the Poopis embassadour that is here which is borne in the sayde c[ite] ..." The "sayde frerys" left Fiesen, and lay at a town [one or] two miles beyond this named Stersen, where "theey fyll [at discord] withinne theeym sylfe," so that the younger went away in the night, and [came] to this town. The other, seeing that he did not return, complained to his host that his companion had [carried] away his letters and a coat. The host sent hither a [man] of his, stating the case, and requesting that if the friar came here he should be detained. The friar returned here the same day, and, when taken, accused his companion of having been imprisoned seven years for "medelyn[g] ..." in the time of the King's father, and said that his present mission to Rome was "to complain and procure [such things] as shulde trowbyll your highness and all the realm. Which ... hande to the regiment here," they sent for the other friar [out] of Stersen. He said the younger had been a ... and banished the land; "howbeit he was reteeynid b ... and kepte in pryson iij. yerys; and whanne theey had every ... in that manner, the regyment sent oon of theeyre coun[cillors unto me and] informed me of the matter, and caused them both [to be brought before] me, and lykewyse as theey had shewyd to oothir theey ... I was right sorry to here, conciderynge the cont ... ell the proverbe to be trewe, abitus non facit monacum." It was finally determined by the "regiment" [to send them] to a monastery of their order at Augsburg, with [command] to the guardian to keep them safely; and to [send] word to their guardian in London of their position, that he might send for them. Inspruck, 9 Aug. 1516.
The name of the elder friar is Wm. Reott, of the younger John Lotla. The Emperor left Inspruck on 7 Aug. with a greater "cariage" than he has usually had for a long time. Whither he intends [to go] no one knows for certain. It seems that he waits for news before he goes far, and therefore stays hunting amongst these high mountains. His Chancellor is come from Vienna, where a marriage has been solemnized between Ferdinand Archduke of Austria and the Princess Anne sister to the King of Hungary. "I praye God sende theeym joye and longe lyffe, for that oon is as nyer a kyn to my lady the Pryncesse youre daughtir as goodly maye be, and that oothir by hir modyrs syde is of youre subjettis blood, lynyally discendid from the hedd hows of ye Wyngfeldes, and veryly at this daye I do esteme hir to be oon of the fayrest ladys on lyve."
Hol., pp. 2, mutilated.
9 Aug.
Er. Ep. II. 6.
2257. ERASMUS to LEO X.
Apologises for the liberty he has taken in addressing his holiness. Is encouraged to do so by his briefs, one in praise of the writer's studies, the other commending him to Henry VIII. Had he received them when he was at Basle, nothing should have prevented him from throwing himself at the feet of his holiness. Is now detained in his native country by Prince Charles, whose father Philip had been very liberal to Erasmus. The Pope's letters have prompted the King of England, the Archbishop and the Card. of York to fresh acts of liberality. The Bishop of Worcester and Ammonius, papal nuncio in England, will inform the Pope of what Erasmus has most at heart. Has printed the New Testament in Greek and Latin. It is highly commended by Christ. Bp. of Basle. Had sent a copy last winter to Rome. St. Jerome will appear in Sept. London, 5 id. Aug. 1516.
9 Aug. 2258. For RIC. BARON.
Innotescimus of revocation of protection to Ric. Baron of London, mercer, as in the suite of Sir Ric. Wyngfeld, being still in London. Westm., 9 Aug.
Pat. 8 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 7.
10 Aug.
Giust. Desp. I. 265.
2259. SEB. GIUSTINIAN to the COUNCIL OF TEN.
Received an invitation from the Cardinal to dinner. Wolsey asked him if he had received an answer to the proposals made by the King for Venice to join the league. Sebastian said there was not time for a reply. "Domine Orator, said Wolsey, this business must not be delayed; were you negligent or careless in the matter, you would deserve great reproof." Sebastian defended the good faith of Venice, and was frequently interrupted by Wolsey, who stated that the King of France was ever plotting with the Emperor to betray them, and that the negociation between France and the Catholic King stipulates for the abandonment of Venice; that Francis at Bologna had promised the Pope to abandon the Signory whenever he could make terms with the Emperor. Sebastian answered, if this was ascertained the Signory would look to their own interests. Wolsey replied, "Possibly his majesty and I, who am at least a Cardinal, do not deserve an if." He would have his mere assertions credited without further proof. After much talk of the state of Venice, he urged Sebastian to despatch his letters speedily: "Send an express, for there is no time to lose." On Sebastian's asking if he thought that the Pope wished the French out of Italy, the Cardinal and the Bp. of Durham replied, "Would you were equally as anxious. So long as the King of France is in Italy, the Pope considers himself his chaplain." London, 10 Aug. 1516.
10 Aug.
R. O.
2260. SIR RIC. WHETTEHILL to WOLSEY.
All diligence is used to advance the citadel; but fears it will not be so forward this winter as to put men in it, because Mr. Pawn and Mr. Mason had not been sent to view the ground, a month or forty days before the laborers came. Consequently, there has not been sufficient provision made of stone and limekilns. Had told the Lord Chamberlain that the old walls and towers would be of no service. "The walles of the vhossyng (housing, i.e. houses) and ther gardyns has goyn in a maner as far as has don the wallys and tovars, for ther whas no good stones in the walles but the owt stones, for that whas withyn whas revbys (rubbish) fylyd with good mortar, wherwith the stones war bound so hard that hit has beyn dere stones to be brokyn down." The earth mounds have not yet been raised for the towers. Trusts that by Michaelmas Wolsey will hear some tidings of their advance. Considering the expence the town has been to the King in getting and keeping, thinks he ought not to stick at the expence of the citadel.
States his opinion as to the number of persons required to defend it, and of the means of keeping it without great charge to the King. Doubts the propriety of discharging half the garrison before Allhallowtide. The hearts of the burgesses are so turned, that if the King of France came before the town, they would run any risk rather than not surrender it to him. It is important that the King should have Mortaigne, as most of the merchandise comes to the city past that castle by water; "and if Mons. de Lyne see once the garrison discharged, I feare me a will play rage, for because the number of Englishmen shall be so little that he will not set by them, but will take of the passage what shall like him." At this hour he withholds from the King twenty marks a year. Thinks a pension should be given him to release it, as he asks too much ready money. Tournay, 10 Aug.
Hol., pp. 4. Add.: Lord Cardinal Abp. of York, Lord Chancellor of England. Endd.
10 Aug.
Galba, B. IV. 136. B. M.
2261. SPINELLY to WOLSEY.
Wrote last on the [6th] of this month. There has since come a post from Noyon. On Friday morning the King returned from hunting, and a council was held of the persons named in a bill enclosed. Many difficulties, it appears, were made by the French, who [will not] abandon the Venetians, as they had proposed, but are willing to grant the Emperor a sum of money. Fellinger is expected in two or three days. He has no charge to make peace with the Venetians, but only to receive a pension of 50,000 fl. to be well assigned unto his master, and the 20,000 ducats that he had of the late King Catholic. Casius has desired the Emperor's ambassadors in England to inform Henry of the cause of Fellinger's coming. Believes, however, that the Emperor's need is such, that he will be compelled to make a treaty or lose Verona. By a letter of the 18th it appears that the governor of Verona had compelled the inhabitants to pay the garrison, and that the French had cut off all provisions. The preparations for going into Spain are suspended, on account of the absence of Chievres and the Chancellor. The Marquis of Brandenburgh, the Duke of Alva's son, and almost all the King's house, with many gentlemen of Spain, are gone with Isselstein and Count Felix into Holland. Ambassadors from Gueldres have arrived at Noyon, and ... rebels of Naples; so the French will have excellent opportunities for prolonging the conferences. Brussels, 10 Aug. 1516.
Hol., pp. 3, mutilated. Add.
ii. Bill above referred to, containing the names of those present at the Council.
10 Aug.
P. S.
2262. For SIR WM. TYLER.
Next presentation to the free chapel of St. John, Dorchester. Farnham Castle, 29 July 8 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 10 Aug.
Pat. 8 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 10.
10 Aug.
S. B.
2263. For RIC. YERDE.
Wardship of John, son and heir of Ric. Troubrigge. Del. Westm., 10 Aug. 8 Hen. VIII.
Pat. 8 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 8.

Footnotes

  • 1. f. 52.
  • 2. This paragraph in the Bp. of Worcester's own hand.
  • 3. f. 53.
  • 4. f. 54.
  • 5. f. 54b.
  • 6. f. 56 b.
  • 7. The catchwords ha facto are written at the bottom of f. 54b.
  • 8. f. 56.
  • 9. f. 55 b.
  • 10. f. 55.
  • 11. f. 57.
  • 12. f. 58.
  • 13. f. 58 b.