Venice: June 1631 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1919.

Citation:

'Venice: June 1631 ', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632, ed. Allen B Hinds( London, 1919), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol22/pp508-521 [accessed 29 November 2024].

June 1631



June 1. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	660. GIROLAMO CAVAZZA, Venetian Secretary in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	What Wake said to Contarini about having advised the duke to leave Pinarolo in the hands of the French to serve as a sentinel for the maintenance of peace, must, I fear, have been a notion of his to ingratiate himself with the cardinal, knowing that he would be delighted to encourage the idea for the glory the acquisition of such a place would bring him, because Wake is so dependent on his Highness that he would not dare to offer advice of this character, which might offend him deeply.
	Cherasco, the 1st June, 1631.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
June 6. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	661. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	These last days I have received your Serenity's letters of the 19th and 24th April, and of the 2nd and 8th ult. With the first are those for his Majesty, informing him of the election of the most serene prince, (fn. 1) which I hope to present the day after to-morrow. I will perform an office in conformity with their contents, feeling sure that the confidence will please him, and he will also join in the applause at the elevation of so eminent a senator, whose fame has been published everywhere ere this; and I myself wish your Serenity a happy succession of years. The others bring me news of the course of events. I will not fail to make use of the information, especially where it is a question of trying with due circumspection to prevent the ill feeling between this crown and the States from going any further. I will devote incessant application to this, as the affair itself demands.
	My preceding despatch related the office I performed with the Secretary of State, and the reply I obtained. Since then I have seen the Ambassador Joachim, and have enlarged upon the good disposition I have found, advancing the arguments most likely to satisfy him. I pointed out that time is all in favour of his masters, because every day will make them realise more here that they have confided too much in the promises of the Spaniards, and the king himself will be the first to realise this. The ambassador did not dispute this, but lamented the harm done at the present time. It seemed strange, he said, to have to wait for time to supply a remedy when there are so many good reasons which do not admit of delay for the just satisfaction which the States claim. I told him it was necessary to make allowances, because of the prejudices of certain ministers, and not to mistrust the good intentions of the king. In this way I tried to soothe him with hopes, not altogether vague, that all will turn out well; because if Anstruther does not bring back some definite satisfaction from the emperor and the king recognises that the Spaniards are not really trying for the restitution of the Palatinate I cannot imagine that they will dissimulate any longer. I am indeed afraid that with that minister arriving at the Court in the full tide of the successes of the King of Sweden, the Imperialists will try by every appearance to display their desire to satisfy him. Thus upon the accounts he sends those of the party here will have the means of making a greater impression upon his Majesty's mind. I have foreseen this, and have tried up to the present to introduce the necessary considerations adroitly into my conversations. I have remarked that no resolution would be more likely to secure their obtaining every satisfaction, than one to assist Sweden now that her arms are so successful. Many of those who are best inclined have told me that the king wishes to see the effects of the peace. Others, whom I certainly suspect, have shown that they think the occasion of Anstruther's going might even be a bad time, pointing out that the emperor, being harassed by the Swede, will not be able to devote that attention to the interests of the Palatinate that is proper. The same persons have further hinted that the French are strongly supporting Bavaria against the interests of the Palatine. As they added that the king knows this right well, I strongly suspect that they are trying to make him believe it in order to effect a double stroke, first to excuse the delay of the Spaniards and Imperialists, and secondly to foster mistrust against that nation. However, your Excellencies will have received more authentic information about this from the proper spot besides what I know I have reported about the opinions of Castelnovo.
	Rolandson has arrived. He came recently to see me in the name of the Secretary of State, and to inform me of the advices from Constantinople, about the failure of the English merchant, Mori, and of what took place between the king's ambassador and the Bailo. From the office passed with me I conclude that the ambassador has sent a very bitter report. However, I responded with a simple, straightforward relation of the facts, and I have no misgivings about not having satisfied them. I have since tried to see the Secretary of State myself, but owing to the Court being far away, and because when he comes to town he is always occupied in Councils, I have not been able to find an opportunity. Until I see him it is enough to have shown that I am not avoiding him for lack of confidence in my case.
	They have decided to send back Rolandson to Venice, to remain there as before in the capacity of secretary, and I think he will start in a few days. I could have wished that they had sent an ambassador, and I have adroitly dropped some hints about it, but the question of expense and the scarcity of affairs prevents the realisation. In this state of affairs I think that no one better can be desired than Rolandson himself, because having been born at Venice and a Catholic he has a peculiarly friendly disposition, and I have noticed this during the time of his stay here. I have done my best to confirm his friendliness, assuring him of the good will of your Excellencies towards him.
	The negotiations of the French ambassador have made such progress that everything is practically arranged so far as the mutual restitution and the complete adjustment of all their past differences are concerned. All that remains are some formalities about the manner of carrying this out. Here they want, before sending the commissioners to Canada with orders for the restitution, that the merchant Burlamacchi shall go to France to make sure of the payment of the remainder of the dowry. The ambassador claims that this is a matter of quite a different character which has no connection with the agreement about the restitution, and without refusing satisfaction for the money in question he insists that the commissioners shall start without further delay.
	Since Cottington's return from Spain, the opponents of the Treasurer have tried to secure for him, through the queen's influence, the appointment of first Secretary of State, giving the post of President of the Council to Carleton in recompense, in this way making him indebted to the queen and separating him from the Treasurer. But as Carleton, by this exchange, advanced in reputation but lost in advantage, he opposed this strongly, while Cottington himself did not seem to desire this advancement, unless he obtained it through the Treasurer. Thus everything has remained in suspense. In this occasion it is to be observed that the queen's influence was not very strong, while the enemies of the Treasurer showed their violent hatred, because although they are all of the French party, yet they were disposed to raise and aggrandise one of the most outspoken members of the Spanish party, and I think, if the attempt had succeeded, the interests of princes not on intimate terms with Spain would have suffered serious prejudice.
	Four royal ships are ready to set sail. Sir John Peninton will command them and others which sail with them, (fn. 2) instead of Digby, to whom the king has objected of his own motion, in spite of the favour and support of the Treasurer, Cottington and others who have his Majesty's ear; so he will have to fall back upon his powers of invention (onde converra appigliarsi a qualche creatione). The manner of employment of this fleet still remains quite uncertain, and although it has been said recently that the king has been making these preparations to honour the passage of the Cardinal Infant of Spain to Flanders, there remains a belief that it is for greater occasions. The Ambassador of the States told me recently that their suspicions of France had ceased in great measure, as the naval provisions in that quarter are not considerable.
	The Savoyard ambassador departed on the last day of last month. He received from the king a jewel worth 3,000 crowns with a portrait of his Majesty and of the queen. (fn. 3) Nothing further has happened about the coming of Scaglia beyond what has been already reported. Two days ago it was announced that Tilly had won a success by the capture of Magdeburg. It was not expected, indeed we heard that the siege was raised, it being known that the King of Sweden was hastening in that direction with such an object; in fact it is said that he was not more than six miles off when the enemy took possession. This gives some hope that he may try to recover it without delay. However, this news urges on more than ever the departure of the Marquis of Hamilton, as he would undoubtedly have been of more use to them if he had made up his mind sooner, and it would have been easier for him to have effected his junction with the king before the loss of such an important fortress.
	The Dutch ambassador has informed me of the disembarcation of the Prince of Orange with all his army in Flanders. Their designs are concealed as yet, but it is supposed that they are directed towards Bruges or Damme. Dunkirk is already talked about, and they have their share of jealousy here, as they do not desire such an important port to be added to the others which the States hold in these seas. From the conversation of the French ambassador, I have also discovered that the French also would not be too pleased if the States took possession of it, but for this year it does not seem that their arms will attempt this enterprise.
	London, the 6th June, 1631.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 9. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	662. VICENZO GUSSONI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The Resident Carleton assures me that he hopes they have now found a satisfactory solution in the important matter of the cloth trade between England and these States, by the proposal of several articles calculated to satisfy the merchants. For the complete adjustment they are only waiting for his Majesty's satisfaction, to whom Carleton has already sent a full account of these articles.
	The Hague, the 9th June, 1631.
	[Italian.]
June 10. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	663. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The remaining differences between France and England about shipping and the restitution of reprisals have been practically settled. Only one small difficulty remains, and that is the fixing of a definite date for the payment of the remainder of the dowry of the Queen of England. She has written very strongly in favour of giving the Ambassador Wake a good reception, and he has received a testimony of its efficacy, from the Garde des Sceaux, in particular, although I do not find him a minister apt to preserve good understanding between the two Crowns, disturbed just at present by the queen and Monsieur.
	Paris, the 10th June, 1631.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 13. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	664. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Scaglia is still here. I fancy he is only detained by the palace and by the arrival of a courier from England, sent by Cottington, they say. At the arrival of this courier, the secretary of England and Scaglia were at the palace, and without delay they approached the French ambassador for passports and sent off another courier for that part and Flanders.
	Madrid, the 13th June, 1631.
	[Italian.]
June 14. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Germania. Venetian Archives.	665. SEBASTIANO VENIER, Venetian Ambassador in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Two days ago the English ambassador arrived here with M. de Rusdorf, the same who were at Ratisbon a few months ago. I called upon him, and he told me that he would communicate to me in confidence all his negotiations, which are in continuation of what was done at Ratisbon, but with this in addition, that by the peace with the King of Spain that sovereign promised to interpose for the satisfaction of the Palatine. However, from the way in which the ambassador spoke, I understood that he had but little hope, but this was the last attempt, and then they would try force. He seems a man of sound views. I responded in a manner calculated to encourage confidence, helping me to penetrate into his negotiations and also to learn many things about the affairs of Germany that may come to his knowledge. He told me he had informed his Majesty of the friendship I had shown them.
	Vienna, the 14th June, 1631.
	[Italian; copy.]
June 14. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	666. GIROLAMO CAVAZZA, Venetian Secretary in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I have tried to find out if the French ambassadors have asked the Duke of Savoy to recall Scaglia from Spain. Servien told me that they have been aware of his proposed journey to England for some time, and spoke to the duke about it. He admitted that it was projected at a time when he did not stand well with France, and so he tried to do her all the harm he could, but now Servien thought that it would not take place.
	Cherasco, the 14th June, 1613.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
June 16. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	667. VICENZO GUSSONI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I enclose my reply to Soranzo about my efforts to second his operations with Joachim. As I encounter much opposition here, because they consider the moment unpropitious for sending an ambassador extraordinary to England, I shall not insist any more upon this delicate subject, unless I find a more favourable opportunity, and I shall await further instructions upon this.
	The Hague, the 16th June, 1631.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Enclosure.	668. VICENZO GUSSONI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to GIOVANNI SORANZO, his colleague in England.
	I told you in my letters of the 5th, 12th and 16th ult. of my offices with the Prince of Orange and others. In the last I told you how the prince refused to believe that it would be to the advantage of the States to send an ambassador extraordinary. As he was less bitter against England at the end, I pointed out the difference made by what the Secretary of State said to you. Although he was about to start for the camp, he assured me that he would revive the subject, as he did. M. Vosbergh told me what took place. He began by complaining at great length of the peace between England and Spain, remarking that the King of Great Britain, by listening to the allurement of the Spaniards, had damaged his own interests as much as those of the States. The mischief was mainly due to the idea of the English that they would advance the interests of the Palatine better through the Spaniards than in any other way. That prince was the innocent cause of all the bad behaviour of England to these Provinces, and that would continue until the English realised that the Spaniards would do little or nothing effective for the Palatine. The States proposed to put up with this in silence and wait. The Spaniards had blinded the English and lulled them to sleep. The general opinion here was that there was no remedy but time, and it might be short, owing to the natural antipathy between those two nations, and until then it was not advisable to come to any extraordinary decision here, which would only amount to going to kiss the king's hands for making a peace so hurtful to these States. They would therefore wait for a better opportunity. He said that Joachim had written to urge the mission, and he had answered him on his own responsibility.
	At the conclusion, he spoke with bitterness, declaring that England was leaning strongly to the Spanish side, even in naval matters. He said, I must tell you between ourselves that while everyone recognises the importance to our Government of union with England, yet no one can help seeing the difficulties thrown in the way by the devices of the Spaniards, as well as the ill will of the English towards us, as to speak frankly they do not like to see our progress, especially at sea, of which they claim to be masters, and they call themselves its rulers as far as the Canaries. He added that some time ago his countrymen found a derelict ship, with a few goods on board, and the English laid claim to it by virtue of their title as lords of the sea, and that it belonged to them as being found in a place under their jurisdiction.
	I let him work off all the heat, and again brought forward all the arguments in favour of a union with England, which the Spaniards realised and tried to prevent. An embassy extraordinary would prove very opportune to remove bitterness and encourage confidential relations. I left nothing untried to bring him to a better state of mind. He seemed somewhat less inflexible at the end, but I perceived clearly that although professedly he was speaking only for himself, the aversion and reluctance was shared by the majority of the Government, on the ground that with things as they are at present the moment is not propitious for deriving any advantage from such an embassy. I found the Count of Colemburgh of the same opinion as to the advisability of waiting for an opportunity more favourable for the advantage of those States. In my conference with the Count, I found him much more reserved in the expression of bitter thoughts against England.
	The Hague, the 7th June, 1631.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 20. Senato, Mar. Venetian Archives.	669. To the Bailo at Constantinople.
	We enclose the petition of those concerned in the cargo of the saetia, master Paulo Regiet, which was captured by the Turks and carried off by the English ship Golden Cock. The goods of our merchants therein were sold in London, where sentence was obtained on appeal that they should have the goods within a year if they could obtain a declaration at Constantinople that the Turks have no claim against the merchants or goods of subjects of the King of Great Britain by reason of those goods. If you can obtain such a declaration within that term it will gratify us.
	Ayes, 74.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 4.
	[Italian.]
June 20. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	670. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	On Monday last I had audience of the king, and there presented the letters with the news of the election of the most serene prince. The office which I passed in conformity pleased his Majesty. I dilated in a suitable manner in expressing the esteem of your Excellencies for this Crown and your particular confidence with his Majesty. He asked me your Serenity's age, and remembered the name, telling me that he had heard you mentioned a long time ago as the commander of the armies of the republic. He asked me in the second place what news I had of the peace. I regulated my reply about this by the information supplied in the letters of the 15th ult., which also report the suspension of the business owing to the difficulties raised by the Duke of Feria about the treaty of Charasco. I did not fail to lay great stress upon the passion shown by the Spaniards in claiming that Mantua shall be the last thing restored, and the suspicion that must necessarily be held of some harmful design on their part, since they now make themselves principals in an affair which from the first they said was merely accessory for the emperor.
	His Majesty seemed very pleased to hear these dilucidations, because although very frequent and truthful advices arrive from France, by which they know of the affairs of Italy here much sooner than by what comes from Venice, yet as these are generally very advantageous for the French, they like sometimes to hear that things are not so assured as the French ambassador goes about proclaiming. He did not say a word to me about the affair of Constantinople, as I had expected, and I went prepared with my answer. I was also resolved to suggest, as from myself, how ill his Majesty's ambassador encourages intimacy with the ambassador of your Serenity, as it seems remarkable to me, after he has shown such scant courtesy, that he should have asked what he did from the Bailo and that he should have made so much fuss about it. I have not seen the Secretary of State either, so I think it will all pass over without further insistence.
	Rolandson is still here. I do not think he will be despatched very soon, both because he does not press his departure, and also because with the Court away all expeditions are delayed. However, a certain Gerbier has been despatched these last days, who is going as the king's agent to Brussels. He came two days ago to take leave of me. He is a person of slight consequence. He was a great servant of the Duke of Buckingham, and a painter by his original profession. It would therefore seem that they seek nothing more than to save the appearance of friendship. There is no one here specially nominated for the Spaniards. They expect a certain Nicolandi. Meanwhile one Talliear is here with the title of agent of the Infanta and secretary of the ambassador of the Catholic. The last advices report that Benavides, the ambassador resident at Venice, is destined for this Court. I do not hear that they think of nominating anyone here, and I think that they are somewhat offended because M. di Castagnedo, who was first nominated to come, has since been destined for France.
	The negotiations of the French ambassador are suspended owing to the difficulties which have arisen about the way of carrying things out. They would have consented here to send the commissions to Canada with orders for the restitution, even before Burlamacchi went to France, but they wanted a separate article to assure the payment of the dowry, signed by the ambassador. He refused this, because he had neither commissions nor powers. He has sent an express to France for instructions, which cannot be long in arriving, and when these come, both affairs will certainly be concluded. They would like Wake to have more confidential relations at the Court, but without seeing the cardinal this cannot be hoped. They proposed to find some compromise that he might visit him in the name of the queen, in which case the punctilio of precedence would be removed, but it is feared that the cardinal will insist upon his full claims, and that he will not agree. Many believe that the Garde des Sceaux encourages the continuation of this difficulty, so that Wake may not become intimate with the cardinal, and to render himself more necessary for treating with him. These are all consequences of the evil disposition of that minister.
	Here they are beating the chest for the levies of the Marquis of Hamilton, who is resolved to start at the earliest opportunity so soon as the troops are ready He will form four regiments of 1,500 foot each, three English and one of Scots There is another Colonel Gre, a Scottish lord, who is also to raise 3,000 soldiers in two regiments for the service of the King of Sweden. (fn. 4) He has obtained permission for the levy, but not to begin it before that of the marquis is completed. Since the loss of Magdeburg, there has been nothing further from Germany. Some say that the king has retired to Stralsond. It is not known with what intention.
	It has been announced since that the four ships which came out recently have sailed in the direction of the Spanish coasts. The provisioning of the others is proceeding, and in a few days the king is to make a journey for this purpose, to inspect a number of ships in some of the ports and select those which are to be made ready. (fn. 5)
	Since the news of the disembarcation of the army of the States in Flanders, it is not known whether they have made any progress. It is also said that the prince has re-embarked again with all his army, but until more authentic news arrives one's judgment must remain suspended as to what may be the reason for so much slowness.
	London, the 20th June, 1631.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 21. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	671. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	On the 15th July next I shall have served for two years in this charge, in which I have spared nothing to serve the state. I therefore petition you to choose my successor, which I shall take as a favour.
	London, the 21st June, 1631.
	[Italian.]
June 21. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Germania. Venetian Archives.	672. SEBASTIANO VENIER, Venetian Ambassador in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The English ambassador had audience of the emperor eight days ago. He came afterwards to return my visit, and told me about it. He said the emperor had shown him all the courtesy and kindness that he could desire, but he laughed as if to say that they proposed to satisfy him with this. He showed me the greatest confidence, because he is a great friend of Roe, the late ambassador at Constantinople, who gave him a good account of me. He hinted that he had no hope about his negotiations. He had often played the St. Thomas, he said. He perceived that they wanted to gain time, the Spanish ambassador suggesting that he should wait for Echemburg, who would help his business notably. He said this would be the last time they would negotiate, and then they would think of something else. Even now they would not desert their friends, pointing to the King of Sweden in particular, though they will not encourage the party of right-minded Englishmen opposed to the Hispanophiles, to induce the king to take proper resolutions. He gave me a copy of his exposition, which I enclose, and promised to communicate all that took place from time to time. I will cultivate his friendship and confidence, although I avoided sending my coaches to meet him or to accompany him to the audience. I wish to avoid any disputes with the ambassadors of Spain and Flanders.
	Vienna, the 21st June, 1631.
	[Italian; copy.]
	673. Propositio legati Britannici ROBERTI ANSTRUTESI Invictissimo Romanorum Imperatori FERDINANDO SECUNDO semper Augusto, facta 14 Junii, 1631.
	Invictissime Romanorum Imperator Domine Clementissime:
	Serenissimus ac potentissimus Magnae Britanniae Rex dominus meus benignissimus Sacram Vestram Caesaream Majestatem delatis studiorum suorum et benevolae voluntatis officiis permanenter et fraterno cum affectu salutat et auspicatissimum diuturni Imperii administrationem et inconcusse valetudinis longevam incolumitate atque felicium Consiliorum prosperum successum bonoscumque omnium juge (?) incrementium comprecatur.
	Deinde cum ita sit ut idem Serenissimus Rex Britanniorum tam ex literis et responso a V. E. M. Ratisbone mihi nuper in causa Palatina dato quam ex relatione mea pluribus intellexerit quosque in tractatione dictae causae processum sit dummiram C. V. M. declaverit se se Principi Palatino si ea omnia que quatuor illis in Cesareo responso prescriptis condicionibus continetur debito cum animi subcissione acceptaverit exque bona fide impleverit nulla quidem juris obligatione permotam sed ex mera gratia respectu etiam tam Catholici quam Britanniae Regis intercessionem non modo veniam preteritorum omnium antiquata Banni sententia sed etiam ex ea Palatinatus parte quae a Serenissima Hispaniarum infante tenetur alimenta praebituram.
	Et quamquam declaratio et responsio ista talis fuerit ut haud immerito potuisset Sereniss. Regis animum commovere et inducere ad amplectendum illas alias quae tunc temporis ei offerebantur et nunc quoque offerentur vias preferre tamen maluit caepte et toties tentatae amicae tractationis ut ita dicam semitam fretus et innixus spe ac promissione sibi ac suis ministris tam ex Hispania quam aliunde facta fore ut continuato incohare negotii filo pace inter ipsum et Potentissimum Hispaniarum Regem constabilita voti tam justi per amicabilem pacificamque compositionem redderetur compositi in mansuetudine vero ac Clementia Caesarea non minimam expectationis suae fiduciam collocat.
	Cum itaque singulare Numinis annuentis favore res eo nunc perducta sit ut cunctis bellorum et dissidiorum motibus penitus sublatis et consopitis Pax alma et mutua inter ipsum et Regem Hispaniarum concordia coaluerit et confirmata sit quae tum incerta et dubia pro impedimento et remora allegabatur quo minus ad felicem finem negotium perduci potuerit consultum duxit, me legatum suum denuo a V. C. M. mandare novo post tot experimenta conanime orbi testificaturus se malle quieta et imbelli compositionis via dummodo illius obtinende aliqua probabilis spes sit postulatorum suorum aequitatem et modestiam consequi quam asperioribus consiliis antelatis rem in ancipite formidabilis fortunae aleam mittere quod sine labefactatione et concussione amicitiae et necessitudinis quae sibi cum Inclita Austriaca domo intercedit fieri haud queat.
	Nec autem aliquid ex iis quae ad maturandam et promovendum de quo agitur negotium desiderari posset. Serenissime affinem suum jam dudum sicuti luculentis et multiplicibus testimoniis id comprobatum esse nemo nescit volentem ac promptum eo adduxit ut is paratus sit omnino quatuor illis a C. V. M. propositis et prescriptis conditionibus quantum in honore et conscientia facere possit quantumque equitate et rationi consentaneum judicatum fuerit reapse satisfacere sibi reciproce promittens C. V. M. antiquata proscriptione ipsum in pristinam gratiam recepturam et inditiones et jura patrimonalia post tot calamitates et multorum annorum exilium quae pertulit ac etiam nunc perfert non sine hominum qui sui meminuerunt commiseratione restituturam.
	Quo autem modo quare ratione istis conditionibus Princeps ille satisfacere intendat illud suo tempore quando videlicet C. V. M. prout eam humillime requiro aliquos e numero suorum consiliariorum quemadmodum Ratisbonae nuper factum ad auscultationem et prosecutionem rei ordinaveris pluribus expositum et declaratum ibo, si enim illud nunc coram V. C. M. aggredi vellem videre abuti patientiam tanti Imperatoris tam benigniter me admittentis.
	Haec cum ita sint et Sereniss. Principis Palatini declaratio talis videatur ut mansuetudinem et gratiam Imperialem in ea acquiescituram nec aliquid ulterius aut severius ab eo exalturam speretur. Serenissimus Rex ac Dominus meus a C. V. M. enixe contendit ut aliquandi tandem consideratis tot legationum e tractationum experimentis tot rerum et principum commendationibus attentis ceterisque rationsibus et argumentis quae alias sepe in medium adducta fuere ponderatis missas in consilium presenti et futura rerum per Europam facien ad facilem denique clementie tratinam castigata predicta declaratione affinem suum ad reconciliationem et restitutionem tot annis cum tanto ardore labore et studio advocatis ferme omnium per Europam Reg. et Imp. intercessionibus admittat nec gratiam Caesaream. tam a eto Pomerio tamque augustis alimentorum cancellis circumscribat sed eam prout Imperiali summi in orbe Christiani Principis fastigio et indulgentia dignum et amplificet et talem qualem alii quos tamen gravius et errasse et impegisse constat expecti sunt exibeat ut appareat manifestumque cunctis tam viventibus quam posteris fiat V. C. M. rationem habuisse tum suae magnitudinis et per terrarum orbem dilaudatae clementiae quas gratiae suae splendorem nube contracte et translatitie beneficentiae nollet obscuratum tum etiam dignitatis Regum et Principum quibus indignum foret si moderatione qua initio motuum et postea quoque uti sunt si precibus et meritis suis missis tot oratoribus tot impensis et laboribus consumptis jam nihil aliud consanguineo et affine Principi impetrare possint quam alimenta que tamen ex juris prescripto et ex lege pietatis nemini denegari solent, tum denique conditionis Principis pro quo interceditur utpote qui ex Illustrissima Prosapio oriundus potentioribus in Europa Regibus et Principibus affinitate et sanguine conjunctus sit quemquam Juvenem et nondum majorennem aliorum potius festina quam sua consilia in praeceps egerint qui denique numerosa et innocenti prole stipasus mereatur conditione sua dignam gratiae sortem.
	Hanc igitur in pristinam benevolentiam recipiendo et ad priorem fortunam restituendo V. C. M. velut Colophonem tot inclytis triumphis suis imponet suique Augusti nominis memoriam non tantum in terrarum orbis teatro celebrandam, sed etiam in templo clementiae et virtutis venerandam faciet apicem victoriarum quae est victoria sui ipsius consecuta. Praeterea si verum est quod ignoscendo Principes Deo quam simillimi fiant ut ille inquit testaliter ad omnem posteritatem de predicando exemplo quantum cure cordi que habuerit divinas in omnibus rationibus praesertim vero in largiendis et conferendis beneficiis virtutes emulari. Porro tot Regibus et Principibus intercedentibus gratificabitur gratiam unifaciendi omnes obligatura imprimis arctiori amicitiae intemerate vinculo sibi devinciet. Sereniss. Regem ac Dominum meum hujus etiam affinem et ex dilectissima unica sorore pronatos nepotes ad perpetuum obsequium et venerationem obnoxios redet simul et potentiam et fortunam suam totiusque inclitae domus Austriace magnitudinem inexpugnabilis amoris monumento stabiliet et in natos natorumque natos et qui nascentur ab illis securam transmittet.
	Ad haec V. C. Majestas opresse per tot annos innocentis multitudinis in quam belli incommoda et turbines vel maxime irruere solent potentioribus illesis suspicia voces queritationes gemitus preces exaudiet multasque hominum miserrimorum et pacem pacem deposcentium Myriadas ex optato fomento recreabit et ab imminenti interitu vindicabit unumquequam ad continua pro Vestra Majestatis totiusque Austriae Domus incolumitate et salute vota nuncupanda demeritura.
	Denique impediet ne ii quorum maxime interest diuturne more et ancipitis in longum distractae spei patientia fracti ad precipitia ultimae necessitatis consilia perlabantur ulteriorum motuum et dovarum rerum pretextum et causam quam vicini et exteri in occasionem intensi arripere de facili possunt quasi in radice successura adeoque certum positura fundamentum quo eo promptius certius et securius pax non tantum in Germania sed in universa Europa reduci; caeteri etiam motus qui nunc consurgere et gliscere videntur tanto facilius componi queant ad quam rem nemo non illorum qui per reconciliationem et restitutionem Palatini Principis beneficio afficientur promptus tum erit operam suam accomodare ceteroquin verendum ne sprete interventionis et deprecationis injuria accensi malint rebusque suis consultius fore arbitrentur flamme quod dicitur oleum quam aquam affundere.
	Dignetur ergo Caesarea Vestra Majestas hec eo similia pro incomparabili sua bonitate et Imperiali sapientia considerare et sibi ante oculos ponere ac intueri ex hac parte Philippi III Hispaniae Regis et Archiducis Alberti gloriosae memoriae interpositas superioribus annis rogationes tum regis Jacobi in bello Bohemico testatam moderationem et haud contemnenda in Domum Austriacam collata merita ejusque diversas in Germania et Hispania expeditos legationes et repetitas saepius obtestationes ex altera oculos compiat vel in hanc saltem legationem hinc Chatholici Regis ad stipulationem auctoritatem et conjunctionem nixam illinc nova et velut in complimentum priorum addita Regis Danie intercessione cumulatam tum Principis cujus causa agitur contentissimas et toties ingeminatas supplices preces et humillimas domissimasque ipsius manu exaratas literas animumque ejus ad omnem fidem et obsequium constanter et illibate prestandum et servandum paratissimum atque ea que injuria temporis ommissa fuerunt obedientiae officia sedulitate et diligentia in posterum compensaturum.
	Dignetur porro Caesarea Vestra Majestas benigne gratiae suae aspectu contueri tenellam numerosam et innoxiam Palatinicam sobolem ceterorumque agnatorum et consanguineorum turbarum clementiae et bonitatis aras complexam. Aspiciat denique in medio positam gloriam utilitatem felicitatem et emolumentum que inde in C. V. M. omnemque Austraica Domus in perpetuum tunc universum Imperium totumque orbem Christianorum redundabunt et se difundent.
	Atque hec sunt que jussu et mandato Serenissimi Regis ac Domini mei Sacrae Vestrae Caesareae Majestati exponere debui benignissimum de super responsu humili devotione expectans. (fn. 6)
	[Copy.]
June 21. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	674. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	On Monday Scaglia received his powers from the Duke to treat with the Genoese, and left on the following day for Lisbon, where he will embark for England.
	Madrid, the 21st June, 1631.
	[Italian.]
June 22. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Ceffalonia. Venetian Archives.	675. NICOLO ERIZZO, Venetian Proveditore of Cephalonia, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I sent to General Pisani the process upon the misconduct of the English captain, and I believe it will prove easy to punish those who helped him in the smuggling.
	Cephalonia, the 12th June, 1631, old style.
	[Italian.]
June 25. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	676. GIROLAMO CAVAZZA, Venetian Secretary in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The last advices from Spain state that the Abbot Scaglia has received an abbey from the king worth 1,500 crowns a year, and has left for England with gifts amounting to 8,000 ducats, to forward designs against France. Servien remonstrated with the Duke of Savoy about this. His Highness replied that the journey had been arranged some while ago, and the abbot had instructions not to do anything before he had news from the cardinal prince as to how he should proceed, as if wishing to infer that the abbot was to conduct his offices in England according to what the others did in France. Scaglia has certainly accepted the abbey without waiting for the consent of his Highness, who is none too well pleased.
	Chieri, the 28th June, 1631.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 29. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Corfu. Venetian Archives.	677. ANDREA VENDRAMIN, Venetian Proveditore of Corfu, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I have embarked the company of Albanians under Captain Giulio Basta upon two English ships, which came here laden with Spanish wool.
	Corfu, the 19th June, 1631, old style.
	[Italian.]