Venice: May 1629, 11-19

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1919.

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'Venice: May 1629, 11-19', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632, ed. Allen B Hinds( London, 1919), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol22/pp50-65 [accessed 25 November 2024].

'Venice: May 1629, 11-19', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632. Edited by Allen B Hinds( London, 1919), British History Online, accessed November 25, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol22/pp50-65.

"Venice: May 1629, 11-19". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632. Ed. Allen B Hinds(London, 1919), , British History Online. Web. 25 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol22/pp50-65.

May 1629

May 11.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
72. To the Ambassador CONTARINI in England.
We have only received your letters of the 18th ult. by way of France, bringing us the good news of the peace. Lack of time forbad us then to do more than acknowledge the receipt and express the satisfaction of the entire Senate at a memorable and useful work of which the greater part of the merit belongs to you. We now direct you to congratulate the king and queen in our name, expressing our satisfaction at the reconciliation with the Most Christian, the two kings being so closely united in their interests and blood, while it will benefit all Christendom as well as their dominions. We acted solely for the glory and greatness of both crowns, and interposed with great candour and sincerity. We therefore hope that his Majesty will maintain his confidential relations with the republic. You will add what else you consider appropriate, with the expressions you know to be best, in order to consolidate a good understanding as well as peace with France. As there seems to be no further doubt about the queen's pregnancy, we desire you to offer congratulations in our name, expressing the gratification of the republic at seeing the royal line established, which we hope will last for ever with every happiness and the summit of greatness.
You will have heard of the hopes that the Most Christian will find a way to give peace to his own kingdom, from our ambassadors. His Majesty has gone away with this object, leaving his army. We have no news from Spain about the ratification of the peace, and although the Spaniards state that they have countermanded the orders for levies and other military provisions, the news we receive from Naples, that the Viceroy is going on with them actively, does not agree with this.
Ayes, 111. Noes, 0. Neutral, 2.
[Italian.]
May 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Costantinopoli.
Venetian
Archives.
73. SEBASTIANO VENIERO, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Hears that two English ships have arrived at Saida to buy wheat; does not know for what parts, and they had been obliged to expend 6,000 ryals in order to escape from the vanities which had been imposed on them. Two French barques were also obliged to make a great outlay, and then had to leave without a cargo.
The Vigne of Pera, the 12th May, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered.]
May 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
74. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The Ambassador Zorzi has put the final touches to the peace, and hopes that he will have satisfied the French with what he promised them. Your Excellencies will learn every detail from the enclosed copies. My negotiation with the queen mother by letter compels me to some reserve, yet in a case of need, with the king far away and separated from the cardinal, I did not think it my duty to withdraw.
In the present need of the kingdom I see the necessity of Wake going to France so it would be useless for me to oppose his appointment, and I think it would be very dangerous to the state's interests if he were offended, because of the evil offices he might perform at the French Court.
My remarks to the ambassadors in France about the Most Christian's movements against the Huguenots will serve in great measure to answer the ducal missives of the 13th and 20th April, which I received this week.
Every one here, without reckoning the prejudiced, but the best intentioned, perceiving that the Most Christian is not availing himself of so excellent an opportunity, giving the Spaniards the time they need more than anything else, do not promise much good for the affairs of Italy; and those who love your Serenity fear that the whole burden will rest on your shoulders, that your deserts in having sustained the cause of liberty will earn you the corresponding hatred of the Austrians, and you will have to keep on your guard.
Baroccio declares publicly, and Wake writes that the duke is rendering himself stronger daily. He has not signed any league and will not. His dissimulation is attributed to the bit in his mouth through the loss of Susa, to be broken if possible. The French are daily becoming weaker and the Spaniards stronger, with other ideas of the same kind. With the return of the Most Christian to this side of the Alps, I expect this opinion will gain in strength and probability, disheartening friends and encouraging the enemy.
Your Excellencies will have seen that I executed my instructions about informing his Majesty of the decision to unite the forces of the republic with the French, as the revocation of the order did not reach me until this week. With it came the duplicates of the 1st March, one of which was open and torn. The postmaster wrote that the courier was robbed near Trent. I therefore consider myself excused, especially as the communication serves to encourage good resolves, without in any wise hurting your Serenity, so far as I can see. I will use what is imparted to me about the league solely in the cases prescribed.
I have not yet had any reply about the ships. I solicit one continually, but the king has gone to his usual field sports, and the ministers meet with difficulty. In the meantime I do what I can by private representations and I think that this peace ought to contribute to my success. If it does not help me I may well consider myself unfortunate, at receiving injuries in exchange for toil and profit. At any rate I do not mean to consent to the ordinary jurisdiction in any form whatsoever. I shall make a reply practically in the nature of a protest, without binding your Excellencies, but leaving you free to do what you may think fit for the just support of your rights and your subjects. Where there is a question of breaking a custom observed with other nations and practically converted into a law it is necessary to use a little extra force, especially as I hope I have contrived matters so that the English may be uneasy lest your Serenity may have recourse to some act of violence against their countrymen in Venice. This will serve as a bridle to justice even if it be corrupt, as may be feared from the numerous favours conceded to Digby and his many suporters. But now or at any time the way is open for your Excellencies to do whatever you may consider proper.
London, the 12th May, 1629.
Postscript.—Having detained the courier at the instance of the Secretary Carleton I am able to add some particulars to his Excellency in France, which I enclose.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Enclosure. 75. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to ZORZI ZORZI, his colleague in France.
The courier Christien, who left Susa on the 1st inst. arrived here on the morning of the 10th. He could not have shown more diligence, and I could not have kept my promise to the king better. I think you will have been equally well served by the arrival of Strozza, who left here on the 1st, was in Paris on the 4th and doubtless got to Susa by the 10th. I informed the king of all that had taken place at a private audience, and he was very well satisfied. Everyone here instantly thought the same as yourself about the appointment of Chateauneuf as ambassador extraordinary, that he is not a person of sufficient distinction for this adjustment, and it did not correspond to the person appointed here, who belongs by birth and title to the most ancient families of the kingdom, and his office of viceroy is the only one of its kind. The king here will therefore be glad to receive the Duke of Elboeuf as well as Chateauneuf, whom he seemed to remember, as his father was in the embassy here. He will respond by appointing two others, the Earl of Danby in the capacity of ambassador extraordinary, and Wake, who will stay on as ordinary.
I at once told the king and the commissioners that if the embassy did not start forthwith it might not prove so welcome. They answered that on other similar occasions the same thing had been done not only by England, but by many other princes, giving examples. I do not think it advisable to insist further for two reasons, first that as he is to stay on as ordinary it is not in our country's interests that her ministers should seek to lessen his honours; second, because it would have been impossible to prevail against the penury and necessities of the king and kingdom. At present he is bearing the cost of his outfit himself, and the one already named would claim to be treated similarly, and the cost of the two together would be too much. I lay everything fairly before your Excellencies. By birth, title and the services he has rendered Wake may certainly claim an equality with Chateauneuf and pairs very well with him. To tell the truth my only misgivings on this question have been not on account of the French but of the republic seeing that he needs a little entreaty though as he wished for this appointment because of its profit, I believe that he will also know how to keep it for himself.
You will note the style I adopt to announce this nomination to the queen mother, as well as the king's desire to see the ambassadors. You name the 1st of June as the day when the ambassadors on either side are to be at the place of embarkation. But to give time to the Duke of Elboeuf, who has not yet had notice, and to advise Wake to come and meet Danby, the king agreed to the 1st, but according to the old style, which means the 10th (sic). If they want more time for the convenience of the ambassadors, it does not matter, provided both sides are informed beforehand. I am writing to the queen mother because you say you have arranged with the cardinal, so I must proceed with great reserve, and take the middle road, to avoid any mischance. I do not know if she will answer me, in case of any little difficulties arising about form. In such case I should not mind sending my secretary as I think it safer to negotiate orally than in writing, and one gets advice of what may be passing. The carrying out of everything is already referred to the queen mother, who is at so great a distance from you; but I have thought it advisable not to put my hand in messem alienam, but to leave it to your prudence. For the rest, you will see that the peace is to be proclaimed to-morrow week, the 20th. Orders to suspend hostilities have already been sent to the ports, and we hear with great satisfaction that the same has been done at Calais and other French ports.
I can add nothing about the St. Esprit. There was certainly no promise, and as the friar (fn. 1) has added the other difficulty about the Catholics, I conclude it is a Spanish bugbear, raised I know not how or when. I am trying to ascertain who supplies him with the money to make this journey, but cannot succeed. I know he is the familiar of the Count of Tillieres, formerly ambassador here, and a great Spanish partisan. On the arrival here of some reply to the despatches of the 20th April, about the king's requests in favour of Soubise, Laval, and the Rohan ladies, of which you announce the receipt, I will not forget the cardinal's wishes about the ship, or lose sight of any other opportunities of facilitating the grant of this satisfaction to France.
London, the 12th May, 1629.
[Italian, the part in italics deciphered; copy.]
Enclosure. 76. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Queen Mother in France.
Madame: Amid the troublesome negotiations for peace between the two crowns, I esteem it a great good fortune that I may in this letter introduce myself to your Majesty, and express the esteem of the republic. My colleague informed me that our worthy work has been entrusted to your Majesty by reason of your great merity and authority. I have already in my possession the articles signed by the king, corresponding with those which his Most Christian Majesty had consigned to my colleague. By virtue of this the peace will doubtless be solemnly proclaimed in this city and throughout the realm on the 20th May next, and no doubt your Majesty will command the same in France. Many days ago the letters of marque against the French were prohibited, and private orders given at the ports for them not to receive injury, but to be well treated, in expectation of reciprocal consideration.
According to what was arranged between Cardinal Richelieu and the Venetian ambassadors it was decided that the king here should approve of the Duke of Elbœuf and M. de Chateauneuf for the ambassy extraordinary, or of the latter alone. The king here did not wish to exclude any one, and I can say with truth, that even when distrust was at its highest, I always remarked in the king an especial affection for the ties of kindred with the French Crown and its interests. As the ties of blood and friendship are two, they must be represented by two ambassadors. His Majesty will therefore gladly welcome the Duke of Elbœuf and M. de Chateauneuf, and on his side he will send with the Earl of Danby Sir [Isaac] Wake, a man of great worth and highly esteemed by his Majesty because of the many charges and legations he has sustained.
The Ambassador Danby will be at Dover on the 10th June, ready to cross the sea, and Sir [Isaac] Wake, who is at Turin, will meet him on the way, that they may go together to the Court. I beg your Majesty that the Duke of Elbœuf and M. de Chateauneuf may be at Calais by the same date, ready to cross, and on their arrival I will consign to them the treaty signed by the king, in conformity with what was arranged at Susa.
In this way a settlement so long desired by good men will be made, with so much advantage to the public, and such glory for your Majesty, as you have contributed so much by your great authority and prudence, aiding the interposition of the most serene republic.
London, the 12th May, 1629.
[Italian, copy.]
Enclosure. 77. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to GIROLAMO SORANZO and ZORZI ZORZI, his colleagues in France.
I have not mentioned the Most Christian's retrograde movements, because they are spoken about doubtfully here; but as a precaution I have had it quietly circulated about the Court, that Rohan, assisted by the Spaniards, had begun to make trouble in Languedoc after the king's advance into Italy, and that this might compel him to apply a remedy. I endeavour in this way to create a favourable disposition towards the Most Christian's movements, and so far as possible to destroy Rohan's pretext about religion, lest the most zealous of the Puritans here about the king, give him qualms of conscience. I have had good fortune in this, as Rohan himself sent an express to the king to warn him that the fleet had arrived in Spain, and that 50,000 crowns on board of it had been assigned to him. By this invention he hoped to prevent England from making peace, as it is certain that the fleet has not arrived, and if it had the money would not be for him, as the Spaniards must employ it for many more important things. He miscalculated, because he sent too late, and he loses all merit with this Crown by declaring himself an adherent of Spain. Nevertheless, so far as Italy is concerned, this circumstance deserves consideration, especially as it is accompanied by the offices of Savoy, who gives assurances that he is well fortified at Vigliana, that no one can pass without his permission that a bundle of hay is costly and that the French are already tired of their hardships in those mountains.
To tell the truth, if matters go further in Languedoc, I do not see how they can approve here, as they have always maintained that the Huguenots were the only reason for past mistrust, and if they were left in the lurch in the treaty, France may consider herself rather lucky, not to say somewhat indebted to the republic, who managed the affair. If the English ambassadors should now have to present themselves to the king under a Huguenot fortress or when he is fighting against Huguenots in the field, the circumstance would be important, and the peace would appear to them nothing better than a farce. God grant the Most Christian's desire to bring back that party to their obedience without the sword, though I am doubtful about this. The mere turning back of the king will discourage the whole of the north of Europe, not only from its interest in the religion, but from state policy. I hear it said that it is a matter of common observation that when there are two armies in France, the one where the king is not, always dissolves, because the adventurers, provisions and money always follow his Majesty's person. I know that England will always contribute her good offices for peace with the Huguenots, if France will allow it. Without this I fear the affairs of Italy will go very badly.
The secretary of Savoy here, on the authority of his last letters from Turin, says that the duke continues firm in his design, and that in a few weeks, when joined with the forces of the Spaniards, he will be strong enough to compel the French to return home. He refers to the agreements, visits, fallacious appearances, and reports about intending to join the league. The proposals for Genoa are interpreted here as being all artifice, to gain time for the Spaniards to fortify themselves. The mere halt of the king at Susa, without proceeding beyond, and carrying the lilies where he pleased, has caused it to be believed that he does not mean to break with the Spaniards. He will never have so fine an opportunity again, and the Spaniards will not forget it.
I report this so that your Excellencies may know what is said by the most able statesmen, and that you may contribute your good offices for the peace of the kingdom, as the cardinal has already given you some hint to that effect. This will serve in lieu of advices as nothing of interest is happening here. All their energies are concentrated upon finding a remedy for internal affairs, especially about the duties, and this week some progress seems to have been made with the merchants.
Seventeen ships are ready to put to sea, some of which will go the Elbe, as they are no longer needed against France. The ambassador from Denmark has taken leave of the king and will depart in two days to return to his master. It seems that the imperial commissioners are preparing more moderate terms for that monarch than at first, but precise details are not yet known. Sir [Henry] Vane is expected back from Holland, with only slightly favourable replies about Spanish affairs, and I am told on good authority that the supporters of that party here are beginning to cool since the conclusion of the peace with France, and after being warned that the promises of the Spaniards may possibly disappoint them, to their total ruin.
London, the 12th May, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered, copy.]
May 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
78. GIROLAMO SORANZO and ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassadors in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The Cardinal Richelieu left for the king yesterday. Before he started we called on him and informed him that a courier had reached us from England with letters from the Ambassador Contarini about the establishment of the peace, the nomination of the ambassador and the announcement on the 20th inst. He was pleased to hear it and said he would send a courier to the king and queen mother with the good news. He would also inform Madame of Savoy, and the publication should take place on the 20th at Valenza, where his Majesty is, Paris and here.
We enclose letters from Contarini, from England, and the articles of the peace.
Susa, the 12th May, 1629.
[Italian.]
Enclosure. 79. Copy of the articles of peace made between France and England by the Venetian Ambassadors Zorzi Zorzi and Luigi Contarini.
[French, with Italian translation, 2 pages.]
May 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Roma.
Venetian
Archives.
80. ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The French ambassador has received letters from his king.
Among other things he gave me the news of the peace with England, but begged me to say nothing about it, speaking to the same purpose as the instructions sent to me by your Serenity. He remarked, however, that it might be advisable to publish it at the earliest opportunity, in order to add to the distractions of the Spaniards, which surround them on every side. He was unable or unwilling to tell me the reasons for this silence, which it is proposed to maintain until the peace is solemnised by some ambassador.
Rome, the 12th May, 1629.
[Italian.]
May 14.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
81. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to GIROLAMO SORANZO, and ZORZI ZORZI, his colleagues in France.
I had to delay the courier for a day to oblige Lord Carleton, who wished to write to Turin to make Wake move, as his post of ambassador at Venice is destined for Sir [Richard] Spenser, (fn. 2) who was named for that of Holland many months ago. He never went there owing to the old claim of a seat in the Council of State. I also find that those who rule were interested in Wake's removal, in order to employ this person, and leave the post at the Hague vacant for some one else. This is the way all affairs of Court proceed.
Sir Thomas Roe, who returned recently from Constantinople, is also practically destined for the embassy to the King of Sweden, and may also proceed to Muscovy.
Yesterday a courier came hither direct from Spain by way of Flanders. I have not yet discovered any particulars, because the king and Court are at a distance, having gone into the country. I think he will have come too late and I fancy it is a contrivance to break our peace devised by Spain, Savoy and Rohan, whose dispatches arrived at almost the same time. The king here will not make peace unless to the satisfaction of the princes Palatine. They are content with the two places offered to them, knowing that it is a farce, as with the interests of the emperor and Bavaria, God knows what would happen even if restitution were made. So they begin to spread reports among the supporters of that party about truces, and the opening of trade merely with the idea that the interests of England will be more covered than by peace. But there are difficuties in the way of this also, and I am waiting for the French ambassadors to come with encouragement. (fn. 3)
London, the 14th May, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered; copy.]
May 14.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori
Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
82. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
They speak openly here about the peace between England and France. The agent Carleton said yesterday that his king had kept his promises in every item but the French had not imitated him. I do not know upon what grounds he speaks. He has always represented matter as hopeless and therefore I attach little importance to this. The French ambassador has no news from his Court on the subject, but seems to believe it. He remarked to me that the pregnancy of the Queen of England had given a great impulse to this reconciliation. Others say that the queen mother is displeased, because the courier who went from England to the Court did not take letters for her, and the reconciliation was published through Paris without her knowledge, but as a matter of fact, since they have no minister in England, no one could inform her except the queen her daughter.
The princes Palatine here seem glad, but I hoped they would be more delighted. I think their coldness proceeds from two reasons, one that they were deceived into hoping for the restitution of the Palatinate by the proposal for an accomodation with Spain; the other that they do not consider it very honourable for England that the Huguenots in France should continue to suffer wrong. There are some who maintain that, notwithstanding the peace with France, the English will treat with the Spaniards all the same, because they cannot keep up quarrels in their present weakness.
The Hague, the 14th May, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
May 14.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
83. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The duke remarked to me that the cardinal had spoken of the peace concluded with England. I noticed that he said it sadly, as the duke at least always believed that he would be the mediator.
Turin, the 14th of May, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
May 14.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
84. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I hear that a gentleman has reached Wake, sent express by Carleton with news of the peace between the crowns and orders to inform the princes, and in addition nominating Wake as ordinary ambassador to the Most Christian. He also brings letters from the King of Great Britain to the Duke of Rohan, advising him to make his peace with the Most Christian.
Turin, the 14th of May, 1629.
[Italian.]
May 17.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
85.To the Ambassador CONTARINI in England, and the like to the Ambassadors SORANZO and GUSSONI at the Hague.
The Most Christian having left Susa with the object of pacifying his own kingdom, of which the hopes increase To the Ambassador CONTARINI in England, and the like to the Ambassadors SORANZO and GUSSONI at the Hague daily, considered it necessary to have Cardinal Richelieu near him. He has not abandoned Susa on that account, but Marshal Crichi remains there with a strong force, besides the one in the Monferrat under Torras. As the accommodation of Italian affairs is more uncertain than ever, the king has announced that he will hasten to the relief of that province and is fortifying Esiglies near Susa, so as to have guns and munitions there and thus cross the mountains more expeditiously. No news comes from Spain of the Catholic accepting the peace, a clear sign that he does not like it, as the six weeks have elapsed. Probably they want to gain time so that they may afterwards be able to attack this province with more powerful forces. A clear sign of this is the sending of special ambassadors from Spain to the emperor, and that in the course of two months, besides the troops of other nations they will have 15,000 German soldiers ready to use in the state of Milan. Another sign is that Herr von Echembergh, on the arrival of the letters from Spain, went straight to the emperor at Luxemburg, although it was very rainy his Majesty having gone there to enjoy the country and hunting, the idea at Court being that the letters contained the views of the Catholic about Italy. If he favoured peace these would not be concealed, and the Count of Castro would not be treating with Collalto, as we hear he is doing, advising those troops to be ready for Italy.
Wallenstein seemed ready to send troops to Italy and to go there in person if the dignity and reputation of the emperor were concerned, and he has already sent three Pomeranian regiments to the empire without the reason being known. At Naples the Spanish ministers are equally active. They propose to send 2,000 more infantry to Milan by the Genoese galleys at the end of the month and munitions of war and provisions are already being laded on them. It is said that the Sicilian galleys will follow the Genoese with other troops drawn from the kingdom and Spanish ones from the garrisons. They will not find success so easy, however, as the Most Christian is keeping the pass open and many troops ready. He keeps near Italy and has strong hopes of peace at home, so that his armies are likely to be the more powerful. Our very heavy expenses still go on. We are keeping 20,000 foot and 3,000 horse in Lombardy, practically on the frontier and all ready for action.
This week we have your letters of the 20th ult. With respect to the king's request for the return of Soubise and other Huguenots to France, we will perform every good office with the Most Christian through our ambassadors, and we hope that with a general adjustment with those of the religion, that point also will be settled. A favourable issue, however, largely depends upon what is done every day in England for the satisfaction of France. We see that your prudence is abundantly exercised to gain all that is possible, and you need no urging. We will also perform offices for the release of Madam de Rohan and the other ladies, as requested, and we think there will be no difficulty.
Ayes, 142. Noes, 0. Neutral, 1.
[Italian.]
May 17.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Spagna.
Venetian
Archives.
86. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
They are very uneasy about England and feel sure that the peace with France is either made or certain to be made; and they also believe that France will be freed from the trouble of the Huguenots and that the king has made a settlement with them advantageous to the Crown.
Madrid, the 17th May, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered.]
May 17.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Ceffalonia.
Venetian
Archives.
87. FRANCESCO MARIA MALIPIERO, Venetian Proveditore of Cephalonia, to the DOGE and SENATE.
From information taken by the Councillor Lippomano by my order about the case of the French saettia, master Francesco Rimondo, it appears that it was taken in the port of Argostoli by Captain Kenelm Digby, a corsair, and that twelve barques of the fifteen merchant vessels then in the port had a share of the goods. I now have your Serenity's orders of the 17th February last, with the exposition of the French ambassador. I have forthwith made fresh enquiries and I find as follows: While Digby was in the port of Argostoli and had the saettia in his power, he himself admitted to the master, Raimondo that he had in his ship the three chests of money taken from the saettia as well as three bales of caps (berette), which had been divided among his sailors. According to what Raimondo says the money amounted to 5,500 ryals. He meant to keep this, as he did as well as the three bales of caps, but he would hand over the saettia with its tackle to the representatives, as he also did, when it was handed over to its French master. This is all I have been able to discover.
A part of the remainder of the cargo was removed from the saettia by twelve boats of the fifteen English ships. I enclose the names of nine of them, which laded currants. There are no goods or effects of any kind here as the ships were hired from other places for here. I have not been able to find out the names of the other ships of the fifteen, as they laded in other countries and came here to join the others and form a fleet, and they all left immediately after the capture, for this voyage to England. If any one of these ships comes to these ports I will execute the orders of your Serenity.
The three merchants, John Opson, John Ugolet and John Mon, whom I sent for to come to the fortress at that time, merely to use them as a lever for negotiating with the pirate for the restitution of the saettia, were not merchants of the fifteen ships in question, but ordinary inhabitants of Argostoli, who trade in these parts. As they had not the slightest concern in the matter they were immediately dismissed, entirely satisfied, after the saettia had been restored.
Names of the ships and Captains. (fn. 4)
William Ralph, Captain Thomas Transfel.
John Bonaventura, Captain John Bendech.
Friendship, Captain Sequiribens.
Siguitta, Captain Ben Jonson.
William Francis, Captain Richard Jonson.
Flemish ship called Nightingale, Captain John Gransenaer.
John Bonaventura, Captain William Reiven.
Parangon, Captain Brian Anson.
Flemish ship called Black Eagle, Captain Girardi di Nicolo.
Cephalonia, the 17th May, 1629.
[Italian.]
May 18.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
88. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have received the ducal missives of the 26th April, and the opinions they express agree absolutely with those current among the best politicians in England, about the halt of the French, the fine opportunity they have lost and the time they have given to the Spaniards and Savoy to make good preparation. The Secretary Carleton told me that Don Gonzales has advised the Duke of Savoy on no account to let this injury pass without reparation of his king's honour and his own. For the sake of confirmation he asked me if Casale really was provisioned for some time, as Wake wrote that although the French were given to understand that many supplies had been sent, yet very few got into the place and they would not last long. He also told me that the Duke of Savoy had not yet signed the league, and was not disposed to join with the French again; indeed he was strengthening his army in the hope that when the snow melts, the French forces in Susa will find themselves surrounded, and many trenches and barricades which were rendered useless by the snow will be visible. He added that the replies from Spain about the treaty of Susa will arrive in an inconclusive and ambiguous form, so as to refer all execution to the emperor as master of the fief, or in other words for the sole purpose of gaining time, which is most precious to them, and not to break until they are in a position to do so with advantage, and the French heat shall have cooled.
These are all ideas of Wake and doubtless come from the duke's own lips. Perhaps Wake's object was to lower the good opinion of the French in this way, and prevent the conclusion of the peace. But I find that these ideas have an air of probability, and agree with other advices. On this account and because of what Cornaro writes to me about the evil reports Wake is spreading about the reconciliation with France, I though it advisable to give a hint about them to Carleton, in confidence, not as coming from myself or your Serenity's ministers, but as having reached me from other quarters, namely that Wake was not friendly towards this adjustment, and if these ideas were conveyed to France, he might not prove so good an instrument as was required at the outset, to ripen good will and the interests of the two crowns. Carleton replied that he thought Wake spoke in this way at Turin to humour the duke, but he wrote differently here. He was one who knew how to change his language according to circumstances. He would have to obey the king's commands, which were that his Majesty intends to remain united with France, and if Wake betrays prejudice, he will ruin himself. This is true as the treasurer, who now rules, is so bent on peace, that the unfavourable impressions of others will have hard work to make him break it. I thought it necessary to perform the office in general terms to discredit any evil ideas he may continue to write. Yet I still believe that as he was unable to upset the peace while it was in negotiation, it would be still less in his power to do so after conclusion, and if he makes any attempt he will run the risk of ruining himself. Indeed I think that he will do less mischief in France than he has done in Savoy, or than he would do here. I know that he who rules did not want Wake to return, as he very much wished, and as his wife's journey indicated in order to keep him at a distance and not to strengthen Carlisle's party. But that does not make much progress, and is highly incensed about this peace. He has even shown his ill humour to me, as I sent twice to visit him as I did to all the commissioners, thanking them for the help they had rendered me, and telling them severally what was required; he always excused himself by sending word that he would come to me, that he was too much bounden to your Serenity, and so forth. Under this cloak he concealed his chagrin at his failure in his promise to the Duke of Savoy, that the peace would not take place except through his medium, and from having deceived himself in his expectations of coming here and upsetting everything.
He has lost greatly with the Court and especially with the queen. She hath entered the sixth month of her pregnancy happily. I visited her lately at Greenwich, where she now is, telling her about the happy conclusion of the peace and thanking her for the help she had always given me. I reminded her at the same time that on the day after to-morrow, when the peace will be proclaimed, bonfires and other signs of rejoicing should be made, as is usual in such cases. She thoroughly approved and desired me to tell your Excellencies that she was more obliged to you than to any one for this good work. The peace will thus be proclaimed the day after to-morrow, and Carleton has sent me word that he has drawn up the proclamation and shown it to the king to be printed.
I have not yet discovered any more important particulars about the courier who came from Spain, and I do not think these affairs can be so easily arranged.
During these last days Digby has turned the Court upside down in order to get possession of the ships and goods he seized, but he has not succeeded in anything. Carleton sent me word that his Majesty's reply to my paper would be like the last, but instead of going to receive it, I conferred apart with each of the commissioners, and told them that it could not satisfy your excellencies, and if they persisted in it you would have to take such steps as you thought best, as you could not put up with an affront affecting the freedom of trade and of ships at Venice. I hinted at the opportunity for gratifying your Serenity after your efforts for the peace, so that the restitution would not constitute an example for other powers or prejudice the interests of this Crown. In short I induced them to speak again to Digby and the king. I do my utmost to advance this affair upon a foundation of just rights and important consequences, and I rejoice that this coincides with your commands. I shall never agree to the ordinary jurisdiction, so that you will be free to the end to follow the course you think best, and assist Sig. Luca Nelli, so that he may receive every possible advantage.
The king has prohibited the exportation from these realms of every sort of grain. (fn. 5) It is not that there is any scarcity here or that the coming harvest promises badly, but because it would all go to the Netherlands, which cannot be supplied by Danzig and Poland, and this is one of the chief reasons why those provinces should preserve the navigation of the Baltic for the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, doing themselves a good turn at the same time.
London, the 18th May, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
May 18.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Ceffalonia.
Venetian
Archives.
89. FRANCESCO MARIA MALIPIERO, Venetian Proveditore of Cephalonia, to the DOGE and SENATE.
There were at present 8,000 ryals in the chamber and we are daily expecting English ships to take away a very large quantity of currants now in this island, whereby we hope to accumulate a considerable sum of money in the chamber, because, by selling, the people will be able to pay their debts to the state. Without this hope of the ships coming it would be very difficult to exact the money. Their arrival will be a great relief to the natives and a great benefit to the state.
Cephalonia, the 18th May, 1629.
[Italian.]
May 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
90. To the Ambassador in Spain.
By this time the news of the peace between France and England will have reached you. We desire to hear how it is received, what they say about it and what stimulus it may give to the treaty of Susa, which is awaited here, and how they are disposed.
Ayes, 121. Noes, 1. Neutral, 0.
[Italian.]
May 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
91. To the Secretary in Germany.
We hear from our ambassador at Rome that progress is being made in Germany with a union of Protestant Princes, for offence and defence. The Kings of England, Denmark and Sweden are invited to join, to uphold liberty. On the other hand, the Catholics are trying to make another, to relieve themselves of the oppression of the army and the tyranny of Caesar. You will try and find out the truth and advise us.
Ayes, 121. Noes, 1. Neutral, 0.
[Italian.]
May 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
92. GIROLAMO SORANZO and ZORZI ZORZI Venetian Ambassadors in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
We hear that the Duke of Savoy is much disgusted at the peace between this Crown and England, because Wake had assured him that no one but his Highness should bring this important work to a conclusion, and that the king would never make it without including the Duke of Rohan, Soubise and their adherents. Accordingly Savoy had made engagements with those nobles, and was therefore greatly mortified at seeing them excluded, knowing that with this peace the reputation and power of the Most Christian would increase.
Susa, the 19th May, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered.]
May 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Roma.
Venetian
Archives.
93. ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Bethune now speaks openly of the peace with the King of Great Britain, and he told me that Preaux was destined as ambassador to England. He is to ratify it, and the ordinary will go with him. Apropos of England he expressed his astonishment that the king there is now taking up a great preoccupation (una gran cura) in endeavouring to suppress parliament, so he declared.
Rome, the 19th May, 1629.
[Italian.]
May 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
94. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Wake has received orders to go as ordinary ambassador to the Most Christian. He says he will be in France at the arrival of the Earl of Dambi, the ambassador extraordinary, but I find that he will remain here this summer. He has not been to see me since the conclusion of the peace. I sent my secretary to whom he remarked that he saw he was going to France at an unfortunate moment, because the greater part still remained to be settled, since the terms were general, and the details required for a good friendship would have to be discussed. He asked that your Serenity's ambassadors with the Most Christian shall continue their good offices in cultivating good will between England and France. The secretary assured him that he might rely upon that.
Turin, the 19th May, 1629.
[Italian.]
May 19.
Senato,
Secreta,
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
95. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The queen mother has offered Mademoiselle de Berne to assist Madame in her confinement, although she was promised to the Queen of England, in the assurance that that lady can serve the princess here and then cross the sea before the queen is delivered.
This is the day fixed for the announcement of the peace between England and France, yet Wake does not betray the least sign of satisfaction. He is constantly away at a country house. His people have resumed the mourning for the Prince Palatine, which they had laid aside and would seem to be lamenting this peace.
I hear that Abbot Scaglia will return soon. He intended to proceed to England, but the abilities of Contarini have upset the intrigues he had on foot at that Court.
Turin, the 19th of May, 1629.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

  • 1. Weston.
  • 2. See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1628–9, page 202, and the preceding vol. of this Calendar, page 185.
  • 3. The decipher is not in the file of despatches. The text here is taken from the ambassador's Register, preserved in the Library of St. Mark, Cl. viii. cod. 1126.
  • 4. The correct names of the majority of these would appear to be:—William Ralph, Capt Thomas Trenchfield; John Bonaventure, Capt. William Bundocke; Friendship, Capt. Squire Bence; Assurance, Capt. Bence Johnson; William and Francis, Capt. Edward Johnson; John Bonaventure, Capt. William Driver Cal. S.P. Dom., 1628–9, pages 293, 302, 303, 305.
  • 5. Proclamation of the 2nd May, o.s. The reason given is that the unseasonable weather has endangered the hopefulness of the ensuing harvests. Cal. S.P. Dom., 1628–9, page 535.