Spain: August 1543

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2, 1542-1543. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1895.

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'Spain: August 1543', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2, 1542-1543, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1895), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol6/no2/pp452-471 [accessed 27 November 2024].

'Spain: August 1543', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2, 1542-1543. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1895), British History Online, accessed November 27, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol6/no2/pp452-471.

"Spain: August 1543". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2, 1542-1543. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos(London, 1895), , British History Online. Web. 27 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol6/no2/pp452-471.

August 1543, 1-31

3 Aug. 200. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
"Venerable, chier et feal,"—Your letter of the 27th July, (fn. n1) and the copy of the one you wrote to Mons. de Granvelle, have come to hand. We have heard with pleasure the news contained in both, as well as that king's determination to continue and persevere in his animosity against the French, whilst his friendship and affection for Us are daily increasing. The answer which, as you tell Us, he made to the French ambassador when requested to come to terms with king Francis, seems to Us excellent and opportune. The King's refusal coincides with a similar answer given to certain proposals of the French ambassador at Rome, of which We deem it opportune to inform you. It appears that after Our arrival in Italy the French minister residing at the Papal Court addressed himself to the cardinal of Mantua (fn. n2) and asked him to ascertain from his brother, Ferrante Gonzaga, who is now with Us, whether there would be any means of resuming negociations for the peace, and whether he could guess or not what Mons. de Granvelle's idea about it was. Don Fernando's answer was that We are so indignant at king Francis having recommenced war against Us, and at the cruelties and dishonesties (cruaultez et deshonnestetez) by him practised in consequence of that war, that he could not undertake to speak to Us on the subject, and that even if he himself knew of any convenient means to propose, under present circumstances he would not dare broach the subject. It would be requisite (Gonzaga said) that the conditions proposed should be exceedingly advantageous for Us, that king Francis should entirely relinquish his claims and pretensions, and that We should have besides perfect security for the future. This has been done in order to ascertain as far as possible what king Francis' intentions can be, whether he is in earnest or not, and what he is now driving at, and most particularly for the purpose of temporizing with him, gaining time for Our plans, and according as this present undertaking of Ours turns out, take thereupon the resolution most convenient for the allies. In short, the whole has been said and done as if We were entirely ignorant of the ambassador's overtures, as well as of Gonzaga's answer to them.
We hasten to inform you of these particulars lest some of this should have reached that king's ears, and in order that, if interrogated on the subject, you may be able to give a correct answer, and, if necessary, reveal the whole transaction. You will continue to keep up daily correspondence with the queen of Hungary, Madame Our sister, on this and other affairs, and as We are getting every day nearer to England, and will shortly be in the Low Countries, We shall be glad to receive frequently news of your doings.—(Spires) 3 Aug. 1543.
Indorsed: "The Emperor and King to Chapuys."
French. Original draft. pp. 1½.
7 Aug. 201. Prince Philip to the Emperor, his Father.
S. E., L. Sto.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
ff. 223, 215.
Your Majesty's letters of the 19th and 20th of June came to hand, the latter being received first owing to the marquis de Aguilar being then at Genoa, ready to embark on board the galleys, and his choosing to be the bearer of it himself. I have not answered them, nor written since the arrival here of the duke of Alba and High Commander of Leon (Cobos), because there has been here no important event to record. Nor do I need to tell Your Majesty the joy and content we all have felt here at the news of Your Imperial Majesty's safe landing at Genoa (fn. n3) and subsequent journey to Pavia and Cremona, and at Your Imperial Majesty being in good health. May this continue, for God's service and the welfare of Christendom!
We were also glad to hear that the interview (vistas) between His Holiness and Your Imperial Majesty was agreed upon, and likely to take place soon. We shall be glad to hear what has been the result of it, for if We are to judge from the manner in which that interview was proposed, and its utility and mutual advantage magnified and recommended by the other party, besides the perfect ease with which it was granted, We cannot imagine what good can be expected from it. At any rate Your Majesty will no doubt let me know the result.
The capture of the six French galleys was known here almost as soon as there by a brigantine coming from Italy, that actually saw our own galleys taking the French ones to Genoa. We were, however, delighted to hear the confirmation of such good news.
The only fact of importance which I can communicate to Your Majesty from this place, is that on the 4th of June Martin Alonso de los Rios arrived with the fleet of the Indies and all the gold and silver that was there, without having met with the enemy, as Your Majesty will see by the enclosed narrative (relacion).
I have seen the speech (platica) which the marquis del Gasto, in the duke of Castro's name, made to Your Majesty at Genoa for the purpose of having the investiture of the duchy of Milan granted to his son, the duke of Camarino, and the conditions offered by the parties. I also saw what Your Majesty's answer was, namely, that in a matter so important as that one was, you could not take a resolution without asking first the advice of the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) and of the dowager queen of Hungary (Mary), and of Your Majesty's councillors of State here residing with me. Which answer, though the conditions offered were really advantageous, and the affair itself a very important one, Your Majesty would not give except after long and mature deliberation. No sooner did I hear of it than, having caused the Council to assemble, I laid before them the reasons which you had for not accepting at first the Duke's propositions, and those which the Duke himself, his son Ottavio, and His Holiness adduce in favor of their demand. The Council of State, in my very presence, has weighed and considered the offers made on one side, and the objections which might be raised on the other, against the alienation of the Duchy. It has come to the following conclusion. The Councillors think that the reasons adduced in favor of the alienation are better founded and more weighty than those against it, and that if the Pope gives to Your Majesty the two millions of ducats down that have been offered, or if not the whole of the sum at least a good portion of it—Your Majesty keeping in the meanwhile all the fortresses of the State as security until the whole is paid—the alienation can be effected with visible advantage for Your Majesty. For by fortresses in the Duchy the Councillors mean not only such fortified towns and castles as are the natural defences of the State, but also those from which some future duke of Milan might attempt to make a movement against your Imperial rights, in which case Your Majesty might take footing therein, expelling the duke and giving the investiture to another. The future duke to contribute a sum every year for the defence of Italy. That if Your Majesty approves of this the thing must be done at once, in order to receive the prize of the investiture in the present emergency, the greatest since Your Majesty succeeded to this Spanish throne, and that the negociation is such and so advantageous for Your Majesty that it is very hard to believe that His Holiness and his family can possibly be in favor of it.
Such is the Council's opinion. The king of the Romans and queen Mary have also been consulted, and have no doubt stated theirs. Your Majesty, with your usual prudence, tact, and wisdom, will decide what had better be done. But Your Majesty cannot fail to consider that one of the chief reasons, which your councillors have had for tendering such advice, is the exhausted state of Your Majesty's treasury and of the rents and patrimonial estates in these kingdoms at least, and how difficult it is to procure money, because the lands and property belonging to the Military Orders, which Your Majesty ordered to be sold and paid for in "juros al quitar" y de por vida (annuities upon the revenue of the Crown), nobody will buy at any price, however low. From the Crusade, which before Your Majesty's departure yielded some small sum, no more can be got from want of the promised Papal bull, which has not yet come. So that we find all doors shut, and there are so many things to attend to that we do not really know on which side to turn.—Valladolid, 7 August 1543.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
n. d. 202. The Same to the Same.
S. E., Italia, L. 3,
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 223.
A duplicate of the preceding, with a fuller statement of the reasons which the Emperor's Council of State, at Valladolid, has for not approving of the alienation of the duchy of Milan in favor of the duke of Camarino (Ottavio Farnese).
Spanish. Original. pp. 12.
10 Aug. 203. Eustace Chapuys to the Prince of Spain (Philip).
S. E., L. 806,
f. 72.
f. 233.
"Most high and most powerful lord,"—After the date of my last, a duplicate of which is enclosed, this Most Serene Majesty ordered the war against France and against all His Imperial Majesty's enemies, whoever they might be, to be proclaimed by public crier. By this and many other things this king has given a further proof of the inclination he has for His Imperial Majesty and his affairs.
The army sent by his Most Serene Majesty to the succour of Flanders has done great execution and harm to the enemy, wasting and burning down (quemando) all the villages in the Bollones (the district of Boulogne-sur-Mer) as well as in the neighbourhood of Ardres and Theroenna (Therouanne), without opposition of any sort, the enemy not daring to resist them. The English are now following up the road to Picardy to effect their junction with count de Roeuex (Rœulx), and attack the duke of Vendôme if he should wait for them.
King Francis, after encamping for nearly one month at Marolles without having achieved anything of importance, since his men were unable to take Bins, (fn. n4) a small and insignificant town (lugarejo de no nada) of no importance at all, defended only by a company of foot with very few horse, raised his camp and withdrew to Cambray. On the 29th of July, at three in the morning, he broke it up, and divided his army into three parts; with one under his own command and that of his sons, he himself took the direction of St. Quentin; another he sent to Picardy under Mr. de Vendôme; the third, more considerable in number than the other two, he has sent towards Champagne for fear of His Imperial Majesty trying to invade France on that side. On the 1st inst. the Emperor was to leave Spiria (Spiers) at the head of all his army; by this date he must already be near Juliers, where he can meet with no resistance at all, and therefore it is to be hoped that Martin Vand Roga [Van Rosem] and other Gheldrese, who some time ago invaded Brabant and burned some villages, (fn. n5) will be severely punished for their misdeeds, and that the town of Amisfort, of which they possessed themselves by treason, will be retaken.
This king has news from Scotland that all those who formerly sided with France have ratified the treaty of peace with England, and declared in his favor. One of the first to abandon the French party altogether was the Cardinal [of St. Andrew], the Queen herself making no difficulty whatever.
No further news to advise for the present; should there be any I shall not fail to write.—London, 10 August 1543.
Signed: "Eustacio Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Prince."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
n. d. 204. The Queen of Hungary to Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl.
"Monsieur l'ambassadeur,"—The king of the Romans' servant (fn. n6) has put into Our hands the king of England's letter informing him that he is about to draw bills on Antwerp to the amount of 40,000 ducats, to be paid to the order of Our commissioners (commis) in that town, which sum of money We are to receive and transmit to the aforesaid king of the Romans, for whom it is intended. We have accordingly sent an express to the consul (contre maistre) (fn. n7) of the English merchants at Antwerp to pay that sum, but he has answered that he has no orders from home to pay any sum whatever. As the secretary of the king of the Romans wishes to return home to his master as soon as possible, We request and order you to solicit from that king's accountants that the money in question may be consigned to Anvers (Antwerp), whilst We on Our side will take care on delivery that it be remitted to Augsburg or Nüremberg. We recommend you to use all possible diligence in this, so that We may soon receive an answer from you, the affair being one of great importance, as you cannot fail to understand.
Of recent news We have little to communicate, save that the French, since their ill success before Bins (Binch), seem inclined to raise their camp in front of Marolles without giving Us any indication of what they intend doing next.
The people of Clèves, since taking Amerffort (Amersfoort), remain encamped near that town without undertaking anything of importance, in consequence, as it is said, of want of money. We have sent against them the prince of Orange, who two days ago arrived at Utrecht, three leagues from Amerffort (Amersfoort.)
You will do well to send Us a duplicate of what you yourself said to the French ambassador in England, at the time that the king of that country challenged him by the duke of Norfolk, and also to tell Us in your next despatch what measures the King has taken respecting the agent of Cléves, who used to reside at that court.
There is a report here that the ships of Holland and Zeeland have already joined the English fleet in order to give chase together to that of France, which is still on the coast of Scotland. If you have certain news about this, pray let Us know as soon as you can.
The duke of Holstein, as We are told, has some war ships ready to come to this coast or that of Scotland, intending, as they say, to promote the nomination of his own brother to the throne of that country, (fn. n8) with the help of the French party.
French. Original draft. pp. 2.
13 Aug. 205. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Sire,"—I have this day received Your Imperial Majesty's letter of the 20th ult.; yesterday that of the 3rd inst. came to hand. (fn. n9) As to this king's good will and inclination towards Your Imperial Majesty, it seems to me that it increases daily. As a proof of that, I may say that in the declaration of war against France, lately promulgated in this kingdom, a clause has been added at his express command, purporting that "the declaration comprises likewise all other enemies of Your Majesty." In consequence of which all foreign merchants, as Easterlings and Italians, residing in this country, will not fail to write to their correspondents abroad, and this fact, when divulged, must necessarily increase Your Imperial Majesty's reputation and credit, and powerfully contribute to the good issue of pending affairs. I have no doubt that Your Imperial Majesty will give this king every occasion and opportunity to persevere in his present mood and temper by showing confidence in him and in his military plans, as well as trusting in what he possibly can do and achieve for the mutual benefit of both parties; for suspicious (fn. n10) and arrogant (haultain) as he is, he might soon become tired and annoyed at the expenditure of a war like the one which has already commenced, and suddenly change his present disposition. It would be wise and prudent not to mention to him the particular news contained in Your Majesty's last letter to me. Considering that news to be a mere report in the air, altogether devoid of foundation, I do not intend making use of it unless I am expressly interrogated on the subject.
The King has manifested great joy and pleasure at the good success of the men he sent across the Channel, of whose engagements with the common enemy he hears almost daily. For that success of the English arms on the continent the captain of Guisnes (Wallop) ought to be thanked, for had the other [captain] who was to have come over (fn. n11) been in command of the English auxiliary force, he certainly would have joined Your Imperial Majesty's army in Flanders without attempting to inflict any damage on the enemy. Indeed, I do really believe that the captain to whom I allude was the one who almost persuaded the King that it was not expedient to burn villages and waste the fields of France until the French themselves had begun doing the same.
For some time back the King has been desiring that the naval contingent to be furnished by Flanders and the Low Countries, the ships being of the tonnage and crews stipulated by the treaty, should come to the ports of this country to join the King's fleet and undertake together some enterprize against the enemy. And now, again, I have written to the Queen Regent on the subject, as Your Majesty will see by the enclosed duplicate of my letter to her. No hint or indication, however, has yet been given to me of what sort of enterprize it is to be, but, if I am to judge from appearances, as well as from the preparations the King has ordered to be made, I should say that it must be some chose du moment; for to mount on only two ships of war, besides a considerable number of cast-iron pieces, no less than eighteen other guns, (fn. n12) besides a landing force of 1,200 men, on the two ships, would indicate that a landing expedition to the enemy's country is intended thereby. Captain Lartigue is urgently soliciting that this force be employed against La Rochelle, as he did some time ago suggest, but these people will not hear of it until next year.
I hear that the Scotch Cardinal (Betoun) and the others who, like him, follow the French party, have approved of and ratified the treaty which was some time ago concluded between this king and the ambassadors of Scotland, though there are not wanting people who assert the contrary. The King continues to treat the Princess kindly, and has made her stay with his new Queen, who behaves affectionately towards her. As to Anne Boleyn's daughter (Elizabeth), the King has sent her back again (l'a renvoyee) to stay with the prince (Edward), his son.
The King and his privy councillors think that the Turkish galleys that have arrived on the coast of Provence will ultimately be the ruin and perdition of king Francis, since, besides offending God and man, he will have to spend so much of his money. It is to be hoped that he will come to grief some way or other, for it is generally believed that even should Barbarossa, who is in command of the galleys, succeed in capturing any town belonging to Your Imperial Majesty in Naples, Sicily, or Spain—though they will be well provided with defences—he will nevertheless achieve nothing very important. On the other hand, all wise people should wish that the Turkish fleet were more powerful than it is in order that king Francis might be put to a still greater cost in supporting it at his own expense.
Your Imperial Majesty must already have heard that six English war ships attacked, some time ago, sixteen French vessels, equipped and armed for war, that were sailing in this Channel. Two of them were taken, and the remaining fourteen made for the coast of Scotland, where they have lately been detained under some specious pretence or other so as to give the King time to send thither some of his own to capture them. (fn. n13) Indeed, I hear that he has sent to Scotland ten of his ships, wonderfully well fitted with artillery and crews, to capture the French, and, if so, it is hoped that they will soon be brought here, which will be a very fine spectacle to witness.—London, 13 August 1543."
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, 13 August. Received two leagues from Drem (Duren) the 21st of August 1543."
French. Holograph, partly ciphered. pp. 3.
13 Aug. 206. The Same to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
"Madame,"—Immediately after the receipt of Your Majesty's letter of the 2nd inst., I despatched in haste one of my own men (ung des miens) to the privy councillors to enquire when I could call on the King—who is 33 leagues distant from this city, sporting and hunting from place to place—and speak to him of the affairs mentioned in your letter. When the privy councillors knew what the object of my visit to the King was, and perused the letter of the marquis del Guasto and the documents annexed to it, they sent me a polite message to say that they were glad to hear the news [of Italy], and that the King, their master, had been particularly pleased to hear of them, and thanked me extremely for having communicated them to him. As to the money to be remitted to Your Majesty, they (the privy councillors) had orders from him to see to the immediate transmission of the sum to Flanders. (fn. n14) In compliance with their master's peremptory orders, they (the privy councillors) had strenuously worked with merchants and bankers in order to comply with Your Majesty's wishes, but had not been able to obtain from them better terms than those specified in my letter of the 11th ult. They would not further importune the King on that account, but could certify to me that the bills would be honoured when due, swearing on their honor and conscience that there would be no difficulty at all about the payment of the same. Unable to obtain a further answer from them, I myself went to the bankers, holders of the said bills of exchange, and tried to get from them some money in advance. I have this very day received a message from the one who had charge from this king to pay 5,000l. to those of the Staple at Calais, to the effect that he had still 3,000 pounds in hand that he had not yet delivered, and that he was thinking of arranging matters in such a way as to send them to Your Majesty at a very short date and in the most convenient manner. That to this end he would hastily send a message to the Privy Councillors, and in two or three days at the latest I should receive an answer to my application. It seems to me that I ought, at any rate, to receive that sum on Your Majesty's account; I can afterwards remit it by bills of exchange wherever You please to be paid here at sight. As soon as I get the banker's answer I shall not fail to let Your Majesty know.
I must not forget to say that this king has completely succeeded in reimbursing himself quickly and with profit of the money he some time ago paid away, for orders have been sent throughout his kingdom that on all feast days parish priests shall set forth to their congregations in church the extreme necessity in which Christendom is of resisting the advance of the Turk, and that if the people of England were formerly so prone to disburse their money and spend their substance for certain indulgences and Papal bulls which had the run of the country, and the profit of which was turned to a very bad and unhappy use, the more readily ought they now to bestow their alms on so holy and deserving a work, and collect them in the parish churches. (fn. n15)
Some time before my man returned from Court, the King's privy councillors had sent me the enclosed letter for Your Majesty.
I have nothing more to add respecting the news of this country, save to say that within the last few days, by the King's command, the war against France, and generally speaking against all the enemies of the Emperor, has been proclaimed by the public criers through all the streets and lanes of this city, which proclamation (chatoille) does add considerable weight to the Emperors reputation, as it is likely to affect the merchants, Easterlings, and others, who will not fail to announce it by letters to their correspondents abroad.
I have heard from a reliable quarter that the thirteen war ships which the French had in the Channel have been, under some excuse or other, laid under embargo at a port of Scotland, and that the King, having heard of it, has sent thither two of his big ships of war, in perfect trim and well manned, to capture the above-mentioned French vessels and bring them here. It would be very "à propos" if the fleet of the Low Countries could take part in the enterprize which the King is meditating.
As I was about to close this letter I received that of Your Majesty of the 8th inst. To the paragraphs concerning the money [for the king of the Romans], I can answer at once that Your Majesty may dispose immediately of the 3,000l. by taking at Antwerp bills payable here, in London, or if not, signify to me how the money is to be remitted. At any rate, in case the masters of the Finances and Your Majesty's treasurers there should decide for the first of the two above operations, I enclose letters for the Antwerp merchants. As to the remainder I will do my best to obtain a prompt payment.—London, 13 August 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original, partly ciphered.
13 Aug. 207. The Same to Monsr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Monseigneur,"—On my faith and conscience, I never felt so provoked at my want of health as I feel at this present moment, and have felt during the time that Mr. de Chantonnay was in this country, when my illness prevented me from attending him, as was my duty. Thanks him for his letter, &c.—London, 13 August 1543.
French. Holograph. p. 1½.
26 Aug. 208. The Prince of Spain (Philip) to Eustace Chapuys.
S. E., L. 63,
f. 22.
"Venerable, fiel y amado nuestro,"—Your letter of the 17th of July came duly to hand. (fn. n16) We were glad to hear what took place there at the ratification by the king of England of the treaty made with His Majesty, the Emperor, and likewise the answer which he (the King) gave to the French ambassador's offer, in his master's name, of sending to England a gentleman of his own private Chamber to satisfy him on all points, and make him arbitrator of the differences existing between him and the Emperor, Our father and lord. The King's answer could not have been more appropriate than it was, considering the French king's proposal, and the terms of friendship and brotherhood on which We now are with him, and which, I hope, will continue and increase daily.
We were also glad to hear the news of Flanders, and the good success of Our arms there. We should very much like to have more particulars about that, as well as about the Emperor's health and his present whereabouts, for We are without news from him since he left Cremona for Parma to hold an interview with His Holiness. We have, however, letters from Flanders stating that he was expected at Spira (Spires) on the 20th of July. Please let Us know as often as you can of His Majesty's progress in his journey, and of the state of affairs in Germany and elsewhere, for in doing so you will certainly do Us a service.
Of the health of the most illustrious princess, Our most beloved cousin, (fn. n17) We were likewise very glad to hear. You will give her Our commendations in return for hers, and say that if there is here, in Spain, anything that she would be glad to have We shall be delighted to send it to her.
Mr. de Chantone (Chantonnay) wrote to Us a very short letter (fn. n18) announcing his arrival in that country, and describing the commission he had, how he had seen the King, &c., referring Us besides to your despatches as to what you and he conjointly had negociated up to that time. And yet not a word is there in your own about the negociation itself or its progress. We mention this because, if you think that We here ought to be informed of what you and your colleague have stipulated and settled concerning the future invasion of France by the allied armies, We should very much like to hear of that from time to time.
We already knew here of the great success obtained by Don Alvaro de Bazan, His Majesty's captain-general in the Western Ocean (mar de Poniente), on St. James's day, over the French fleet of galleys which had been infesting the coasts of Galicia and Asturias. Don Alvaro attacked and defeated the French, capturing sixteen of their war ships, with a good deal of ordnance and ammunition, and taking prisoners 500 hackbutiers from the garrison of Bayonne, besides several foot soldiers from other places, who had been expressly put on board to make a descent upon Our coast. Since this most signal defeat, the French, as it appears, have not shown themselves on that coast. (fn. n19)
Of Barbarossa's fleet, the news is that on the 17th of July part of it entered the port of Marseilles, and that on the day after, the rest of his galleys having joined him, that corsair sailed for Tolon (Toulon) and Aquas Muertas (Aigues-Mortes), where he took on board twenty-two pieces of siege ordnance sent to him by the governor of Narbonne. Barbarossa had been some days at Aigues-Mortes, waiting for an answer from king Francis to certain questions he had addressed him on affairs of their own. The Dauphin (Henri) had gone posthaste to see Barbarossa, and on the day following the former's visit the corsair had left for the Levant Sea with all his galleys, which the French fleet, consisting, as it is reported, of thirty galleys, three "galeases," and twenty-one more vessels (naos) had joined. This happened on the first day of August; on the third they were before Nizza, where they took a tower behind the castle. It is affirmed that this undertaking of the French is due to a long preconceived idea of theirs of possessing themselves of that town. We do not know here what defences the castle may have, or whether the garrison is sufficiently provided with food, but it is generally believed that, with a sufficient garrison, the castle itself is so strong that it may hold out a long time against the combined attacks of the Turkish and French fleets.
No time has been lost here in strengthening the ports on the coasts of Catalonia and Valencia, and sending thither considerable detachments of infantry, so much so, that when the enemy heard that we were prepared and ready to receive them, they changed their mind. That is why, no doubt, finding they could do nothing on our coast, they have undertaken Nizza.
We sincerely hope that God, whose cause it is, will defend that city, and punish the French for their bad intentions and nefarious deeds against Christendom.—Valladolid, 26 August 1543.
Signed: "El Principe."
Addressed: "To Eustachio Capuys (sic), ambassador in England." (fn. n20)
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
28 Aug. 209. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Madame,"—I enclose the duplicate of a letter of this king's privy councillors to me, by which Your Majesty will learn the occurrences of this country since the date of my last, (fn. n21) and at the same time understand how difficult it is to live in good harmony with the English. (fn. n22) Indeed, Tour Majesty will perceive that I was not out of my reckoning when I wrote to the Emperor about their exceedingly suspicious temper. Having sent to the privy councillors one of my men, sufficiently well instructed for the purpose of getting an answer to the contents of the Emperor's letter, I am daily waiting for his return to write what the answer has been; but, in the meantime, I cannot fail to inform Your Majesty of a fact which is indicative enough of what that answer is to be. Indeed, I hear from an authentic quarter that the King has lately complained to some gentlemen of his Chamber, bitterly enough, as it appears, of the contents of the letter in question, saying that he had not been treated with frankness respecting the Emperor's plans and views, and that I (Chapuys) had withdrawn part of its contents from his knowledge.
It seems that the people of Scotland have not yet delivered the hostages agreed upon by treaty between this King and them, and that matters there are not so peaceable and favorable to this king as was presumed. Should I hear anything more about this, I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty thereof.—London, 28 August 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original, almost entirely ciphered. p. 1.
28 Aug. 210. The Same to Monseigneur de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Monseigneur,"—I will profit by the departure of this messenger, about to start for Flanders with despatches for Her Majesty, the Regent of the Low Countries, to send to Your Lordship the enclosed copy of my letter informing her of the occurrences in this country up to the 27th ult. (fn. n23)
The object of this present is only to beg Your Lordship to take care that our Master, the Emperor, writes frequently to this king news of his person and doings, for it does happen that, having lately in a most curious way (curieusement) got intelligence from France, he finds it very strange not to be equally apprized of the Emperor's movements.
This king is by nature fond of being petted and made much of—"regalado," as the Spaniard says—and, therefore, if such means be employed, we may get out of him anything we want.—London, on the last day of August 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, partly ciphered. p. 1.
n. d. 211. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Monseigneur,"—I enclose a letter from these privy councillors to me, by which Your Lordship will learn what news there is since my last. (fn. n24) My letter will also serve to inform Your Lordship of the great difficulty there is in keeping these people contented and satisfied and of being on good terms with them, and that I did not speak at random when, in writing lately to His Majesty, I touched on their suspicious nature and propensities. I have, therefore, on that account, and in order to give the privy councillors some sort of satisfaction and answer to their complaint, now sent to them one of my own men, sufficiently instructed to answer all their arguments. Immediately after his return from the Council, I will write to Your Lordship the result of the interview; but I must not omit to say that, according to most reliable information, the King some days ago, complained rather bitterly (aigrement), in the presence of several gentlemen of his Privy Chamber, of the contents of the Emperor's letter to me, saying, among other things, that he was sure that in that letter there were expressions and words which had not been confidentially communicated to him. (fn. n25)
It appears that the Scotch have not yet sent the hostages promised by their treaty with this king, and that matters in Scotland are not quite so smooth and peaceable as these English had reason to presume. Should I hear more particulars, I shall not fail to inform Your Lordship. (fn. n26) —London, 28 of August 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. pp. 2.
29 Aug. 212. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
"Venerable, chier et feal,"—We are in receipt of your letter of the 14th inst., (fn. n27) which came five days ago, by which letter We have learnt with great pleasure that the King's affection and friendship for Us is still on the increase, and that he has, without further instigation from you, publicly declared war against the French, and has, moreover, of his own accord, added a clause to that declaration, purporting "that the war is intended not only against Our common enemy, the king of France, but also against all Our common enemies, of whatever denomination they may be." It was very prudent and wise of you not to say anything to him about the overtures made to Cardinal Mantua by the French ambassador in Rome. In mentioning the fact in Our letter We purposely instructed you to conceal the fact from the King, unless the French themselves spoke first about it.
With regard to the work done by the English in France, it is perfectly true that they have used extreme rigour against the enemy, without sparing even Our own subjects holding property in France, to which, in Our opinion, they might and ought to have paid more attention. (fn. n28) It now remains for the King to make his men continue the war against the French, not only with the number of men that he is obliged by treaty to put in the field, but, if possible, with a greater one, since the French have now commenced hostilities and taken Landrechies (Landresis), which they keep, although We hear, on the other hand, that Our cousins, the duke of Aarshot and count du Rœulx, are already in the field to recover it. You must, with your usual ability and discretion, and in view of what passed between the Queen, Our sister, and the English captain at the head of the English forces—of which We suppose you have been informed, as well as of what passed afterwards between Our two cousins (fn. n29) and the said captain—apply to the King for the prosecution of the war on that frontier.
With regard to your writing to Mons. de Granvelle that had the king of England been informed, when Mons. de Chantonnay was last in England, of Our intended expedition against the duke of Clèves, he (the King) would certainly not have relished the news, and, therefore, that you had refrained from speaking on the subject to him, you were perfectly right in doing so, and We are glad that it was not mentioned to him. But as Our intention is still unchanged, and We are actually marching in that direction to punish the Duke as severely as We can for his past misdeeds, you are requested to make the king of England understand that We could not, if We wished, have acted otherwise, as in order to open the way between the Low Countries and Germany it was imperative for Us to attack the Duke, and chastise his insolence and that of his friends and allies, they and he (the Duke) having, whilst boasting of their power and great armaments, published throughout the whole of Germany that We should never dare cross it, as he would waste the fields and destroy the country on Our passage if We ever attempted to take another route, boasting besides, that the king of France was ready and prepared to join his forces to his to stop Our march through Brabant. It was for that purpose that both king Francis and he (the Duke) planned the treasonable expedition to Liege, which after all was unsuccessful, and which was the chief cause, apart from the want of provisions, for Our taking that route. We hope, nevertheless, to be able, with God's help and favor, to surmount all obstacles and force Our way into the enemy's country, and this being once achieved, We shall be able to inform the King more in detail of what Our plans are. Nor has it been in Our power, whatever inclination We might have felt towards doing so, to make peace with the Duke, for although several German princes, and electors of the Rhine, even those of Saxony, had occasionally addressed themselves to Us, and, as We have been informed, sent also agents to the Duke to try and bring about a peace, yet the Duke's obstinate refusal to listen to and accept honorable terms has rendered all their efforts useless and vain, the Duke maintaining more pertinaciously than ever he did even at the last Nürenberg diet his claim to the duchy of Ghelders and county of Zutphen, which he pretends belong to him, and is now attempting to retain with the help and assistance of the king of France. We have, as you will see by the enclosed copies of acts and deeds relating to that affair, warned the subjects and inhabitants of Clèves and Juliers, generally and particularly, of the execution and war that We intend carrying on against their master, and We request you, if advisable for the better issue of Our affairs, to show the same to the King, as well as the letters and communications of Our sister, the queen of Hungary, on the subject, that he may know the justice of Our proceedings against the Duke.
Respecting the war ships which are to be fitted out and join the English fleet in the Channel, We have no doubt that Our sister, the Queen, will answer the King's requisition, and do as much as she possibly can considering the onerous affairs she has in hand. As to the King's enterprize against France, you will do everything in your power to ascertain to what part of the French frontier it is to be directed, what chance and probability there is of success, or otherwise, and according to the information you may receive, speak and advise as your prudence and knowledge of affairs dictate. You must, however, take particular care to let Us know from time to time the news of the country, and especially what is likely to be done with the French ships seized on the coast of Scotland, and generally speaking, how political affairs in the latter country are going on.
With regard to the Turkish fleet, which lately came to the coast of France, We have letters from the marquis del Gasto, and from Our ambassador at Gennes (Genoa), advising that really and truly a number of French galleys, with a number of sailing ships and "galeases," having on board a landing force with plenty of artillery, powder, and ammunition, had actually joined the Turk. (fn. n30) That both the fleets together had anchored at Villafranca, (fn. n31) and intended to pass the winter thereat, and, if possible, occupy by force the town and castle of Nyce (Nizza), to which end a treacherous plot had been formed with some of the inhabitants, for the purpose of slaying the prince of Piedmont, who, besides being closely connected with king Francis, since his father (Carlo) was his uncle, was certainly entitled to better treatment, being so young, and not having offended him in the least. (fn. n32) But it would appear as if king Francis were trying to manifest to the World, more openly than he has hitherto done, his sworn enmity to God and to all Christendom, and that neither faith nor the laws of relationship, nor family ties will arrest him in his iniquitous course, and, what is still worse, that he feels no shame at all; for not only has he openly joined his forces to those of the Turk, but has, without excuse of any sort, declared that all that he and his people have hitherto professed by word of mouth and in writing have been nothing else than dissimulation and deceit.
However that may be, We are confident that the whole of the structure thus raised by king Francis will soon fall to the ground. The marquis del Gasto and the rest of Our ministers in Italy are doing all they can to send succour to the town and castle of Nyce (Nizza), which is, and will be, a new and heavy charge thrown upon Us. We have given orders that nothing should be spared to defeat the enemy's plans on that coast, and We ourselves will go on marching on this side and profiting by these few weeks of fine weather till the end of the summer, to molest and, if possible, destroy the common enemy, hoping confidently that the king of England will do the same on his side.
For, in truth, he (the King) is the more obliged to help and assist Us against France, now that His Holiness, on the plea of Our being closely bound to England—as We told him plainly enough at the Cremona interview—may consider himself at liberty to withdraw his help against French and Turks, now having their naval forces together; nay, should king Francis demand his assistance against England, he could not perhaps refuse it. He (the Pope) had therefore decided to remain neutral. (fn. n33) Such was His Holiness' language on the occasion, as you will judge by the answer, in writing, he lately made to Our ambassador at his court, which answer We forward herein inclosed, (fn. n34) not indeed to be shown to anyone, but that you may confidentially inform the King of its substance as far as you deem it proper and convenient.
As to the Turkish army in Hungary, We send you the last news received from the king of the Romans, Our brother. If requested you may communicate it to the King's ministers, that they may see and be convinced that Our brother is doing all that he can possibly do, and that the assistance in money lately given him has come at a time of great need, and will be usefully employed.—At Our camp close to Lennich, (fn. n35) the 29th of August 1543.
French. Original draft. pp. 4.
31 Aug. 213. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl.
"Madame,"—At this very moment the man I sent to Court for the purpose of replying to the letter of this king's [ambassadors], of which Your Majesty must have received the copy, (fn. n36) has come back. As far as I learn from him, the privy councillors acknowledge that their letter was a hasty and inconsiderate one; they are sorry for it and would wish that it had never been written, begging me to take the whole in good part, and consider it rather as a further proof of their desire for the preservation and increase of the good intelligence and friendship now existing between Your Majesty and the King, their master. For (said the privy councillors to my man) nothing is so apt to keep up and foster friendship between two individuals than the confidential communication of their mutual affairs and thoughts, and the letter in question had been chiefly and expressly written with a view to call my attention to, and impress me with the necessity of the fleet of the Low Countries joining their own, and engaging in some undertaking against the common enemy, in accordance with their master's wish. Such was the language of this king's privy councillors to my man; it now remains for Your Majesty to consider what had better be said and answered on the subject.
However this may be, the King has, it appears, written to Your Majesty in demand of 300 hackbutiers, to be paid by him, as well as of help and assistance from the captains of St. Omer, Bourbourg, and other garrison towns in the neighbourhood. With that force, and the troops he has on that side of the Channel, and 1,000 more men he is now sending in haste, this king intends to prevent the revictualling of Ardres, which he hears the governor of Boulogne [sur Mer] is about to attempt at the head of 6,000 foot and 300 horse. I humbly beg Your Majesty to attend to his request as far as possible, the more so that I hear he himself is about to address Your Majesty on the subject. I, therefore, again pray Your Majesty to be pleased to gratify him in this respect as soon as possible, as the exigency of the moment requires, and at the same time keep him "au courant" of military events in that country, thus repaying him for the confidential advices he offers and the affection which he entertains for Your Majesty. Indeed, such is the desire this king is manifesting of doing service to Your Majesty, that having lately heard by letters addressed to Sir Jehan Gressam and to the Antwerp bankers on whom the bills of exchange for the 3,000l. were drawn, that Your Majesty would have some difficulty in having the said bills discounted, owing to the high rate of interest on money, and finding that the interest to be paid here would not be less, and besides that the payment might be delayed, he has arranged with the above-mentioned Sir Jehan Gressam (Gresham) to send to Calais in specie the said 3,000l. We are only waiting to know whether this arrangement will suit Your Majesty better; if so, as the bills on Antwerp have not yet been negociated, the whole operation may be cancelled, and on the bills being returned here the money shall be sent to Calais for Your Majesty or your commissioners to receive it there. I am really astonished to see that an affair of such importance as this, and so pressing, has not already met with more care and activity on the part of the Financial ministers in that country.— London, 31 August 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original, all ciphered. pp. 2.

Footnotes

  • n1. See above, No. 188, p. 442.
  • n2. Hippolite Gonzaga, cardinal of Mantua, son of Francesco and brother of Ferrante.
  • n3. On the 29th of May. See above, pp. 359, 390.
  • n4. "Visto que sus gentes no pudieron ganar Abyns." These two last words ought to be read thus: "ganar à Byns."
  • n5. The word used in the original is vinages (vineyards), but villages, though not a Spanish word, seems more acceptable.
  • n6. Andronicus Tranquillus? See No. 148, p. 363.
  • n7. Contre-maistre is the word used here, whereas in other despatches he is called court maistre or court-master.
  • n8. This duke of Holstein, of whom frequent mention has been made in this and the preceding volumes of this Calendar, is commonly known in history as Kristiern or Christian III., king of Denmark. He was the son of Frederick, duke of Holstein, who in 1523 dethroned Kristiern II. Neither father nor son was recognized as king of Denmark by the Emperor, whose sister Isabella had married Kristiern II. in 1515.
  • n9. See above, No. 200, p. 452.
  • n10. "Car selon quil est soupcionneux et haultain est à craindre quil ne se fasche assez tost des fraiz de la guerre; peu de chose le pourroit destourner, et nest que bien advisa et tres prudentment de non luy faire semblant ny mencion des propoz mencionnes aux dites dernieres lettres de vre. mate pour estre la chose encores en lair et sans fondement, dont je useray selon les commandements de vre. mate." See the Emperor's letter to Chapuys of the 17th of June, No. 161, pp. 403–4.
  • n11. That is, Sir Thomas Cheyne. The passage stands thus: "Dont en partie fault remercier la capitaine de Guynes, car si lautre que y debvoit aller en est de la conduyte, (il) fust alle droit se joindre avec larmee de vre. mate sans tascher de faire dommaige aux ennemys. Et croy que çe avoit este luy quavoit mis en teste du dit sieur roy quil ne convenoit brusler ny donner gast sur les françois si premierement ilz ne commençoient."
  • n12. "Mais selon les appareilz quil a faut faire ce doit estre chose du moment, car sur deux navieres seulement, oultre innumerable nombre dartilleries de fonte, il a faict mettre xviii. canons, et seront dans les dits deux vasseaux (sic) plus de xiic hommes de guerre."
  • n13. "Vre. mate aura desia entendu comme six navierez angloisez avoient assally les xvi. françoises equippeez en guerre que tenoient ce canal, desquellez ceulx cy en prinrent deux, et les autres xiv. se retirerent du coustel d'Ecosse, ou ces jours ellez ont este arresteez soubz quelque couleur pour donner lieu et loisir au dit sieur roy lez mander prendre, le quel à ce effaict en y a envoye dix dez siennes merveilleusement bien equippeez."
  • n14. See No. 180, p. 431.
  • n15. "Et que si autresfois le peuple estoit si enclin à s'eslarger si plantereusement (pleinverement?) de leurs biens pour certaines 'foulles rebouilles (folles buoles?) qui tournlient çy devant, dont le prouffit se convertiseoit en tres maulvais et malheureux usaige tant plus devoient ilz estre esmeuz à donner pour une si saincte et necessaire œuvre."
  • n16. See above, No. 183, pp. 434–8, but the letter is dated the 12th, not the 17th, as here said.
  • n17. The princess Mary.
  • n18. See above, No. 176, p. 428.
  • n19. Of this naval battle the Emperor's historian (bishop Sandoval) gives a long and minute account. Vol. II., lib. xxvi., p. 516. The battle was fought in sight of Muros, on the coast of Galicia, the French fleet amounting to 30 sail between ships and galleys, being commanded by Mr. de Sana (?), and that of Don Alvaro Bazan, father of another Don Alvaro, who became in time admiral and marquis de Santacruz. On the 18th of July, whilst the inhabitants of Muros were compounding with the French general for a sum of money rather than be sacked, the Spanish fleet hove in sight.
  • n20. As the two letters C and h, when united, were generally employed in Spanish to render the sound of the Greek χ; as, besides that, the French ch was formerly rendered by x, as in the words xapeo, xateo, marexal, meant to represent chapeau, chateau, marechal, we ought not to wonder at Chapuys' name being turned into Capuys and Capusio.
  • n21. Of the 13th. see No. 206, p. 460.
  • n22. "Et aussi congnaitra la difficulte quil y a de consentir (concerter?) et vivre avec ceulx-çy."
  • n23. See above, No. 209, p. 464.
  • n24. As the Councillors' letter here alluded to is not enclosed, it is difficult to say what it was about.
  • n25. "Si je ne veulx-je (sic) cependant oublier de dire que ce sieur roy sest ces jours doulu entre ceulx de sa chambre plus aigrement à tendroit du contenu en la dite lettre, et mesmes de non luy estre confidemment communiquees toutes choses que la dite lettre chante."
  • n26. The last paragraph of this letter is for the purpose of begging Mr. de Granvelle to exercise his influence at Brussels for the prompt settlement of his arrears.
  • n27. See above, No. 205, p. 457; but the letter is from Duren the 13th August.
  • n28. "Et mesmes sans espargner noz subjectz ayans (sic) biens au dit France, en quoi ilz eussent deu avoir meilleur regard."
  • n29. That is, the two Imperial generals Philippe de Croy and the count du Rœulx, whom, as knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece of Burgundy, the Emperor always addressed as "cousins."
  • n30. "Au regard de l'armee Turquoise venue en France nous avons dernierement eu lettres du marquis del Gasto, que de nostre ambassadeur à Gennes, les quelz nous advertisent comme pour vray que les galeres françoises, avecq aulcunes naves et galeaces, gens de guerre, artillerie et munitions se sont joinctes à icelles de Turq."
  • n31. Villefranche or Villafranca di Nizza.
  • n32. "Avec traison (sic) daucuns du dit Nyce subornez pour tuer le prince de Piemont, prochain parent du dit sieur roy de France, au quel du moins il devroit avoir regard, sil ne le vouloit en l'endroit de pere ou oncle, puisque le dit prince est jeune et ne luy a en riens meffait."
  • n33. "Et à la verite il y est tant plus oblige sil veut considerer que soubz couleur que [nous] sommes si estroictment oblige avec luy, comme lavons assez ouvertement donne à entendre au pape, il sexcuse[ra] dayder contre les dites armees [de mer] françoise et turquoise joinctes, mectant en avant que le roy de France luy demande ayde contre le dit roy d'Augleterre, et que pourtant il se veult tenir neutre."
  • n34. Not in the packet.
  • n35. Lennik, in Brabant.
  • n36. The one at p. 439, in which the English ambassadors at Brussels complain of the Low Countries not having furnished the number of ships of war stipulated by the treaty of defensive and offensive alliance.