Spain: April 1542 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1, 1538-1542. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1890.

Citation:

'Spain: April 1542', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1, 1538-1542, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1890), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol6/no1/pp487-511 [accessed 30 November 2024].

April 1542, 1-30



1 April.	242. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, ff. 19–20.	"Monseigneur l'ambassadeur,"—We send you herein enclosed a letter just received from the Emperor, Our lord, together with another of the 28th ult. As you will see by the enclosed abstract of his letter, the Emperor devolves upon Us the care of making the declaration against the Scotch, or else temporizing with them in case We find that the delay is not injurious to the projected undertaking against France, and that these Low Countries will not suffer through it. Our answer to the Emperor has been that which you (Chapuys) will see by the enclosed abstract. We cannot exactly understand what harm the delay of the declaration against Scotland can do to the enterprise against France, and therefore We inform him that We have applied to you to decide whether the said declaration is to be made at once, or whether it is more prudent to temporize with the king of Scotland. To that effect We have ordered the enclosed draft of answer to be made to the Emperor, which you can, if you choose, show to those privy councillors, and then inform Us by return of post which plan seems to them and to you the more advisable under the circumstances—whether to issue at once the aforesaid declaration, or temporize with the Scotch; it being well understood that if for the advancement of the affair, and not to lose the opportunity of an invasion of France, you and the King's privy councillors should find it convenient to issue the declaration at once, you may have it published, first stipulating for security that within the next two months the king of England himself shall declare against the duke of Holstein, unless the latter's deputies now at Spa do not, before the Emperor's departure from that town, come to some arrangement with him. No more delay to be granted in either case than that which may be deemed absolutely necessary for the subjects of both parties to withdraw elsewhere with their goods and chattels. (fn. n1)
	As to the interest which these Low Countries may have in the declaration, it is so incalculably great and patent that We deem it quite unnecessary to allude to it here, having already done so in Our last letter to you; for should We alone be at war with the duke of Holstein, We should lose the entire navigation of the Northern seas, with incalculable loss and damage to the Emperor's subjects in those parts, who could not bear it unless the king of England declared also against the Duke. This is in Our opinion the only true means of making him come to terms, as We once wrote to you. (fn. n2) However this may be, We think that the English will not insist too much on the declaration against the Scotch for the reasons We have pointed out to the Emperor, and chiefly because having lately ordered the immediate arrest of no less than one hundred and fifty Scotchmen—most of them poor sailors without a farthing—our officers, naturally enough, lest the prisoners should die of hunger, applied to the English ambassador here resident for money and provisions to support them. This the ambassador readily granted, on condition that some merchants of that nation should also be arrested, which was done. Two of these, however, are soon to be released "on parole"—the others being answerable for them—and sent home for the purpose of soliciting the release of the whole set; and We have besides stated to the ambassador, that should he think We can still do more for the indemnity of the English, We will meet his views in every respect. (fn. n3) This you will say to the King's ministers whenever you find an opportunity.
	Whilst this letter was being written yours of the 16th inst. came to hand, as well as the duplicate of the Emperor's letter to you of the same date. We have no doubt that since then you have received the letters-patent for the safe conducts, as well as the declaration of war against Holstein, sent on the 6th.
	The English deputies have communicated with lord Buren, (fn. n4) and requested him to raise 2,000 infantry, at the rate of four "carolins" monthly for each man, which request, however, the latter has refused to comply with, since it is not customary in this country to pay a soldier less than four "philippi," or five "carolins," or, rather, four gold florins of 15 baegs each. The deputies have agreed to write home about it.
	The English resident ambassador has shown us a written statement of the horses and chariots which his master, the King, wishes Us to furnish for his army, namely, 2,566 horses for the King's ordnance, 2,560 chariots of 4 horses each for the ammunition, making in all 11,516 horses, a number which seems to Us excessive and not easy to find. (fn. n5) We have, however, ordered a requisition of all the horses that can be procured, in order to satisfy as much as possible the demands of Our ally, always taking care to reserve for the Emperor's army those that may be wanted, besides the force of 2,000 horse and 2,000 foot which we are bound to contribute to the King's army.—1 April 1542.
	Indorsed: "From the Queen Regent to the Imperial ambassador in England; 1st of April, before Easter."
	French. Original draft. pp. 4.
6 April.	243. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, f. 21.	"Venerable, chier et feal"—Supposing that you have received Our last letter sent by way of Flanders, this one will be to announce the arrival at this court of the bishop of London, to meet whom We sent the bishop of Plasencia a good way into the country. On his arrival at the gates of this town (Valladolid) We sent a gentleman of Our chamber, Laurenz Manuel (fn. n6) by name, to receive him with due honors, and in the afternoon of the same day We ordered secretary Bave to go to his lodgings and visit him in the name of High Commander Covos. Secretary Bave was to inform him, as he actually did, that being at the time much troubled by gout We could not see him immediately, but that, however, if his mission required a hasty answer, We would do Our best to give him audience. The Bishop having answered that though he had a great desire of paying Us his respects, yet he was not in such haste as not to be able to wait for some days, We waited until yesterday, which was Easter Sunday, (fn. n7) and had him come to Us, well accompanied by gentlemen of Our chamber and officers of this Palace, though We were still delicate, and had some difficulty in reaching the hall, where the interview was to take place. After offering Us the most cordial commendations in his master's name, the Bishop presented his credentials and began, by way of a preamble, to say how sad and sorrowful the King, his master, had been when he heard the loss We had sustained in Our last expedition against Algiers, and his pleasure and joy at hearing of Our safe arrival in this kingdom of Ours, and that the loss actually sustained had not been so great as was at first announced. The Bishop did not fail to embellish his speech with phrases and words all tending to show the great amount of friendship and affection which the king of England entertains for Our person.
.	After this preamble the Bishop went on to say that the King, his master, recollecting well what had passed at Regensburg between Us and the bishop of Winchester, then English ambassador, and what We had mutually promised to each other, as you (Chapuys) cannot fail to have heard, had resolved to send him (the bishop of London) in order to show what affectionate desire the King had of fulfilling the promise once made, and arriving at a closer confederacy and alliance with Us; having no doubt that We on Our side would reciprocate the very same sentiments and be ready to fulfil Our promise. This the Bishop said, mixing as it were the sweet with the bitter by alluding occasionally to the late differences between the queen of Hungary and the English deputies on matters of trade and navigation, and the losses which his master, the King, had sustained through them. The Bishop added that notwithstanding his master's most reasonable demands the revocation of the edict promulgated in the Low Countries forbidding English ships to lade in the ports of Flanders had never been obtained. The better to establish and ground his complaint (querelle) the Bishop then drew out of his pocket a memorandum couched in Latin, of which We enclose you a copy, and prosecuted his speech as follows: He said that his master, the King, wishing to employ elsewhere his ambassador residing at this court of Ours, had commanded him to return home, replace the other, and do good offices in all matters. Upon which We thanked him for the good will which his master showed, the affectionate regret he had experienced at the ill success of Our African expedition, and the pleasure and joy he had felt at Our safe arrival in Our Spanish dominions, all the time assuring the ambassador that We reciprocated entirely the same sentiments of good will and perfect friendship. That with regard to the mutual promise of which he, the ambassador, had spoken, and the fulfilment of which he so vehemently asked for, We could not for the moment give him a categorical answer, that being a subject which had only been treated between the bishop of Winchester and Mr. de Granvelle. As the latter had lately arrived at Barcelona, and would shortly come to Court, We thought that it would be better to postpone that question until his arrival, since We should then be in a better condition to meet any proposals he (the ambassador) might make as to that, and likewise on the much debated affair of the intercourse of trade. That in Our opinion he (the ambassador) might at once write to his master, without waiting for the arrival of Mr. de Granvelle, and assure him that We sincerely wish to respond to his call, and meet him in every way, making use of all the sweet and pretty words generally used on such occasions for the greater content and satisfaction of the Bishop, who was apparently very much pleased, and promised to write to his master accordingly.
	As to the other ambassador's return home, you (Chapuys) will see what We ourselves write to the King about it. We enclose a copy of Our letter to him, that in conformity with it you may speak to him or to his privy councillors, if you think best, always vouching for the honesty and good offices of the said ambassador during his residence at this court, and how pleased We were with him, adding whatever else you may think proper and conducive to Our purpose, which is to keep the King in good humour and contented.—From Valladoly (Valladolid), 6 April 1542. (fn. n8)
	Indorsed: "L'Empereur et Roi à son ambassadeur en Engleterre."
	French. Original draft. Partly ciphered. pp. 4.
16 April.	244. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, ff. 63–4.	On the receipt, on Easter Eve, of Your Imperial Majesty's letter of the 14th ult., I immediately sent to apprize the King, who, owing to the approaching Easter festivals, and also to his intending to partake of the Communion on the occasion, delayed giving me audience until the ensuing Monday. On that day I repaired to Court, where, after the usual kind reception, I proceeded to recite to the King the contents of the first letter received from Your Imperial Majesty, the same which I afterwards placed in his Royal hands, that he might better verify its text and compare it with what I had just told him verbally. The King seemed very much pleased at the kind and honest words of that letter, which he read attentively. I then told him that I had still another one in my possession, also addressed to me as the other, which letter was later by one day, and written in answer to another and fuller one of mine. Having said this, I took the opportunity of amplifying the contents of the first and second letter as I thought fit for the better issue of the negociation in hand. So as the King had once said to me that he wondered much why, since Your Imperial Majesty's departure from Italy, I (Chapuys) had heard no news whatever of the end of the conferences between Monseigneur de Grandvelle and the bishop of Winchester (Stephen Gardiner), I answered that besides the most legitimate and justifiable excuses on the part of Your Imperial Majesty, such as the Algiers expedition and the assembly of the States (Cortes) of Castille, the daily work required for the government and administration of so many kingdoms, and last, not least, the non-arrival, when expected, of Monseigneur de Grandvelle, were the true causes of his (the King) not having been informed in time of the result of those conferences. As Grandvelle, the only man who had knowledge of those affairs, and had already communicated with the bishop of Winchester, was still absent, neither Your Imperial Majesty nor your ministers knew enough of the affair to write to me on the subject; besides which, until the receipt of my despatch, stating this King's wonder and complaint, Your Imperial Majesty was, and had been, under the impression that Master Guenebet, (fn. n9) who had been the Bishop's colleague, would have had commission and mandate to report home on the issue of the conferences.
	These excuses of mine seemed to satisfy the King for a while, though I must say that he observed that there was no need of instructing Monseigneur de Granvelle to speak to the Pope in his favor; he (the King) had nothing to do with him or his suite (sequelle). Monseigneur (he said) had treated at Rome of many things which were disagreeable enough to him; and on my interrupting and saying that I was sure that minister had said or done nothing to his disadvantage, he replied to me: "I am not aware that he has, for otherwise I should already have resented the affront one way or other."
	After some conversation on trifling subjects, the King said to me abruptly enough that he suspected there was some sort of stratagem or deceit in my saying that Your Imperial Majesty had sent to the queen of Hungary the instructions and powers to treat of his marriage by the Mediterranean instead of this sea, and that he was sure that had been done on purpose to delay the delivery of the powers, for certainly the voyage to the Low Countries was shorter and more open this way than the other. That in addition to that the powers to the Queen Regent had been framed, no doubt, with a view to watch and spy out which way his own intention and fancy would drive him. He had already been deceived many a time both by Your Imperial Majesty and by the French, and he was not a prince to go on bargaining like a merchant with one or the other to be finally cheated; on the contrary, all those who treated with him must proceed openly and without dissimulation. I failed not to observe that the voyage by the Levant was more propitious than the other, in order that Monseigneur de Grandvelle, then in Italy, through whose hands all foreign affairs did pass, might see whether there was anything to change in or add to the instructions, which instructions had also to pass through Flanders, where the Queen Regent and the members of her Council had necessarily to inspect them, since most of the articles referred to the Low Countries. That the voyage of the Mediterranean is even shorter in this season than that of the Ocean, inasmuch as brigantines and other light vessels may use either sails or oars, as may be expedient. As to his suspicions about the Queen Regent I assured him that they were utterly unfounded; he (the King) had no reason whatever to complain of her. I ended by telling him that at no time had Your Imperial Majesty proceeded more straightforwardly or sincerely than at present, especially after my having informed you that he (the King) was equally well-inclined. This being the fit time and opportunity to speak frankly and without dissimulation—the cause for mutual mistrust on account of the close intelligence with France having already disappeared—I begged and entreated him to speak to me confidentially, as if I were his subject and servant, solemnly promising to him that whatever he should declare or communicate to me, I would make a point not to reveal to any living person without express permission from him, and that if his declaration was concerning political affairs, I undertook to write home as if the idea originally sprang from myself, without mentioning him in the least. Should he find at any time that I had betrayed his confidence, I should be willing to renounce the privileges of ambassador, and to be well punished for my want of faith. This last sentence produced visible effect on the King; I saw his face expand and his eyes glitter. Then I added that if he felt at all inclined to go directly to work and proceed to business, there was no need of waiting for further powers or instructions, for he, being so virtuous, learned and reasonable a prince, I was sure that he would not ask, demand or put forward anything that I myself could not at once accept and approve of, even without powers, nay, cause it to be at once accepted and ratified by Your Imperial Majesty. A t last I begged and entreated him by all he owed to God, to his honor and reputation, as well as to the welfare and tranquillity of the Christian commonwealth, and the repose of his own subjects, to take the affair in hand, and, putting aside all private affections and concerns, act as mediator and arbiter in the contest.
	Hearing the above complimentary words the King was evidently well-pleased, for I had addressed him in the flattering terms recommended by the Lord Privy Seal, who knows his nature and temper better than any man in England, and who is certainly showing great attachment to Your Imperial Majesty, though I must say that, as the cautious and prudent man that he is, he dares not declare himself openly and in public, and avoids as much as possible talking to me whilst at Court. This Lord Privy Seal and Secretary Waist, (fn. n10) who certainly does not show less attachment than the former to Your Imperial Majesty, are the two people who enjoy nowadays most authority and have the most influence and credit with the King. Both tell me that it will not be a difficult task, nor a very laborious one, in the present state of the King's mind to persuade him to take the affair in hand, and have it settled to the satisfaction of Your Imperial Majesty, and that the King had already half decided to do so, when he dispatched the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner) as ambassador to you.
	The King at first did not answer my peroration; he remained thoughtful and silent for a few seconds, sighing frequently, as he had done during my speech. At last he began to say that he wondered much why there were no news from Spain, or about the Cortes of Castille, and upon my telling him that my correspondents wrote that the Cortes had granted Your Imperial Majesty a considerable service in money, he smiled gently, remained a few seconds thoughtful, and then observed: "I dare say that the service granted by the Cortes of Castille to the Emperor is not so considerable as was at first thought. Indeed, I hear that, such as it is, the grant has been voted only conditionally, — provided the Emperor does not move from Spain, and engages to reside therein, and will marry again, which last condition he is, I hear, about to fulfil, since he is already treating of a marriage with a princess of Portugal, the daughter of the queen of France (Eleanor)." My reply was that really and truly the Cortes had petitioned Your Imperial Majesty not to absent yourself from Spain, and also to take a wife; but that in the opening address you had positively refused the first, and as to the second, I firmly believed, if ever it was made, that Your Imperial Majesty would never have granted it. What Your Majesty wanted from your own subjects, as well as from the rest of the princes in Christendom, was merely help and assistance against the Turk. To marry again at this juncture would have been unwise; for it is well known that ladies in general, and particularly queens, are adverse to warlike expeditions in distant countries, and always try by their words and their tears to dissuade princes from such undertakings, especially when led and commanded by their husbands. If they do not obtain their object, they never cease with their cries and lamentations, as well as complaints, to ask for their return. In addition to which (said I to the King) it was not allowable for a husband, according to the Scripture, to remain too long away from his wife. Hearing this the King remarked that had Your Imperial Majesty wished to fight the Turk, you might have done so more commodiously and to greater advantage, as well as with higher reputation to yourself, last year; that Your Majesty had been early enough advised and warned by the English ambassador of the warlike preparations and near approach of the Infidel; and that had you then marched against him, you would undoubtedly have defeated his army and taken him prisoner, thus gaining immortal glory and incalculable profit. To this reasoning of the King my answer was, that there were great obstacles then in the way of raising and collecting a force such as was wanted, owing to the prevailing plague that had depopulated whole towns and villages, and consequently made it impossible to store provisions for the men. Besides that Your Imperial Majesty had very prudently considered, as one who knew best the nature and condition of the Turks and their mode of warfare, that they would soon withdraw from the field, as they had done at Vienna on a former occasion, and last year again, without waiting for Your Imperial Majesty's arrival. To follow the enemy into his own country would have required a greater force than Your Imperial Majesty had under your command, and besides that it was needful to resettle first the affairs of Germany, and as that could not be done without the Pope's help and assistance, to call upon him at Rome. It was also important before undertaking such a long journey that Your Imperial Majesty should beforehand attend to the government and administration of your various kingdoms, and especially to that of Spain, in order to ensure it against an invasion of the Moors, since Spain was of all Your Imperial Majesty's dominions that from which you expected to draw the most money and men. I went on expatiating at length on this theme, because I saw that the King's intention was to throw the blame on Your Imperial Majesty.
	After this the King asked me what other news I had; upon which I related to him some that had lately come from Italy, adding on my own account, in order to draw him out and ascertain how far he was leaning to the French side—a most important subject, which had not yet been touched upon in our conversation—that I had in my possession letters from Milan, stating that the people of that city were living on good and friendly terms with the French of Piedmont, who boasted and bragged that he (the king of England) was offering to them the hand of the Princess, his daughter, and also requesting king Francis for an interview; but that they (the French) did not care a fig for either the marriage or the interview (fn. n11) Hearing this the King started and said: "Those who speak thus are very much mistaken or badly informed; it is the king of France who is urging me on to marry his daughter, and who offers to come to Calais to see me after the marriage contract has been concluded and settled." My reply was that no doubt the king of France would on the occasion make most brilliant offers, and promise anything he (Henry) would wish for; but that I believed that not only would king Francis hasten to Calais, but he would go thither in great force in order to get possession of it if he could. (fn. n12)"Your Highness (said I) cannot have forgotten the words uttered by the bishop of Tarbes [Castelnau] in the Privy Council, and in my very presence, namely, that never, on any occasion, had the house of France sought to be allied by marriage to that of Savoy, except for the sake of incorporating that duchy with the French Crown." (fn. n13) That as to me I thought it impossible, on numberless considerations, that he (the King) should agree to the marriage proposed. "There are certainly many objections to such a marriage (replied the King), but it cannot be held as impossible altogether."
	Then the conversation fell on the diet of Spires. On this subject I gave him to understand that I had lately received a letter from the king of the Romans, charging me to present his most cordial commendations, and to say in his name that he did not doubt that for so holy an enterprise as the one against the enemy of God and the Faith, he (the King), as a Christian, would give help and assistance such as befitted a prince so powerful and virtuous, who was besides the friend and ally of Your Imperial Majesty. To this the King made no answer, rather assenting than otherwise to my words, to judge from his countenance, and making no observation whatever on the subject, except that he had heard that at the Diet the Lutheran members had made a motion which, if carried, would be to the disadvantage of the king of the Romans.
	After a long conversation, which lasted about one hour and a half, the King said to me that he had been told that Your Imperial Majesty was now, through the Pope's mediation, soliciting king Francis' friendship. My answer to that was that I knew nothing of that, and moreover did not believe it. "Even if that were true (said I) the best thing to do would be to make haste and begin at once treating here in London." "Very well (said the King), I shall now read the letters you have brought me from the Queen Regent, and after having them inspected in the Privy Council, you shall get an answer." The letters were mere credentials in my favor to convey to this king the expression of her friendly sentiments towards him, as well as the Queen's great anxiety for the keeping up and increasing of the friendship between Your Imperial Majesty and this king, which letter had been sent to me instead of instructions, as I have no doubt Your Imperial Majesty knows already.
	Soon after leaving the Royal presence I received a message from the King, begging me to communicate to his privy-councillors the substance of all I had said to him at the audience; I therefore went straight to the room of the Palace destined for the meeting of the Privy Covncil, where I began to recite the substance of what I had declared and proposed to the King, their master, improving much on the desire I felt that the plans and ideas of which I had spoken should be carried into execution, laying much stress on the good offices which I purposed to make, and offering, as often as the urgency of the affairs required it, to send an express messenger to Your Imperial Majesty, or go myself, if necessary; begging and entreating them to exert their influence with the King, and persuade him to take the affair in hand. This the privycouncillors willingly promised to do, shewing great satisfaction at the turn the affairs seemed to be taking. This done, I took leave of them and returned to London.
	Next day, which was Tuesday, the privy councillors sent to invite me to dinner for the ensuing day, telling me to take my powers with me, and any other paper I might want to exhibit. I was therefore at Greenwich again on Wednesday, and when in the Privy Council I was about to exhibit, as requested, Your Imperial Majesty's power, I found to my great dismay that my secretary had made a mistake, and that instead of the document required for the occasion, had taken another one nearly resembling it. No objection however was made, the privy councillors contenting themselves with the explanation I gave them of the substance of the document. Nor did the King take notice of it or make any remark, though both the Lord Privy Seal and secretary Wristly (Wriothesley) had deemed it necessary to tell him. After this I was asked to declare formally what my charge was and to make overtures accordingly, if so authorized by my instructions. I then said that they knew, better than I myself did, that it was customary in such cases as the present to enter into communication with one or two members of the Council deputed for that effect and sufficiently empowered, and that if the King were pleased to appoint one to treat with me, we might at once set to work, as I was fully prepared for it. This request of mine seeming to them just and reasonable, two of the privy councillors, namely, the Lord Privy Seal and secretary Wriothesley went into the King's Chamber, and returned saying that the King, their master, found my demand of the deputies quite reasonable; but that as, in his opinion, matters of this sort were not quickly dispatched unless certain tedious preliminaries were disposed of beforehand, he had not deemed it necessary to have his own powers to them drawn out. Had not the duke of Suffolk, the Lord Privy Seal, the bishop of Winchester, and secretary Wriothesley been much engaged at the time upon business of great importance, he would at once have deputed them to communicate with me; instead of those he now named the Admiral, the bishops of Durem (Durham) and Wamester (Westminster), with secretary Sadeler (Saddler), Wriothesley's colleague, who would call and dine with me on the following Thursday. (fn. n14) And so they did, and after dinner I exhibited my powers to them, and said that with regard to the overtures they wanted me to make first, and their question whether I had or had not anything to demand from their master, I had no new declaration to make, having already opened my mind to the King on both subjects. The King (said I to them) must by this time have sufficiently thought over the proposed closer friendship and alliance when he dispatched the bishop of Winchester for that very purpose. That in this state of things it was unnecessary to stick at trifles, and dispute as to who was to speak first. That immediately on the receipt of instructions from Your Imperial Majesty, I would speak out openly and frankly, and that if in the meantime the King wished to treat shortly and without delay, as the nature of the affair required, it was but just that he should make part of his intentions known first; otherwise Your Imperial Majesty could not know what instructions to give, nor what commands to send to me, his ambassador. Neither could Your Imperial Majesty have those instructions shaped so as to meet the wishes and intentions of the King, their master, since he was ignorant of what those wishes and intentions were. That was the reason the instructions had been, as it were, framed at random, without knowing whether they would or would not meet the King's wishes, merely in order to gain time and avoid delay, since Your Imperial Majesty was far away from this country. I therefore proposed that instead of my making new overtures, they (the deputies) should declare first what their master's intentions and wishes are on the whole. For my part I could only say that without fresh instructions it was impossible for me to proceed further in this affair, unless by referring them to the first four articles that were once made the foundation of the treaty, and had remained unsettled after a long discussion. (fn. n15) The two first, that concerning the King's reconciliation with the Holy Apostolic See and the Princess' legitimisation, may remain as they are. I could not say more about them than I have said at other times, unless I received fresh mandate from home. As to the third article, referring to the help and assistance against the Turk, this (I said) was, in my opinion, the fittest opportunity for discussing it, since this King was willing, as he said, for the service of God to help and assist not only Your Imperial Majesty and Your brother, the king of the Romans, but likewise the whole of threatened Christendom. And with regard to the fourth, relating to the French, circumstances had since materially changed, for Your Imperial Majesty had made with them a truce, during which it was not proper or decent to invade their country.
	The deputies having then asked me how long that truce was to last, I answered that, in my opinion, Your Imperial Majesty might well, if you liked, bring on a rupture at once, for the truce will not henceforwards last longer than the French themselves wish, for they will break it as soon as they find it for their own convenience to do so.
	After some more conversation of this kind, the King's deputies took their leave and went away, saying that they would make their report to the King and let me know what his resolution was.
	Yesterday, on Saturday the 15th, the King's deputies came again to this embassy, bringing me Your Imperial Majesty's letter of the 5th inst., which at their request I perused before entering in conversation with them. Then having informed them of part of its contents, I laid stress on the great honesty and worth of Master Guennebet as commended in the letter, as well as the good esteem and reputation he left behind at Your Imperial Court, in order that they (the deputies) might, if they chose, report the same to their master, who, I fear, is not much pleased with the said Guennebet just now, for what reason I cannot exactly say.
	After that they went on saying that the King, their master, thanked me for the affection and good will which I had shown for his service, and that, although I had no powers from Your Imperial Majesty as full and special as they ought to be, yet the King was unwilling to suspend the negociations, and had therefore sent them back to make the following statement in his name:—1stly, as to the confirmation of past treaties; which seemed to be the basis of my powers, there was (the King said) no need at all of such confirmation. Neither did their master consider those old treaties as valid, since all the time that they had been scrupulously kept on his side, Your Imperial Majesty had wilfully violated and broken them through the edict promulgated in Flanders forbidding English vessels to lade goods, which edict he (the King) maintained was an infraction of all former treaties of friendship and intercourse of trade between England and those Low Countries; the deputies adding to their statement on the matter all the violent and much exaggerated expressions contained in the note once presented to Your Imperial Majesty by the bishop of London, when he went to remonstrate against the edict, and saying also that it was a great proof of the iniquitous tendencies of that edict that no similar measures had been dictated in Spain, where no change whatever had been introduced in the navigation laws, and therefore what had been done in Flanders could not proceed from Your Imperial Majesty, but from some of the councillors in Flanders disinclined to the preservation of the friendship between Your Imperial Majesty and himself. The deputies then begged me, in their master's name, to try my best for the revocation of the mid edict. After which, coming to the principal point, they maintained that since the confirmation of the old treaties was no longer needed, for the reasons above alleged, it was now time to think seriously of the means of cementing and fostering—nay, increasing that friendship and confederacy of which Monseigneur de Granvelle and the bishop of Winchester had treated some time ago. "That is the point (added the deputies) on which the King, our master, would wish to hear some overtures from your mouth, provided the duties of your charge allow you to do so." The deputies went on saying that the King, their master, recollected very well what had been said and debated on both sides on the subject of the four articles above alluded to by me, and that I had acted wisely in not dwelling too long on the two first for fear of losing the game, for, as far as the Pope was concerned, Your Imperial Majesty would find ere long that it was much easier to come to terms with him and follow his ways than follow those of His Holiness, and that with regard to his daughter, the Princess, no one was, or could be, more concerned about her than he himself was. He would dispose of her hand as he pleased. (fn. n16) As to the two last points or articles, the King said we might discuss them as long as we liked, provided that it was previously settled and recognised that he, the King, is now on friendly terms with every reigning sovereign, and especially with king Francis and the king of Scotland; and that should he enter into a treaty of alliance against the former, he would naturally be obliged to look out for an indemnity for the loss of the annual pensions owed by the French, who, of course, in case of war would not think of paying him. As to the other point, that is, the Turk, it is not the King's intention to touch on it for the present, unless the principal one be first settled, the former being only an accessory, which can easily be disposed of whenever the chief and more important ones are settled.
	After thanking the King for the good opinion he had of me, and for his having condescended to take in good part my small offers of service, I undertook to answer the deputies' arguments as follows: I told them in substance that neither the King nor his Privy Council were justified in again urging Your Imperial Majesty with such importunity to have the said edict revoked, inasmuch as the case had been entirely referred to the members of the Council of Flanders, who were well acquainted with the nature, validity, quality, and importance of the matter about to be discussed, principally as they (the deputies) knew very well that the King's privy councillors had been unable last summer to refute the arguments that I myself had brought to bear on the subject. The better to convince them of their error and give them an opportunity to answer me, I (Chapuys) had then and there given them in writing the substance of my allegation, and yet, up to the present time, no reply from the Privy Council had come to hand. On the contrary, perceiving that they were unable to defeat my arguments in a satisfactory manner, they had turned to Your Imperial Majesty, importuning you with their imaginary and unjustifiable complaints.
	In this manner did I proceed for some time, reproducing one part only of my oft-repeated arguments on the subject, denouncing certain articles of their last statute as contrary to the treaties existing between Your Imperial Majesty and this King, and their having through that measure obliged many of your subjects to quit England, and the few who still remain to take out letters of naturalisation at a most tremendous expence, besides compelling them to take a most strange and singular oath of fealty to the king of England. Another measure contrary to the existing treaties (I said) was that of forbidding almost every commodity to be exported from this country, and as to their alleging that all the time, and notwithstanding the edict promulgated in Flanders, their navigation to Spain had not been prohibited, but had remained such as it was of old, I told them that they ought to be very grateful to Your Imperial Majesty—then absent from your Spanish kingdom—for not having then issued the prohibitory warrant; for otherwise, had you been within the Peninsula, your subjects would not have failed to importune and beg that a similar retaliatory measure should be adopted, and the old warrants (pragmatiques) on navigation enforced, prescribing that no foreign vessel be allowed to lade goods or merchandize for exportation as long as there are any in the ports and harbours of Spain capable and fit for such navigation. Had the said warrants been revived, it stands to reason that besides the towns on the coasts of Spain being considerably enriched, for each vessel now in port there would be ten within six years, and likewise more sailors and mariners than one would wish for. I ended by telling them that even if there were no other consideration than the welfare of your Spanish subjects, I firmly believed that Your Imperial Majesty would be in the end obliged to retaliate, were it for no other purpose than to increase the national navy, and repair the losses sustained at Algiers.
	This reasoning of mine had the effect of amazing and stupifying the King's deputies, who for the time had nothing to say and kept silence. Indeed, had I not convinced them with such arguments and threats, the deputies might have gone on defending the arbitrary measures of their statutes.
	With regard to the French affair, I explained to the King's deputies that as there had been no talk of an offensive league against France, I did not see the necessity of bringing forward the loss which the King, their master, might sustain by the non-payment of the pensions owed by Francis, for without that, by the treaty of Cambray, their master was obliged, in case of a defensive war, to assist Your Imperial Majesty with vessels and men, though at your own cost. Even if there was a question of an offensive league against France, there was no occasion for the King, their master, to bring forward the French debt, as if Your Imperial Majesty were responsible for it, and as if you had to indemnify this one for his losses, since he, the King, knows very well that the French will never pay the million of gold they owe him. "But supposing there was a treaty, offensive league, and a war against France (said I), and that the king of England were to lose through it the sums of money which France owes him, I should say, though I have no mandate to that effect, that His Imperial Majesty would not object to take to his account the said indemnity, provided and on condition that nothing remained to be paid by way of arrears, which, by the way, will never be the case; and considering also that the King was bound in conscience years ago to assist Your Imperial Majesty, since the French were actually making war upon you with money borrowed from England, and that he then made no efforts to recover the amount of this French debt." (fn. n17) Had the King found the means of being paid, France would have been so low and so impoverished that for some time to come they would have left the world at peace.
	At last, considering that these people's relations with France are not very warm just now—though the King's deputies assured me of the contrary, and that they are now soliciting their master and making great offers—I have deemed it my duty not to push on matters so briskly, but talk to the deputies in colder terms than I did at the beginning of our conference, lest they should, according to their temper and usual habits, take occasion to assume greater coldness; and I told them, by way of a finish, that if they wished to learn more from me as to Your Imperial Majesty's intentions and wishes, they must wait until I got fresh instructions from home; that I doubted much whether Monseigneur de Granvelle would be able to dispatch as soon as expected the business of the instructions, for he was on the road to Your Imperial Majesty's Court when I applied for them. There was, however, no great harm in that (said I), for I learned by a letter from Your Majesty that the bishop of London had also a mandate from the King, their master, to treat of this same affair, and that immediately after the arrival of Monseigneur de Grandvelle, which would take place in a few days, the conferences would commence. If, however, it pleased the King, their master, to send me his commands, he would always find me ready to do him service. Upon which the deputies took leave of me and went away, promising to report to the King all they had heard from me.
	Having said thus much I think, all things considered, as I have had occasion to say many a time before, that it will be rather a difficult task for Your Imperial Majesty to make any profitable arrangement with this king, and induce him to consent to a treaty, unless under very advantageous terms to himself. Even then I doubt whether the harm he would cause us by signing the treaty would not be greater still than the profit he is likely to derive from it. I believe, after all, that the French themselves could not profit much by it, and that this King will ultimately keep to neutrality. As to Monsr. de Courrieres, I do not know whether his mission here will do any good before the affair here is in good trim; I should say not, and that it will do more harm than good, though Your Imperial Majesty may perhaps think otherwise. (fn. n18) At all events I have written to Secretary Bave, and sent him the names of those privy councillors here to whom letters ought to be addressed by the Queen Regent.
	Since the date of your last letters several despatches of mine must have reached Your Imperial Majesty, relating how the French ambassador had received two different sets of powers from his master, the King, to treat with these people, and had held frequent communications with the privy councillors. He has not rested since the date of my last despatch. On Tuesday last, he called on the Lord Privy Seal, and the day after on the King himself, from whom he had a pretty long audience. This happened precisely at the time when, owing to the delay of the instructions applied for, even the most partial among the privy councillors, who seemed to be friendly to Your Imperial Majesty, kept murmuring at not hearing news from your court, imputing it either to Your Imperial Majesty not caring at all for their master, or that I myself wished to finesse and show my contempt for them by not communicating the answer I ought to have received from you. The French ambassador had made up his mind to go to Court on Easter Monday, but he put it off, knowing that I myself was to go thither, and the next day hearing that the Lord Privy Seal and two or three more councillors had come to town, he called upon them, and on his return home set himself to write a despatch, wherein, according to the information brought to me this morning by his man, he informed the King, his master, of the good cheer and kind reception this king had made me, and that most likely I had gone to Court on business touching Flanders, and most particularly relating to the late prohibition, as I had purposely spread the rumour and given it to be understood to a man whom the French ambassador employs as a spy upon my person. I have also heard from my informer that the said ambassador had written home that never in his life had he seen people so odd and strange as these were, for at one time they pushed on their political affairs with the greatest warmth, and then all of a sudden cooled down and languished; (fn. n19) but that they had found their match in him, for if they affected coldness they would meet with frost on his side. His commission, it appears, consists in demanding for the Princess a dower of V^c.M. (500,000) ducats, and besides that the extinction of all pensions payable to England; but not to over-irritate these people, which he (the ambassador) has been particularly recommended to avoid doing, he has not yet dared to make his demand "It is very provoking (says the ambassador in his despatch) that the duke of Norfolk has just now retired to his estate in the country, with very little hope of his returning to Court soon, unless Parliament meets again," for he (the ambassador) will be obliged to negociate with the Lord Privy Seal, Feu Vullien (Fitz William), whom the ambassador jokingly calls Faulx Villain. Indeed he has circulated among his friends a report that, with reference to the said Lord Privy Seal, the duke of Norfolk had said: "Look at that little villain; he wants already to compass all the power in the kingdomand imitate Cromwell, but in the end he will pay for all." (fn. n20)
	With regard to my preventing the marriage and reconciliation of this king with Mme. de Clèves, I shall take ail possible care that it does not take place. Up to the present I see no appearance at all of that; neither is there any rumour, however vague, of the King having such an intention, or thinking of marrying again. Indeed, were it not that for the sake of mirth and pleasure he occasionally frequents the company of ladies as a man who has, as it were, been nurtured among them, I should say that he is not likely to think of a new marriage. Ever since he heard of his late Queen's misconduct he has become sad and mournful, and I have scarcely spoken to him once without finding him lowspirited and dejected, sighing continually. Mme. de Clèves has recovered from her tertian fever, but the Princess suffers still from palpitations of the heart, which trouble her considerably.
	It seems that it has been mooted in this Parliament for lords and other rich gentlemen, exclusive of ecclesiastics, to keep horses, each according to his means. I know of no other motion of importance, for as I once wrote to Your Imperial Majesty, though by the one made in Parliament some time ago it seemed as if this king wished to get another service in money from his subjects, he has now desisted from it owing to the discontent produced by the mere announcement of the measure. It appears now that another expedient has been found, which consists in making a loan from rich people, which loan will amount to an inestimable sum of money. The first on the list are the two dukes [of Norfolk and Suffolk], each of them for six thousand ducats, though both are known to be in penurious circumstances; the Chancellor and the Lord Privy Seal come next for 4,000l. each; the Lord High Admiral for 3,050l.; and all the others respectively, only that ecclesiastics will be taxed in greater proportions, the whole to be collected by next Michaelmas. The officer who has been appointed collector pretends that the loan is for the sake of helping and assisting Your Imperial Majesty in a crusade against the Turk, which may be very far from this king's intention, for I take it that if such were his intention, he would have preferred being formally and officially requested to do so by the Imperial Diet in general. I shall not fail to apprize the king of the Romans by the next post of this fact.
	Count Louys (Claude?) Rangone has been presented by this king with a large gilt cup and 400 ducats. As some who have Spoken to him imagine, he has come to London for the sole purpose of seeing the country, and also with the hope of being introduced to this king. I should rather say that the object of his visit has been to complain of His Holiness, who has lately deprived him of some castles he had in the Parmigiano, (fn. n21) belonging to his late wife.—London, 16 April 1542.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	French. Original, mostly in cipher. pp. 11.
16 April.	245. Eustace Chapuys to Mr. de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, f. 2.	......I am at present engaged in returning thanks to God for Your Lordship's prosperous voyage to Spain. (fn. n22)
	Regarding the news from this country, I have only to refer Your Lordship to my despatch to the Emperor, begging and entreating you to have pity on my miserable condition, and urge the treasurers to pay me my arrears. Indeed, had I had money to despatch an express messenger to Spain, I would not have hesitated to send him on such an errand; but I must declare to you that I have resided here nearly twenty years, and I am as poor now as when I first came, having besides mortgaged a good portion of my own personal property. Unless I get assistance from Spain I cannot possibly redeem my pledges. As to the ecclesiastical pensions, whenever they come they are so curtailed and diminished that it is hardly worth having them.—London, 16 April 1542.
	French. Holograph. p. 1.
22 April.	246. The Same to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, f. 24.	Madame, &c,—I return Your Majesty's letter to this King on the Brabant affair, which is no longer wanted, as Your Majesty will hear from the President (Schore).
	Respecting other news from this country, I (Chapuys) have nothing to report upon save the very great efforts that have been made since the date of my last to get in the loan of money from the people, which loan, instead of being limited to the lords and the Clergy, as was at first intended, has now been extended to other classes of society supposed to have property of some sort. (fn. n23) It is calculated that the King will derive great profit, nay. an immense sum of money, from that source, though he will have to return it in two years' time as stipulated. The English in general seem willing and ready to lend their money to the King on this occasion, persuaded as they are that it will be employed against the Turk and his adherents [the French] should they make a stir.
	The Princess has not improved in health of late; on the contrary, she has occasionally been in danger of her life. I pray and beseech God to giant her more consolation and pleasure than she has hitherto enjoyed. (fn. n24) —London, 22 April 1542.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Queen regent of the Low Countries."
	French. Holograph. p. 1.
— April.	247. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, ff. 17–8.	Owing to the pressing departure of this courier, which does not allow me either time or leisure to write more fully, I shall only acknowledge the receipt of Your Majesty's letter of the last day of March, together with the powers and papers therein referred to. The letter itself was thankfully received, and came very à propos, inasmuch as some of the privy councillors—I mean those who habitually favor the Emperor's affairs in this country—began already to grumble and complain, seeing that the period of ten months previously agreed upon had already passed, that nothing was known of His Imperial Majesty, and no answer had come in an affair which concerns the Emperor and them so closely, and one respecting which Your Majesty had received so solemn an embassy from this King. I was the more pleased to receive the papers that the privy councillors began also to suspect that either I had kept back Your Majesty's letters, or had not done my duty nor fulfilled my promise of letting the Emperor know. There was still another cause besides the councillors' continual grumblings, which made me very uneasy, namely, their frequent and oft-repeated conferences with the French ambassador, as late even as Tuesday and Wednesday last. Indeed, I hear that on the last-mentioned day the ambassador had a long audience from the King. I dare say that had the powers and instructions arrived in time, nothing that the French ambassador could have said or done on the occasion to impede and thwart the treaty of closer friendship, now being negociated between His Imperial Majesty and this king, could have had any effect, and yet I fancy that the powers which Your Majesty has been pleased to send me will give little or no satisfaction at all. On the contrary, suspicious as these people are, they will interpret their contents in a manner contrary to our wishes. They will think that the powers, as they are conceived, are only intended to spy out their intentions and beguile them with fair words, since the document itself is so deficient as regards instructions, and so unprovided with overtures to be made on our part, that in my opinion they will be almost useless for the purpose. That is why I would beg Your Majesty to forward me another set of secret instructions, pointing out the conduct I am to observe in the present negociation, which, in my opinion, is one which requires much prudence and wisdom, as well as a most vigilant eye, not to be cheated or taken unawares. Waiting for a speedy answer to this request of mine, I will, in the mean time, do my best to dispose matters so that if I cannot direct them to the Emperor's advantage, we may at any rate not lose ground. As on my return from Court, where I intend dining tomorrow, I shall not fail to inform Your Majesty of whatever I may hear, I will put an end to this present despatch, especially as the courier cannot possibly wait.—London, Easter-day of the year 1542.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Original. pp. 2.
28 April.	248. King Francis to Mr. Marillac.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, f. 65.	"Monsieur Marillac,"—I am in receipt of your letter of the 22nd inst., by which you inform me of the extreme danger in which Mme. Marie lies owing to her illness, which news has been, and is, for me a source of great anxiety and regret. I have also heard that the prince of Wales was ill, though, as you tell me, not so dangerously as his sister. I hope that God will place all matters in a better condition, as I sincerely wish, for the sake of the complete and indissoluble alliance between my good brother, the king of England, and myself, that the affair brought forward may be concluded to the common satisfaction of us two, and of our respective kingdoms and subjects. By this time Receptor Chasteauneuf, bearer of this letter, must be in England; you will verbally hear from him what my intentions are concerning the said affairs.
	I have read what you say about the King's projected journey to Dover to inspect the walls and fortifications lately erected there by the sea, as likewise that there is a rumour that he intends crossing over to Calais for the same purpose. As to your enquiry whether, in case of the King going to Dover, as appears to be decided, you are to accompany him thither or remain in London, my wish is that you repair to Dover, and in case he (the King) should resolve to cross over to Calais, that you ask him what his pleasure is, whether for you to come along with him, or else to remain behind.
	Begging you will send me news of the King's movements, as well as of Mons. le Prince and Mme. Marie's state of health, in which you will do me great service, I remain, &c.—Written at Montreul, the 28th of April 1542.
	Should the king of England desire you to cross over at the same time with him, you will not fail to inform me hourly, or as continuously as possible, of all the King's movements and doings, taking care to leave behind you in England, under the excuse of sudden illness, one of the cleverest and fittest clerks of that embassy, that he may daily inform you of whatever takes place in England after the King's passage to Calais. In the same manner, should the King wish you to remain in London, you will send one of your men to Calais to watch the King's movements. I pray you to take good notice of that and execute my orders punctually, so that I may learn the true cause of this passage of the King, and of the preparations that are made for it.
	Copy of Francis' letter to his ambassador in England. Ciphered. 1½ p.
n.d.	249. Marillac to Bayart.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, f. 25.	"Monsieur,"—As in order to go on with the negociation for this marriage, certain papers and documents are wanted, which I have not here by me, I have been obliged to despatch my cousin, bearer of this, to France that he may bring them. I need scarcely say that these privy councillors, who still insist on our considerably moderating and reducing our demands respecting the dower which this king is to give to his daughter, the Princess, will not proceed unless they inspect and examine the old treaties between the two nations. I have, therefore, sent my cousin, to whom you will be pleased to deliver a duplicate of the said treaties with this country.
	I will not for the present write at length, but will beg a detailed and ample answer from you to the despatch I am now addressing to the King, our master, on this subject, that is, if his intention be that the present negociation continue and come soon to a good end; for if I am to state my opinion in this matter, I should say, under correction, that in the state in which things are there would be no great danger in delay, for time might be gained thereby, and we might see how events turn out in the meanwhile. I pray the Creator to grant you a long and prosperous life.—London—
	Signed: "Marillac."
	"Monsieur,"—May it please you to take in good part if this my letter is so short. If you wish to know the chief cause of it, the bearer will tell you. Another cause is, that trusting that the messenger will be able to give you a full account of what I have negociated here in England, there is no need for me to dwell more on the subject. Let that be also my excuse for not writing to the Cardinal [of Lorraine], who, I presume, without my addressing him in particular, will be able to know by my despatch to the King the details of the business I am writing about.
	Signed: "Marillac."
	Addressed: "To Leuslu Bayart."
	French Copy in Chapuys' hand.
30 April.	250. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, f. 26.	Since my last the King has left [London] for Dover in order to inspect the fortifications he is erecting there, and in the immediate neighbourhood, with the intention (as I presume from the fitting out of several vessels) of crossing over to Calais and Guisnes, and at the same time seeing what his engineers are doing with regard to the fortifications of those towns, which to me is an evident proof that he no longer thinks of holding an interview with king Francis, as once proposed. My presumption is further confirmed by the ambassador's man, who reports to me that his principal has now given up all hope of the duke of Orleans (Charles) being ever married here in England.
	The King leaves behind all his privy councillors, that they may during his absence promote and bring about, as I am given to understand, the affair of the loan (prest) which he wants to get from his subjects, of which I once wrote to Your Majesty.
	Since my last despatch the Princess has gone on improving in health, and it is hoped that very shortly, with God's help, good diet, and the great care the King, her father, is taking of her, she will be well again.—London, the last day of April 1542.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Queen Regent of the Low Countries."
	French. Original. p. 1.
30 April.	251. The Same to Mr. de Grandvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233, ff. 5, 6.	"Monseigneur,"—Nothing new or important having occurred since I last wrote to the Emperor, there is no need of a despatch. The only thing worth mentioning is that the King left this town about six days ago to inspect the fortifications and other works he is having erected at Dover and its immediate neighbourhood. I presume also, to judge from some maritime preparations he is now making, and the fitting out of certain war-vessels, that he also intends visiting Calais and Guisnes, for that purpose, which, in my opinion, affords sufficient ground to conjecture that there is no longer a hope of the interview to be held at Calais, as the ambassadors man assures me. Indeed, he tells me that nowadays his chief considers the marriage of the duke of Orleans here in England as most improbable, not to say impossible, and that he is not ashamed to glorify and extol the King, his master, for the good intelligence he keeps up with the Grand Turk, whose friendship he prizes more highly than that of His Imperial Majesty, adding that the said Turk is the most noble and virtuous prince in the World, besides many more praises he lavishes upon him.
	The King has left here behind him the whole of his Privy Council, chiefly, as the rumour goes, to forward the affair of the forced loan which he is now demanding not only from the lords and ecclesiastics (as was at first proposed), but also from all other people who have money to lend. He (the King) asks for a loan, to be repaid at the end of two years, but I fancy that the lenders will get back their loan ad kalendas grœcas, as was the case with those who lent him their money in the cardinal of York's (Wolsey's) time, for, as is well known, the States annulled it entirely and revoked the whole thing, and the people never got back their money. Not one among the present lenders believes that he will ever be repaid, and yet it seems as if they put a good face upon it; and the reason is that the King's commissioners and deputies are persuading them that the money is to be employed in assisting and helping His Imperial Majesty against the Turk and his adherents, including among these last the king of France. I cannot understand what the King means to do by borrowing so large a sum from his vassals, for it is very, very strange that after so large a sum extracted from the clergy, and so many confiscations from others, after getting so many and frequent grants from his subjects, he should still insist upon getting this further loan from them. If this should continue, not one farthing will remain in the hands of his people, and all the money will be swallowed up by him. Instead of borrowing money from his subjects, he ought to distribute his among them by fostering the industry and trade constituting all the wealth of his kingdom, and without which England will be ruined.
	The Princess has been very ill, and in some danger of her life, but, thanks to God, she is beginning to recover, and there is a hope that owing to the good diet prescribed by her physicians, and the great care her father and her own servants take of her, she will soon recover completely.
	Necessity again compels me to Jose all shame, and apply as fervently as I possibly can for the payment of my arrears. I place myself entirely in your Lordship's hands.—London, the last day of April 1542.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To Monseigneur de Granvelle, the Emperor's Privy Seal."
	French. Holograph, partly ciphered, pp. 3.