Spain: July 1533, 1-15

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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'Spain: July 1533, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1882), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp727-741 [accessed 30 November 2024].

'Spain: July 1533, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1882), British History Online, accessed November 30, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp727-741.

"Spain: July 1533, 1-15". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos(London, 1882), , British History Online. Web. 30 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp727-741.

July 1533, 1-15

2 July. 1093. The cardinal of Jaen to the Same.
S. E. Rom, L. 860,
f. 163.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 299.
(Cipher:) I am anxiously expecting an answer from His Imperial Majesty to my ciphered despatch of the 16th ulto. Will not say a word about it to the ambassador until that answer comes. According as this may be, permission will be obtained from the Pope for the ambassador (Sylva) to treat of the affair. (fn. n1)
I perceive that His Holiness is so bent upon this journey to Nice that it is a useless task to try and dissuade him from it. It only remains for us to consider what can come out of the interview. The more I think of it the more persuaded I am that the result can only be that His Holiness will eventually succeed in making king Francis desist from his projects in Italy, if not for ever, at least for a few years; or else that not choosing to grant what the French ask, and the latter being disappointed, they will possibly come to a rupture, and prevent His Holiness from returning to Rome; or, again that the French may induce the Pope by promises and political considerations to forsake the Emperor, make alliance with them, and thus open to them the gates of Italy. It is, therefore, urgent well to consider this matter and prepare instructions for all of us, that we may do our master's service in each of the above-mentioned eventualities. And I do not say this because I mistrust the Pope, but that I think it well to be prepared for all emergencies. If the whole business can be put in the direction which I pointed to Your Lordship in my last ciphered letter I dare say it will be.—Rome, 2nd July 1533.
Indorsed: "Paragraph of a letter from the cardinal of Jaen to the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Contemporary abstract. pp. 2.
4 July. 1094. The Emperor to John Frederic, duke elector of Saxony.
S. E. L. 860,
f. 100.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 300.
Articuli ad instituendum concilium pertinentes et a potentissimo domino Cæsare Carolo V. et papa Clemente [Septimo] duci Joanni Friderico, a Saxonia, principi electori transmissi.
Signed: Hugo, count of Rangone, bishop of Reggio, prince and Papal Nuncio.—Lampertus Apriarde, president of the Imperial Council. (fn. n2)
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
5 July. 1095. Rodrigo Davalos to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 860, f. 24.
B. M. Add 28,585,
f. 306.
The Consistory, as well as the Rota, have heard the principal cause of the queen of England so quickly and in such a manner that it is a sort of miracle (cosa milagrosa) how in so short a time the thing has been brought to an end. Not only all the cardinals and auditors of that ecclesiastical court have been duly informed, both as to its judicial and canonical bearings, but likewise with regard to theological points; no easy undertaking, if we consider that the holidays are at hand. All this being accomplished there remains nothing to do but to determine and sentence the case. The cardinals have already met in consistory once, but have not come to any decision, and there will be only one more meeting before the holidays, though the Count and I have decided to ask the Pope to hold two or three more, if necessary, that the affair may be concluded and sentenced.
The Pope, however, has been and is so importuned by the ambassadors of England and France to suspend the sentence till after the interview at Nice that I really cannot say whether we shall gain our object in the end, though both the Count and I conjointly, and separately, cease not to urge him not to allow such an injury to the Queen, to the Holy Apostolic See, and to Your Imperial Majesty, begging him at once to determine and sentence the cause since all the legal terms have been fully complied with. We have given him to understand in the best manner possible how much Your Majesty would resent the outrage, since having informed the cardinals and auditors according to his own wishes, and shewn the weapons with which the adversaries could assail us, His Holiness could not do less than sentence the case; otherwise it would be a matter of suspicion before the whole world.
The Pope has hitherto shewn full determination to do justice. He tells us that he will now hesitate no longer, and that should the case not be decided in this next consistory—which is to be held on Wednesday next—he will cause another, and if necessary two more sittings to be held before the holidays; so that unless some new impediment comes in the way—and where good-will is wanting the least trifle may become a great obstacle—we are pretty sure now that the affair will be settled before the holidays.
I can certify to Your Majesty that had the Pope known that this matter would have been pushed on in the manner it has been he would have sought the means of delaying it till the holidays; but luckily for us God has permitted that the justice of the Queen's cause should be made manifest in such a way that all those, who have hitherto tried to postpone or embarrass it, will be detected and exposed. May God touch the Pope's heart and make him pronounce sentence, for among the lawyers residing here there is only one sentiment, viz., the injustice that is being done to us.
The Count and the Cardinal of Jaen, as well as all the Imperia lawyers here, have been of opinion that I should speak to the Pope in Your Majesty's name, and say some words expressive of your disappointment and the ground of complaint you had against him: words that would throw His Holiness into some confusion, though uttered with all possible respect to his person and dignity, so as to make him feel how offended and hurt you were at his conduct in this affair. I have done so, and my words, though uttered with all due regard to his person and Apostolic dignity, have made such an impression upon him that he has solemnly promised me to do justice. I must say, however, that I have no faith in his promises; I do not think that he will ever make up his mind owing perhaps to certain briefs, which he must have issued secretly, and which will be the cause of his refusing to comply with our request, and keeping us in suspense until he has actually held his interview with king Francis, because our opponents have made him understand that the king of that country is such a friend and ally of the king of England that he will make him do whatever he likes in that respect, provided some fair means of compromise be found. This much I believe, and I am the more convinced of it, that the other day, as I was coming out of His Holiness' cabinet, I met the archbishop of Capua, who advanced towards me. Entering into conversation and touching on the subject, he made great difficulties about the sentence, saying to me that as a true servant of Your Imperial Majesty he could not but advise a different course from the one we were pursuing. He thought that a system of ecclesiastical censures, excommunications, interdicts, or some similar measures ought to be tried before coming to a definitive sentence, for the king of England (he said) seeing himself assailed on all sides might perhaps propose some acceptable compromise. My answer, after thanking him in Your Majesty's name for the interest he had shewn, was that the king of England had gone so far in his disobedience to the Church that nothing we could do or think of would make him change his purpose, and behave towards the Queen as he ought, and that the only true remedy in this affair was the sentence of the principal cause. It was for that exclusive purpose that I (Davalos) had been sent to Rome. If His Holiness, in virtue of his office and as Father of the Faithful, thought that the king of England had made himself liable to excommunication through his disobedience to the Church he could at any time fulminate the said censures; I, therefore insisted upon the trial being ended and sentence pronounced. When the Capuan saw me so determined he observed: "The sentence in my opinion will not be better obeyed than the brief itself has been; besides, how is it to be executed?" "On that point," I replied, "His Holiness knows full well what the Emperor's wishes and intentions are; there is no need of my explaining them now, nor is it for me to point out what His Holiness' duty in this respect is; it is for you to advise him on matters which sound so badly in the ears of the Faithful."
This last remark of mine elicited no answer from the Archbishop, and yet this conversation and certain expressions of the French cardinals to Dr. Ortiz, when he called to inform them one by one of the various incidents of the matrimonial cause, make me fear that His Holiness will not fulfil his promise. For having called on them, as he had on the others, and explained that the cause was not de jure Divino, but de jure canonico, and that this promise once granted His Holiness the Pope had perfect right to dispense; that even if it were de jure Divino the Pope could also dispense on sufficient ground as stated in the brief of dispensation itself, the cardinals told him (Ortiz) that they saw the justice of the Queen's cause, and that the King, their master, was very sorry at what the king of England had done; but that, nevertheless, king Francis was about to hold an interview with His Holiness, where, it was to be hoped, some good arrangement might be thought of, he being such a friend of the king of England. Why, said one of the French cardinals [to Ortiz] do you insist so much upon the sentence? The doctor did his duty and replied: "We only ask His Holiness to do justice and nothing more."
The above will be sufficient to prove what I have stated, namely, that His Holiness will do everything in his power to delay this business till after his interview with the French king, and that he is either looking out for the means of keeping the briefs above alluded to secret, or else dislikes attending the conferences for fear of being asked to do what might be considered unpleasant and disagreeable to the king of England.—Rome, 5th July 1533.
Signed: "Rodrigo Davalos."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 4.
5 July. 1096. The Same to the high commander of Leon.
S. E. L. 860, f. 24. I have already advised what had been done in the English business; will now report upon its present state. It has gone both through Consistory and the Rota so completely and in such a manner that it is really wonderful how it could be brought to this point in so short a time. All cardinals and auditors of the Rota have individually, one by one, been informed of the circumstances of the case, not only with reference to judicial or canonical points, but likewise to those appertaining to Theology. This I may confidently state has been no small achievement considering that the holidays were close at hand. This being done, there only remains for the cardinals to take a resolution (resolverse). They have already met once, but have not yet come to a decision. Only one meeting now remains before the vacations, but we intend, should the case not be determined at it, to apply for a prorogation of the Consistory until a final decision be obtained.
Meanwhile I hear that the Pope is very much importuned by the ambassadors of England and France to have all proceedings suspended until the interview of His Holiness and the king of France takes place. The Count and myself on the other hand together and separately, cease not to represent the great injury done to the Queen, to His Majesty the Emperor, and also to the Holy Apostolic See by not sentencing a case which has already been judged in Consistory, as well as in the Rota, giving His Holiness to understand, as plainly as it is in our power to do, that His Majesty the Emperor will be very much offended, &c.
I must say that the Pope shews good-will, and acknowledges the truth of what I say. He has promised that at Wednesday's consistory every effort shall be made to appoint one or two more sittings until the cause is definitively determined, so that if no unforeseen incident intervenes—which may possibly be the case, for when the will is not strong the slightest thing is sufficient to offer an impediment—the thing will be done.
I must not conceal from Your Lordship that the quarrel between the Cardinal and the Count still continues to the serious inconvenience of all the Imperial servants in this city, and perhaps too to the great detriment of our master's interests. Each of those ministers sees the Pope separately (fn. n3) and without previously informing his colleague; and one of two things must happen, either the instructions jar with each other, or else one of the two assumes more authority than is his due. The consequence is that they do not see or communicate with each other, and in my opinion orders ought to come from Court defining their individual functions, and what the Emperor, our master, expects from each. As to myself, I have no complaint to make of either; both treat me well and kindly.
But to return to the matrimonial cause. I can assure Your Lordship that had the Pope been aware that this business was to be so far advanced in so short a time he would willingly have looked out for some excuse to delay the whole matter until the holidays; but it seems as if God Almighty had ordained that the manifest justice of the Queen's cause and the practices of those who will not allow this justice to shine forth should be made public before the world! May God inspire the Pope to put an end to this business at once, for there is not a lawyer here at Rome who does not see the injustice of his behaviour!
The count [of Cifuentes] and the cardinal [of Jaen] having been of opinion that I ought myself to go to the Pope, and speak to him words expressive of sorrow and regret (sentimiento y quexa) at his conduct, thereby throwing him into some confusion, I have done so, and addressed him in the most suitable though respectful manner, and I flatter myself that I have made an impression on him for he has promised to do justice. Yet, whatever his promises may be, I am still very much afraid that the Pope will never make up his mind to pronounce sentence in this case, and that owing to certain briefs, which he must have issued secretly, he will do his utmost to delay it. This, in my opinion, will be the cause of his deferring sentence until he has actually held his interview with the king of France, for they have made him believe that Francis is such a friend of the English that he will not allow any harm to be done to him in consequence of this divorce, which he has actually carried into effect. I am the more inclined to believe this, that the other day, as I was coming out of the Quirinale, I met the Capuan (Schomberg) who told me that he could not do less, as a faithful servant of His Majesty, the Emperor, than say that this English business was a most perplexing one. In his opinion some other way ought to be tried by means of censures, excommunications, and so forth to bring the matter to an end. The King seeing himself threatened on all sides might find some good means for getting out of the difficulty. I thanked him in the Emperor's name for his good offices and excellent advice, but told him that the king of England had gone so far in his disobedience to the Church, that whatever means were employed would be of no avail to bring him back to the Queen; that the only remedy for such an evil was the sentence, &c. For no other purpose had I been sent to Rome. If the Pope, as Father of the Church, chose to excommunicate the King, and place his kingdom under interdict, well and good; I (Davalos) only asked for the sentence. Perceiving my resolution the Capuan said: "I very much fear that the sentence will not be obeyed any better than the brief itself has been."
I must add that Dr. Ortiz, who has visited all the cardinals one by one, has heard those of the French party say: "That they were convinced of the justice of the Queen's cause; that the king of France was sorry at what his brother of England had done, and had no doubt that some expedient might be found at this interview with His Holiness to settle the whole question, king Francis being such a friend of the English. Why do you and your colleagues (said they to him) insist so much on the sentence being pronounced?" The Doctor did his duty on this occasion as he has always done; he told them that he asked for justice, and nothing but justice. (fn. n4)
The Queen's lawyers and proctors have not received a farthing for several months, &c. I beg leave to inform Your Lordship of it, because on such occasions as this it will not do to neglect the Emperor's faithful servants.—Rome, 5th July 1533.
Signed: "Rodrigo Davalos."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious, the High Commander of Leon."
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
5 July. 1097. The count of Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 860, f. 6.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 309.
Very well, and let him go on with the negotiation, for letters have been lately received from the dean of Besançon announcing that in all probability the league would soon be concluded. (fn. n5) The king of France has promised 6,000 ducats to each of the Swiss cantons. The dean of Besançon and the Verulan write that the Pope and His Imperial Majesty ought to contribute 3,000 each. Spoke about it to His Holiness, who gave his consent, and promised his share.
The Pope seems to persevere in his idea of holding an interview with the king of France and marrying his niece (Catarine) to the duke of Orleans. Perceiving that he is quite determined to carry out his plans he (Sylva) has taken upon himself to remind His Holiness of the treaty of Barcelona, and His Holiness has answered that he will do nothing in the matter without first consulting the Emperor.
The English business is being attended to, and every effort made to obtain a sentence.
It is reported that the Papal Nuncio in England having told the King that His Holiness wished for the Council to meet, and expected that he (the King) would assist in this object, (fn. n6) the latter replied that his wishes in that respect were the same as those of the king of France, and that he neither would nor could differ from him.
Were the Pope's idea in this matter to be entertained we might run the risk of the English thinking that we are ready to make war upon them. The king of France on the other hand would not fail for his own particular advantage to circulate the rumour, and exaggerate the favour he does the King. As to Calais it is much better, as it is now, in the hands of the English as far as the security of the Low Countries is concerned. For this reason and others it is not prudent to listen to such overtures, much less make promises, &c. The Pope himself said to him with great oaths that the idea was entirely his, and had not been suggested by anyone. "Since the king of England has behaved in such a disgraceful manner, do you not think that I might and ought to punish him by entering into some sort of agreement with the king of France? This, in my opinion, might be accomplished; we should thus separate him at once from the king of England, and likewise from Italy, over which he [Francis] has had his eye fixed for some time; we might promise him Calais and help him to get possession of it, which would be far better for him than any precarious acquisition in Italy." At first the Pope said to him (count Cifuentes) that he might inform the Emperor of all this, provided, however, he did not mention in his despatch that the idea came from him; but some days after he sent for him, spoke again, and more clearly on the subject, and said that he (the Pope) might be named as the originator of the whole plan. Suspecting, however, that this and other matters of equal importance had been communicated beforehand to cardinal de Tournon, he (Sylva) answered that the plan seemed to him excellent, but that he could not say whether the Emperor would approve of it or not. If the matter was to be discussed it ought to be so at once, and not left for the interview, because in his opinion nothing good could come out of it. His Holiness replied that he was prepared to make the overtures immediately, and would select for that purpose a person now residing in France, in whom he trusted implicity. "I will not (he added) say anything about it either to Tournon, nor even to Jacopo Salviati."
The Emperor is unwilling to treat of this affair before the divorce case is fairly determined. Had the Duke's marriage been only a betrothal with a promise to marry (con palabras de futuro) the matter might be taken into consideration.
The Count may go with his family and servants without incurring extraordinary expenses, for after all the Duke goes to France to represent his master and give him authority. The Emperor does not care for this sort of thing.
The Pope also asked whether Your Majesty would consent to marry the princess of England (Mary) to the duke of Norfolk, (fn. n7) because (said he) though he has already been betrothed to another, this was enforced through fear, and the marriage might after all never take place. The said duke is by this time in France, whither he has gone with a numerous train of followers for the purpose of attending these conferences; should they take place Your Majesty will let him know whether he is also to go and with what suit of retainers.
Most of the Imperialists here think that under present circumstances the queen of England ought to leave that country owing to her being in danger of her life.
Having read to His Holiness the article of Davalos' instructions relating to the part Your Imperial Majesty was prepared to take in the execution of the sentence, he said that it was most wisely worded, but still not sufficiently explicit. Replied that Your Majesty could not for the moment make further declarations, but yet on no account would you swerve from your duty as the obedient son of the Church.
His Imperial Majesty will be glad to see him at his court, for he seems friendly and trustworthy, but let His Holiness do his pleasure in this respect. Has asked for [cardinal] Salviati to go as legate to Your Majesty. He and his father [Jacopo] have no objection, and there can be no doubt that when the latter recovers from a certain illness (cierta enfermedad) for which he is now going to take the waters, he will accept the charge if proposed to him. Encloses the bull and briefs for the Crusade.—Rome, 5th July 1533.
Signed: "Count Cifuentes."
Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
8 July. 1098. Rodrigo Davalos to the High Commander of Leon.
S. E. L., 860, f. 23.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
306.
My letter of the 5th inst. must have informed Your Lordship of the state of things between the count [of Cifuentes] and the cardinal of Jaen. I again beg that the affair may be speedily looked into, and some remedy applied to the evil, for I can assure Your Lordship the Emperor's service cannot be done in this manner. I have likewise given full notice of the English business in my despatch to His Imperial Majesty, I wish to know what I am to do in case of my misgivings being realized.
I beg to recommend my brother, Martin de Ayala, and that his faults should he have committed any, may be over-looked.—Rome, 8th July 1533.
Signed: "Rodrigo Davalos."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
8 July. 1099. Count of Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S.E. L., 860, f. 24.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 308.
The queen of England has refused to appear before the archbishop of Canterbury, as she was cited to do, notwithstanding which the cause has been proceeded with in her absence, though it is not known yet what declaration has been made.
In the opinion of many people it would necessary that the said queen should quit the kingdom if her life is to be preserved.
The King's mistress has been crowned queen with great splendour and rejoicings, and Jacopo Salviati tells him (the Count) that she has been in the family way for the last five months.
Has read to the Pope the paragraph of the instructions brought by Rodrigo Davalos upon the determination of the cause, and invocation of the secular arm for the execution of the sentence. His Holiness and Jacopo Salviati, who was present on the occasion, both said that the paragraph was no doubt wisely worded, but that nevertheless it did not appear as if His Imperial Majesty was determined to have the sentence which His Holiness might give executed. His (the Count's) answer was that for the present the declaration made in the instructions to Rodrigo Davalos was quite sufficient, nothing more was required, considering the condition and character of His Imperial Majesty and his general regard for truth; he (the Pope) might be sure that the Emperor, as the first prince in Christendom, and so obedient a son of the Church, and the personal friend of His Holiness, would fulfil the duties imposed upon him should he do justice in the case and pronounce sentence.
Indorsed: "Abstract from a letter of count de Cifuentes, the ambassador at Rome.—8th July 1533."
Spanish. Contemporary copy for the Emperor's inspection. pp. 2
11 July. 1100. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u-StaatsArch,
Wien. Rep. P. Fasc.,
c. 228, No. 43.
Considering, as I presume, that it would be a useless task to try and persuade me to consent expressly or tacitly to the overtures made by those of his Privy Council—as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty in my last despatch—this king has not communicated with me on the subject, although his Privy Councillors fully promised to let me hear his pleasure in that affair. Instead, however, of an answer, five days after my visit to the Council, the King sent orders and instructions to the Chamberlain, Chancellor, Almoner, and Grand Squire of the Queen's household, as well as to her Secretary and Purveyor, to address to her several and various representations, among the rest that it could only be arrogance, selfishness, or inordinate vain glory that could induce her now to assume or usurp the title of queen, she could not allege ignorance, inasmuch as she must have known before this, (fn. n8) that according to the decision of the principal universities in Christendom, and by the authority of the Church, he (the King) was legitimately divorced from her, and married to another who has since been crowned with due solemnity. And, moreover, that she was singularly mistaken if she thought that he could, as long as he lived, ever go back to her. That he never would do on any consideration; but if she would, as was but wise and reasonable, acquiesce in his will, and consent to what had been done and could not be undone, he would ensure her honourable treatment; otherwise he would have published throughout his Kingdom all that he had done towards ensuring her such treatment, and her own unreasonable and obstinate refusal, after which he would have her punished as his subject, which she was. (fn. n9) And that by persevering in her obstinate refusal she would cause dissension and civil war in the kingdom and disputes as to the succession, the consequence of which would be that much blood would be spilt, the kingdom totally destroyed, and his own conscience greatly troubled. Should she (the Queen) persist in her obstinate refusal the King would be compelled to manifest his displeasure towards her and the Princess, and also towards all those who dared speak about him and the divorce, whereby all her servants and friends would fall under his Royal indignation.
To all these adjurations, which, as Your Majesty may judge, are urgent and weighty enough, especially when addressed to a person whose mind is naturally somewhat perplexed, the Queen has answered boldly and openly that knowing for certain that she is the true and legitimate wife of the King, she will never as long as she lives, on any consideration, take any other title but that of Queen, and if addressed by any other will not answer to it. Which determination of hers was not to be imputed to arrogance or desire of vain glory, for she would certainly take greater glory in being called the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella [of Spain] than the greatest queen in the world against her own conscience, if she knew that she really had no claim to that title. With regard to the iniquitous sentence pronounced by the archbishop of Canterbury, to the corrupt practices employed in order to obtain the opinions of the Universities, and the form of this clandestine and accursed marriage, she spoke fully enough touching upon the mysterious event and other circumstances connected with it. (fn. n10) As to the King never coming back to her, as the speakers supposed, she said that she hoped and confidently trusted that He, who in one moment worked the conversion of St. Paul, and from a persecutor of Christianity turned him into an apostle, would enlighten and inspire the King's conscience, and not allow such a virtuous prince to remain so long in error to the great scandal of Christendom and contempt of Papal authority.
Touching divisions in the kingdom and the disputes as to the succession, the Queen said that was a thing for which she could not be made responsible, but rather the counsellors and advisers of this second marriage, the King having already legitimate succession acknowledged by all the kingdom; besides which no issue could come from such an abominable marriage but some lignee perverse, who would throw the kingdom into confusion if allowed to reign.
Of the publication alluded to by the said speakers the Queen said that she wished extremely that not only the kingdom of England, but also the whole of the world at large should become aware of the fact that she would never, as long as she lived, consent to such an unjust and iniquitous act, or willingly accept other treatment but that befitting a Queen; such she was and would remain.
As to the punishment with which she was threatened, if she had in any way offended the King (she said) he could punish her as his own wife, not otherwise, except by sheer force; if she were not his wife, all the world might know what amount of authority he could claim over her. (fn. n11) With regard to the Princess, her daughter, the King who was her father could dispose of her at pleasure, though she could not help saying that any bad treatment of her, or of the servants of her household, would affect her very much. Yet neither for that not for a thousand deaths would she consent to damn her soul, or that of the King, her lord and husband. (fn. n12) Many other things did the Queen say on this occasion which would take too much time to relate.
As soon as the King heard that the Queen would not comply with his demands, without waiting for a full report from the speakers, he caused the enclosed edict which I have had translated into French, to be printed and proclaimed throughout the City, to the sound of trumpets. After that he summoned to his presence the individuals named in the said edict, to the give them, as it is thought, new commands respecting the Queen's service, or to suborn them entirely, or for some other unknown purpose. Until now nothing has been said to them, except that Cromwell in the King's name has gratefully thanked them all for their services to the Queen, and told them that they must wait a little time until it shall be decided what order is to be established in her household. And I am told that the said Cromwell could not help saying that it was impossible for a human creature, to have given utterance to a more wise or courageous answer than that which the Queen made to the deputies, and that God and Nature had done great injury to the said queen in not making her a man, for she might have surpassed in glory and fame almost all the princes whose heroic deeds are recorded in history. Many other things did this Cromwell say in praise of the Queen. God grant that the treatment in store for her may be in accordance with that minister's words! For my part I will do my best in every possible way that she is honourably treated, and as befits her rank.
About eight days ago a courier from Rome arrived in this city, who was no doubt bearer of despatches for this king, announcing, as far as I can guess, that his excusator at Rome had been precluded from any further intervention in the proceedings; which intelligence has been the cause of this king's dispatching couriers to Rome on two consecutive days, and it is said that these couriers are now taking thither the original determination of the various Universities in the King's favour, as well as the sentence pronounced by the archbishop of Canterbury, and also a protest and appeal to the General Council against the expulsion of his excusator from Rome, thinking by these means to retard, if not to prevent altogether, the effect of the Papal sentence.
I hear that even now the Lady [Anne] complains to the king of the Easterlings, who (she says) on the coronation day, put the Imperial eagle over the arms of England and her own, a thing which she (the Lady) considers a great insult to her, and which she would willingly punish if she could. She has likewise complained to the King that in the villages through which the Princess had the other day to pass as much rejoicing went on as if God Almighty had come down from Heaven; at which the Lady has been very much offended, and intends giving the inhabitants of these districts a proof of her resentment. (fn. n13)
I am aware that these are not things to trouble Your Majesty with, yet I have done so that I might convey some idea of the, perversity and wickedness of the personage to whom I have alluded. (fn. n14)
Respecting other news, I must say that up to the present moment, notwithstanding the rumours sedulously circulated, the truce with the Scots has not been signed; indeed on the 13th ulto they made a foray, and penetrated far into this kingdom, where besides much plundering and devastation, they set fire to two small towns (villettes).
The Pope has written to his Nuncio, who was here, (fn. n15) that since affairs were so much out of order in this country, and he (the Nuncio) wished to go back to Rome, he could do so under colour of meeting him (the Pope) at Nice, or on any other plausible excuse he might think of, and thus take leave of this king, which he has since done. The King made him a very handsome present and was well pleased at his departure for that meeting, owing to the trust these people have in him, (fn. n16) of which I have had the honour to inform Your Majesty.
The King, on the requisition of an Irish lord named Macllie, (fn. n17) who is at war with one of his neighbours, is now sending him some ordnance and ammunition.
About eight months ago the King, as I informed Your Majesty, thought of having a good many pieces of ordnance of different calibres cast, to which end the necessary preparations were made in the shape of metal and casting moulds, &c., but only one piece has yet been cast, and the operatives themselves tell me that there is no talk of casting any more.
I have this very moment received Your Majesty's letters of the 29th ulto, together with the enclosures, of the contents of which I took care to apprize the Queen immediately, as they will no doubt prove to be a most singular consolation in her present affliction. I will not fail to conduct myself in this case according to the orders contained in the said and preceding letters, as I have already tried to do.—London, 11th July 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England. Received the 7th of August."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 5.

Footnotes

  • n1. "Porque conforme á ella (la respuesta) se pueda tomar licencia del Papa para platicar con el Embaxador, y lo mismo deben de hazer de allá por la misma causa."
  • n2. Ego, Hugo Comes de Rangonibus, Episcopus Rhegiensis, Princeps et Papæ Nuntius, et Ego Lampertus Apriarde (sic), Cæsareæ et sacratissimæ Majestatis summi Consilii præsidens, obtulimus et dedimus, &c. The document is followed in the volume (f. 302 b) by the answer of the duke of Saxony to the said articles, dated Wymariæ (Weimar), the 4th of June: "Responsio Ducis Joannis Friderici a Saxonia, principis Electoris, ad supradictos articulos die iv Junii 1533, legatis Papæ data."
  • n3. See above, No. 1095 p. 726.
  • n4. With the exception of the paragraphs relating to the disputes between cardinal Merino and count de Cifuentes—which are private and confidential—the remainder of this despatch is substantially the same as the preceding one to th Emperor; yet it is remarkable that in some places the words differ enough to make it worth while to reproduce them here. See above, No. 1095, p. 730.
  • n5. In the handwriting of secretary Covos.
  • n6. "Que el Nuncio que su Sd tiene en Inglaterra dixo al Rei que su Sd deseava el Concilio, y que él por su parte diesse el favor necessario para ello; respuesta fue que él havia de querer y hacer lo que el rey de Francia."
  • n7. " Que tambien le dixo el Papa si vernia V. Md en casar á la princesa de Inglaterra con el duque de Nofolch, porque aunque está desposado en inglaterra lo hizo por miedo y por palabra de futuro, y podria no haver lugar."
  • n8. "Poure fayre plusieurs et diverses remonstrances a la dite royne speciallemant que ce luy procedoit de tres grande arrogance et oultrecuydance et desordonne vayne gloyre de soy attribuer et usurper tiltre (sic) de royne sans lestre."
  • n9. "Et sinon quil feroit publier generallemant par tout son royaulme le debuoer ou il sestoit mis pour bien la traytter, et le reffus et desraysonable obstination delle, et successivemant quil la pugniroit comme sa subiecte quelle estoit."
  • n10. "De la sentence inique de larchesveque de Canturbery, des practiques et sobornemans pour achatter (sic) et gaigner les opinions des universites, de la forme de ce clandestin et maudit marriage elle en declayra et particulierement le mystere et toutes les demennez."
  • n11. "Que ayant elle offencé, le diet seigneur roy la pourroit chastier comme sa femme, et non autremant sinon de voulenté et force, ear sans estre sa femme tout le monde sçavoit assez quelle subiection yl pouvoit pretendre sur elle."
  • n12. "Touchant ce que concernoit la princesse que en estant le roy le pere, yl en pouvoit fere et disposser a son playsir et voulenté. Vray estoit quil luy deplayroit de son mal trayttemant, et aussy que ses servitcurs encourrussent lindignation du dit seigueur roy, touttesffoys que ne pour cela, ne pour mille morts ellc ne vouldroit damner son ame, ne celle du roy son scigneur, et mary."
  • n13. "Se plaint journellemant des Austerlins les quels le jour de son entree auoient mis laigle Imperial predominante aux armes du Roy et siennes, et les vouldroit bien faire contraindre a regarder telle mesprison, et pareillement sest yl (elle) plainete de ee que par les villages on lautre jour passa la princesse Jon luy fist aussy grande feste et chiere quest (que) si Dieu fut descendu des cieulx, dont elle a eu merveilleux despit, et a si bien lintencion de le faire sentir aux dits subjects."
  • n14. "Je lay faiet pour donner á ieelle (vostre maiesté) ung peu de indice de [la perverse et maligne nature du personage]."
  • n15. " A escript au Nonce quil tenoit içy," from which it would appear that on the 11th, which is the date of Chapuys' letter, the baron del Burgo, or Borgho, had already left.
  • n16. "Pour la bonne confidance que ceulxçy ont en luy, comme naguieres eseripvis a vostre maiesté."
  • n17. "Requis dung seigneur dYrlande nomme M.aellie (O'maeilly)."