Spain: January 1533, 1-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

Citation:

'Spain: January 1533, 1-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1882), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp576-587 [accessed 28 November 2024].

January 1533, 1-31



3 Jan.	1041. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 228, No. 1.	Having received three days ago Your Majesty's letter of the 7th November, with two postcripts, one of the 16th and another of the 6th December, I immediately apprized the Queen with the good tidings therein contained, especially those relating personally to Your Majesty, which were really the most pleasing New Year's gift she could receive under present circumstances, as she herself will thankfully acknowledge to Your Majesty by the first opportunity.
	With regard to the late interview of these two kings I have obtained no positive information yet beyond that which I gave Your Majesty at the time, and since then in my despatches of the 26th November and 16th December last; and as by the tenour of my said despatches Your Majesty will see what use I have made of the letter and instructions under date of the 7th, I need not trouble Your Majesty with further details.
	The Scottish ambassador a gentleman of the Chamber and Council of his master, the King, and a man of wit, ability, and courage, perceiving, nay seeing quite clearly, that these people are only temporizing and using fair words, that they may keep king James and the Scots in suspense and prevent their arming in the hope of a speedy peace, whilst the English themselves are getting ready, has suddenly left this court, much dissatisfied, not only at his not having obtained the peace for which he came, or the reparation and satisfaction he asked for, but because this king, when the ambassador first came caused a letter to be written to him in his name, promising and assuring that no armed Englishman should on any account cross the borders. And yet it appears that the earl of Nortumbellan (Northumberland), captain-general of the frontier, the earl of Douglas, and his brother crossed on the very same day by three different passes, slaying, plundering, and burning everything they came to, carrying away cattle and many prisoners; and when the said ambassador complained of this unjustifiable breach of the peace between the two kingdoms he was told that all this had been done before the King's orders had reached that frontier. This excuse the ambassador would not accept; he refused to remain any longer at Court, and started about eight days ago. They say that when he went to take leave the King held very strong language to him, and threatened much, and that the ambassador answered coolly that he had not come here for the purpose of debating (nour estriuer) or contradicting the King's words, but referring only to facts. It was evident that it was not any sense of duty, but reliance on his own power and riches, as well as on the new French alliance, and that of Douglas and his party, that had prompted the King to swerve from the path of amity and good neighbourhood. (fn. n1) Still he must know that if the Scots were not rich in money they had a stout heart to defend their own. They had, moreover, given no occasion or cause to France to break through such a perfect and sincere friendship as had hitherto existed between the two countries to look out for another of shorter date, and which after all could only be considered in the light of a reconciliation. Even if it were so, and supposing the French would favour the English, he hoped that his countrymen would make a stout defence.
	In this way did the Scottish ambassador leave court, which makes all people here believe that war is as good as declared between the two countries. Indeed, I have since heard from a very good source that this king is bent upon it, since there is so good an opportunity at hand now that the French are offering not to take part one way or other. The excuse alleged by the King being that he wishes the earl of Douglas to be again at the head of the government in Scotland, that he may thereby create new dissensions in that country, so that should he carry out his mad project of a new marriage he may have nothing to fear on that side.
	As I dared not visit the ambassador at his house, or send one of my secretaries to him, I addressed him a verbal message through a countryman of his, a physician residing in this city, (from whom I heard most of what I have related above), purporting that I was sorry not to be able to frequent his society and treat him as Your Majesty's friendship for his master, the King, and the new brotherhood established between you two in consequence of the Order [of the Golden Fleece] demanded. This message of mine the ambassador took in very good part, tendering his services and offering to come and visit me, which, of course, I declined for fear of accident. The physician assured me that in the ambassador's opinion France would not assist the King, his master, or take his part, but (said he) "That is of no consequence for most times French assistance has been more injurious to us than profitable.''
	The English troops on the borders of Scotland who have made these last forays (courreries) exceed 15,000 in number, and the expense must be very great, for I have been told by one who has seen the account of the Treasury, that this king immediately after his return from Calais remitted 100,000 crs., and that within the last week he has sent 40,000 more.
	The King has just now sent to Denmark and also to Hamburgh as his ambassador a doctor of no very great rank (ung docteur de petite qualité). for no other purpose, as I am informed, than to treat of the affair which brought here the Danish agent, about whom I wrote to Your Majesty.
	The Queen has lately received intelligence that the King shews repentance at the separation, in consequence of which she fancies that God has perhaps touched his heart, and that he is about to acknowledge his error; but in my opinion she is very much mistaken, for the repentance, if there be any signs of it, proceeds less from knowledge of his sinful conduct than from fear of the infamy and evil rumours current among the people in consequence of this new marriage, and principally from a wish to save the expense of keeping so many establishments, which expense he is continually complaining of, and has ever since his return [from Calais] tried to curtail in every possible way, having already begun to reduce his household (fn. n2) It might also happen that the said repentance had its origin in another quarter, lest the Pope, during Your Majesty's next stay at Bologna, should be induced to pronounce sentence against him, or at least issue some brief commanding him to return to his queen. Indeed, I hear from one of his Privy Councillors that the King is very much afraid that one of these days a sentence will come from Rome, and he is already thinking, as I am told, of parryiny the blow by means of another contradictory decision emanating from his Parliament, or at least of having the effects of the sentence suspended, and appealing to a General Council, which may never take place. That he (the King) considers his case at Rome as irretrievably lost, appears sufficiently from the fact of his having persistently refused of late to grant the Papal Nuncio an audience, as I duly informed Your Majesty in my despatch of the 30th of January though he promised to send soon for him. (fn. n3)
	The Queen's chaplain, (fn. n4) who, as I wrote in a former despatch, had been long confined to prison for having preached and written in her favour, has been released during these last festivals [of the Epiphany], on condition, however, of his not writing or preaching again until a fortnight after Easter. Thus the priest has actually been set free, but the rings and jewels which the Queen lent the King for his journey to Calais still remain in bond, and God knows when they will be given back. (fn. n5) —London, 3rd January 153[3].
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Holograph. pp. 4.
19 Jan.	1042. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
S. E. L. 1,457, f. 271. B. M. Add. 28,585, f. 215.	Her Majesty's letter of the 5th inst. has been duly received. He (Ortiz) forwarded by the last post to Flanders the copy of the declaratory brief, there to be printed and affixed at the usual places. No answer has yet come from thence.
	May God graciously inspire the king of England to acknowledge the error into which the Enemy of Mankind has led him, and honourably amend his past conduct; otherwise the natural consequence will be that his disobedience to the Papal injunctions and his infidelity to God once proved, he will be deprived of his kingdom, his subjects absolved from their Oath of Allegiance, and the execution of the sentence committed to His Imperial Majesty. This being done all those in England who fear God will rise in arms, and the King will be punished as he deserves, this present brief operating as a formal sentence against him if His Holiness will only act as he is bound to do in similar cases. May God be pleased to convert the King first, that he may repent from his sins, and such evils be avoided!
	With regard to the prosecution of the main cause he (Ortiz) can only say that he has incessantly requested the Emperor, and the members of his Privy Council, to order, as Your Majesty and the Council of Castille have frequently recommended, that a report of the whole case be carefully drawn up and sent to the Rota, that this ecclesiastical tribunal may at once pronounce sentence by contumacy (contradittas). There being nobody here at Rome to answer for the opposite party, the sentence cannot be longer delayed; nor can it be said that the verdict is given out of favour, especially as it ought to have been given so long ago. This he (Ortiz) has continually been asking for, but since nothing has been done notwithstanding his most humble entreaties, there, must be reasons among the Emperor's Privy Council which he respects for not urging it. He (Ortiz) cannot but regret the time that has been lost; he is extremely sorry at past delays (dilaciones). and particularly so for those that are likely to come in future, now that the Emperor has actually departed on his way home; (fn. n6) not to say anything of his pain and regret at the sufferings of the queen of England who keeps writing to him (Ortiz) to urge the prosecution of her case just as Your Majesty commands him to do, but it is no fault of his; he cannot do more.
	Is anxiously expecting the letters and "cedula" which the Council of Castille have lately issued in his favour. If they came by the last post, as there was reason to expect, under cover to his brother, secretary Ortiz, they have not yet been delivered to him.—Bologna, 19th January 1533.
	Signed: "El Dr. Ortiz."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Empress and Queen, our Lady."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
27-29 Jan.	1043. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-Staats Arch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c 228. No. 6.	Your Majesty's letters of the 27th ult^o, announcing your arrival and very imposing reception at Bologna, (fn. n7) the ceremonies there observed between our Holy Father and Your Majesty on Christmas Eve, as well as the return [to Genoa] of the prince of Melphi [Andrea Doria] after his successful expedition [to Levant] came duly to hand. All of which glorious news I failed not to communicate yesterday to the duke of Norfolk, that he might himself acquaint the King, who is still in the country (questoit sur les champs) with them. Whereupon the Duke, when I told him the news, shewed himself by his words and appearance to be very glad at such intelligence, and very grateful also at my readiness in imparting it, for he thanked me personally for my courtesy and good offices and assured me that the King would be likewise delighted to hear the same from my lips. This I told him I would certainly do as soon as the King returned to town, for such were Your Majesty's commands, there being nothing you had so much at heart as to keep on good terms of friendship and close relationship (l'integrite de voysinance et parentage) with him, adding that such was your confidence in the King, his master, that you thought he would not conceal from you his most secret affairs. On this account, and to shew to the Duke your good wishes in that respect I told him that I knew by letters from your Imperial Court that you had been much pleased to see that besides the usual English ambassadors in Italy there were two cardinals sent (as common report says) at the express request of his master, and that you had consequently refrained from treating affairs of importance with His Holiness until the arrival of the said cardinals. This I said to the Duke in confirmation of my former declaration, and also that I might indirectly draw his attention to the fact that no foreign ambassadors had been allowed to take part in the Calais conferences. There was still another cause, for the French ambassador has given these people to understand that Your Majesty would have been glad that your business with the Pope had terminated before the arrival of the said cardinals but that His Holiness had not consented to it.
	The Duke, after commending the said act and Your Majesty's good intentions, signified to me that the two cardinals had already arrived at Bologna with a numerous train of followers, and had been most admirably received and entertained. He spoke at length of the number and gorgeousness of their retainers, wondering how in so short a time they had been able to assemble such a suite, considering that it had been decided between the two kings at the Calais interview that they should only have 24 mounted servants between the two. Hearing this I tried in various ways to ascertain from the Duke what was the object of the cardinals' mission, but all in vain; he excused himself, as he had done at other times, by his want of health, which, he said, had prevented him from attending the conferences. Yet he assured me that he could have wished most ardently that Your Majesty had been at the time at St. Omer, or in some other town of the neighbourhood, for had such been the case nothing would have been done without Your Majesty's intervention. And upon my remarking that it seemed as if the King, his master, and he of France, did not wish for many witnesses of the interview, since they had absolutely forbidden the attendance of foreign ambassadors, the Duke replied that the interview not being intended for the transaction of political business, but merely for the purpose of enjoyment and pleasure (bonna chiere). it was thought that there was no necessity for ambassadors, and that it would have been unkind to trouble them for a mere nothing. He owned, however, that had Your Majesty been in the neighbourhood of Calais, and able to attend the meeting, several important matters might have been brought under discussion.
	In order to draw out the Duke more on the subject, I observed that perhaps the said cardinals had charge of promoting at Rome that very object which the two kings would have liked to discuss with Your Majesty, and that the matter itself being feasible the ability of the ambassadors might supply the deficiency which he so much lamented of Your Majesty's presence at the interview. Upon which the Duke most heartily besought God that it might be as I said, remarking after a pause that though the cardinals were both honest and belonged to king Francis' Privy Council, they were altogether ignorant of the ins and outs of political affairs, since the whole management of [foreign] business was in the hands of the chancellor (Du Prat), of the grand master (Montmorency), a nd of the admiral (Brion), every one of whom he praised much, and especially the last, who, he said, was a straightforward and honourable man. Of the Grand Master he made no such commendations, for he seemed not to like him as much as the other two (fn. n8)
	After this, having inquired from the Duke about the state of affairs in Scotland, he said to me that the king of that country certainly wished for peace, and was incessantly suing for it, but the terms proposed were such as the King, his master, could not possibly accept, since they wounded his honour. At Calais, the Most Christian king of France had several times solicited his master to make peace with Scotland, until begged to desist. (fn. n9) "The king of Scotland (he added) is daily writing the most courteous and affectionate letters to my master, but his deeds do not tally with his words, for the Scotch are generally very proud, and the King's councillors are both young and rash." The Duke then told me their names one by one, and said that in his opinion they would endanger the kingdom through their bad advice, and that if war lasted till midsummer the Scotch were sure to get such a blow as would put down their pride, and would effectually bridle them for the future. (fn. n10) He (the Duke) was very sorry for it, inasmuch as the king of Scotland was the nephew of his master, and also on account of the friendship and affectionate esteem he entertained for many honest Scotchmen, with whom he was in correspondence, and who, notwithstanding the war, had lately sent him as a present eight Scotch daggers (pugnards). which he shewed me, and of which he gave me four at my departure. The Duke further said that fond as he had been of war in former times he was now equally averse from it. He wished for peace not only with Scotland but with everybody else, and would willingly sacrifice one of his hands to ensure such a friendly and close alliance with Your Majesty as there had been in former times. And upon my replying to him that it was not, nor would it be Your Majesty's fault if such alliance could not be fairly established, the Duke observed: "If that be the case I see no other obstacle in the way than the Pope, who for fear of the Emperor, or because he wants to exalt and promote his own relatives, has not yet done his duty in this divorce case, since the favours and caresses which he from time to time bestows on your master proceed less from affection and good-will than from fear of his power." (fn. n11)
	Having then asked the Duke whether it was true, as reported, that the King had lately sent some one to Germany for the purpose of inducing Philip Melanton (Melancthon), Symon Gryneus, and several other Lutherans to visit this country, he answered that he knew nothing of such matters, as the King would naturally conceal them from him, knowing how he hated those of that sect. True it was that about six months ago the King himself had shewn him a letter from some German prince, closely related to him by marriage, stating that the said Philip Melancthon wished very much to come and reside in this kingdom, and begging the King's favour and protection, adding that Melancthon might, if well treated in England, return to the Catholic Faith, which would be a great boon for religion. (fn. n12) He (the Duke) had been of opinion that on no account ought Melanchthon to be allowed to enter this country, for jealousy, heresy, and frenzy were incurable evils.
	It might be that after all the King, for the above-mentioned causes, did not actually communicate with the Duke respecting this mission to Germany, but I know as a fact that by the King's express commands secretary Paget, who last year went to visit this same Melanchthon, and other Lutheran doctors, has now written to them to come to England. For what purpose I cannot guess; some say that it is to counsel and act against the Queen, others to devise means for the reform of the, Clergy in this kingdom, that the latter may be effectually deprived of all the temporal property they possess.
	The Duke said no more about the Roman business than what I have related above, nor did he shew the least knowledge of the brief which has lately been executed at Rome, as the King himself has been informed. At the end of our conversation, however, the topic of a close union and alliance between Your Majesty and his master was again resumed, to which I pertinently responded, pointing out the great and many advantages to be derived therefrom. This I did as fully as I could do at the time that I might more forcibly call his attention to his master's unjustifiable behaviour, and represent how hard it was that for the sake of a personal affection (I did not say which) those advantages he spoke of should be abandoned to the great scandal (fn. n13) of the Christian religion and contempt of Papal authority. I said more, I told him that such a union and alliance once made there could remain no suspicion or motive of dissension among the princes of Christendom, except perhaps the affair of the Vayvod still unsettled, which, after all, was not one of great consequence. His reply was that with regard to the affection to which I had alluded he had nothing to say. He was not the judge of his masters actions; he knew not whether the King was right or wrong, but followed entirely the opinion of the English doctors [in Theology] since he was quite ignorant of such matters, nor had he ever read books on the the subject, however pressing the King's solicitations to that effect. "Respecting the Vayvod (he said) I cannot decide whether his pretensions will or will not be an embarrassment for the Christian princes. I rather think they will;" by which words the Duke no doubt meant that there would be grumbling on the part of France, for after a pause of a few minutes he added on after thought: "I think after all that France will act in this affair of the Vayvod as we ourselves have done; for our part I can assure you that he will get no help or aid from this country, but we cannot be responsible for others."
	After this the Duke took me by the hand and led me into his cabinet (sa riere chambre) where he shewed me certain books and other things. As I went away he gave me half the daggers presented to him from Scotland, and not satisfied with accompanying me to the door of the hall, he insisted, notwithstanding all my entreaties, upon seeing me to the stairs, where I embarked to return home. On my departure, besides many compliments and gracious offers, the Duke again begged me to make use of him in any manner that might be agreeable or, as he said, of service to me personally. Though effusions of this kind are not very important, yet as they are not common with the Duke, and he shews certain signs of affection to Your Majesty, I have considered it necessary to inform you thereof.
	Doctor Cremmer (Cranmer) had not been a week here on his return from the embassy to Your Majesty when to the great astonishment of everyone he was appointed by the King to the archbishopric of Canterbury, the first and most substantial benefice in all England, since its holder becomes Primate and [Papal] Legate over all the kingdom. One of the causes why the said appointment has taken the people so much by surprise is that formerly it was not the custom for the King to fill up the vacancies before the expiration of the year within which the vacancy actually occurred, whereas the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury has not been vacant four months. There is still another reason which makes people wonder. That the expedition of the bulls may not be delayed the King has advanced out of his own pocket the sums required for that, which circumstance makes people suspect that such haste in the filling up of the see, and expedition of the bulls is chiefly owing to the Kings wish that the Doctor may one of these days, as archbishop and legate of this kingdom, sanction the divorce, and authorize in this Parliament the new marriage. Indeed there is a rumour afloat that Dr. Crammer, who is considered to be a Lutheran, has renounced the whole of his temporalities in favour of this king, which would be a fair way of compelling the rest of the English Clergy to do the same.
	Notwithstanding the statute made by the King at the last Parliament, forbidding in future the payment of more than one tenth of the usual annats to Rome, the King has given orders that those [of Canterbury] should be paid in full, which makes many people think that there is some secret intelligence between the Pope and this king. I know very well that the King boasts of having gained the Pope to his side, or at leasts talks of having done so to the gentlemen of his Privy Chamber. Only two days ago he said to one of them that the Pope had plainly declared to Your Majesty [at Bologna] that for the sake of your honour, and the love he professed to you, he had hitherto refrained from referring here (de par deça) the trial and sentence of the divorce suit, but that he could no longer refuse or defer the execution of justice. I cannot say whether he says this much to please the Lady, or because his ambassadors at Rome feed him with such hopes (dragees). but the fact is that he is continually saying that the Pope and he have secretly agreed, a thing which is far from being probable.
	With regard to the brief enjoining him to separate from the Lady, as Miçer Mai and Dr. Ortiz have announced, this must be said, that since the brief is not precise enough, or reaggravatory of the first, which was granted at Bologna, I am greatly afraid that it will have no effect at all on these people who will be under the impression that the Pope will secretly decree a relaxation of this as he is known to have done with the other. Besides which, as the proceedings are at an end, and the suit itself in a condition to be referred for sentence, what the Pope is now doing is merely to please Your Majesty and keep him in good humour; for if he could pronounce sentence in the case it stands to reason that he could also issue, and has preferred issuing the said brief, inasmuch as he can the latter revoke at pleasure, whereas the sentence he cannot, that being the only cause of his tarrying, that he may always keep a hold both over Your Majesty and this king, who will keep saying, as he has on other occasions, that if he was in the wrong at a time when such close friendship existed between the Pope and Your Majesty he would have been condemned 100 times over, but that notwithstanding his clear right and the justice of his cause, the affection the Pope bears Your Majesty, or the dread he has of your power, is the sole cause of his doing things against his will. I think, therefore, that unless sentence is soon pronounced in the case, which will be the only sure means of doing away at once with the King's presumption and hopes, the brief itself will be of no use at all
	After writing the above I received Your Majesty's letter of the 5th inst., and this very morning the Papal Nuncio and myself have held a conference respecting the affair in question, and the best means to be employed to treat with the individual who was the first to take the affair in hand. No trouble or diligence shall be spared for the success of the undertaking. I have not yet been able to ascertain the name of the personage who was the first to bring this matter before the Nuncio; (fn. n14) but hope to be able to inform Your Majesty by the first courier, since the hasty departure of this present one compels me to omit all details.—London, the 27th of January 153[3.]
	Since writing the above, the courier having delayed his departure until this hour, I am able to add that the Nuncio has actually seen this man, whose name has not yet been revealed to me, and has held a conference with him. The Nuncio tells me that from the very beginning his interlocutor changed the tenour of his proposition, demanding that not only the cognizance of the cause, but the definitive [sentence] also should be removed from Rome. At the end, however, he adhered to his primitive plan (a ses premieres brisees), agreeing that the definitive sentence might remain in the hands of the Pope, though he asked for a term of eight days to consult over the matter and give a final resolution, which delay, in my opinion, is for no other purpose than to wait for news of the two cardinals, and hear what they have achieved at Rome. The man in question does not consider Cambray a neutral city but an Imperial one, and wishes the revise of the trial to take place at some other city nearer the dominions of the king of France, whom they describe as neutral and impartial in the matter. They want also neutral judges, and I fancy that they will not accept as such any but Frenchmen. Nothing has yet been said of the condition of obedience and compliance with the Papal brief which seemed to me indispensable before the acceptance of the terms and definitive answer. As it is only a few minutes ago that the above intelligence was brought to me ., have not yet had time to acquaint the Queen with this proposition, but will not fail to do so to-morrow morning. On the 29th in haste.—"Eustace Chapuys."
	It is to be feared that the overtures made by these people are only for the purpose of gaining time to parry the blow of the sentence which they see us asking for with urgency, and perceive to be imminent. The King and the relatives of the Lady no doubt think that their only chance lies in gaining time and continuing to live as hitherto, but it appears to me that in the proposition itself there lurk two great dangers: one is that if the King wishes to calumniate (calumpnier) he can easily spin out the affair endlessly, and therefore it would be advisable to fix a reasonable period of time within which the commissaries must deliver their opinion, since the trial is one which requires no further allegation or proof on either side. The other inconvenience to be avoided is that the judges might perchance wish to annul the evidence of witnesses in favour of the Queen, which would be an almost irreparable loss to her, and to meet this it would be necessary to make express reserve of the said evidence. (fn. n15) —The 29th ut supra.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England. 27th and 29th January 1533. Received the 21st of February."
	French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 9.