Spain: August 1530, 1-10 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1879.

Citation:

'Spain: August 1530, 1-10', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1879), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp669-687 [accessed 27 November 2024].

August 1530, 1-10



1 Aug.	393. Covos to the Empress.
S. E. L. 635, f. 89. B. M. Add. 28,581 f. 1.	Offers his condolence on the death of the Infante [Fernando]. The Emperor carried his portrait always about with him, and shewed it to everyone. He has felt his loss immensely, and now sends Don Enrique [de Rojas] to visit her in his name and console her for their mutual loss. He will be the bearer of a letter in the Emperor's own hand, which she (the Empress) is to read alone, and, if she pleases, communicate afterwards with the Council of State.
	The Emperor is surrounded by business of all kinds, to which he attends daily and without interruption in the hope of being soon able to return to Spain.—Augusta (Augsburg), 1st August 1530.
	Signed: "Covos, Comendador Mayor."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
2 Aug.	394. The Emperor to Miçer Mai.
S. E. Leg. 1,557, ff. 81-3. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 3.	With regard to the matters of the Faith We have nothing to tell you, because We are daily expecting the answer of His Holiness, which We trust will be favourable, and that he will consent to the celebration of a council general, not national, because in our opinion the latter would be objectionable in many ways, and besides could not lead to any good. Meanwhile We are considering what answer is to be made to the articles proposed by the Lutherans; the Papal Legate takes part in the business; nothing shall be done without his advice.
	The steps you are taking in the matrimonial case of the queen of England, our aunt, are very commendable, and We thank you for your zeal, &c.—Augusta (Augsburg), 2nd August 1530.
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
	(fn. n1)
2 Aug.	395. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851, ff. 14–15. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 4.	Gracious answer, and that His Majesty will be pleased to hear the same from his lips.	Reports a conversation he had with the Pope on the affairs of France before the Emperor's departure for Germany. (fn. n2) Gives his opinion about the Council, and believes that a Diet must needs be convoked in order to look out for a remedy, though temporary, for three or four years.
	Upon the Emperor's arrival in Germany some provision shall be made.	That His Imperial Majesty cannot delay much longer his return to Italy.
		The marriage proposed by France.
	That his intention is to return by way of Italy, and his principal reason that he may again see the Pope and kiss his feet.	Thanks for the grant of Florence.—Modena, and Reggio.—Investiture.—The French would like to win the Pope's favour by making him believe that all obstacles in the way of the Council are raised by them, and that he ought to be grateful (fn. n3)
		Two Florentine ambassadors coming to kiss the Emperor's hands in thankfulness for what has been done.
		Siena, &c.
	Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
2 Aug.	396. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 226, No. 34.	Your Majesty will learn from the Queen's own letters now enclosed, (fn. n4) as well as from my last despatches,§ the position of affairs here, and the great need there is for immediate redress, also the measures to be adopted for the assistance of the Queen; and therefore will no further allude to the subject in this my despatch. Your Majesty will also have heard from Madame and from Dr. Garay what passed lately at the university of Paris. The said Dr. Garay has earnestly requested me to remind Your Majesty of the expediency of obtaining from the Pope at the present time a commission addressed to the two persons named in his letter to Your Majesty for the purpose of inquiring into the injustice and injury done to the Queen, and likewise to the Parisian doctors who are on her side.
	I have written to Messire Mai about this commission, which cannot fail to be of good effect; but as there may be great delay in obtaining it and getting it executed, I think it would be well in the meantime to apply to the king of France, since, whilst apologizing to your ambassadors for the favour shewn to the king of England in this matter, he is known to have said that he was quite ready to do as much for Your Majesty. I am decidedly of opinion that this profession of good-will ought to be turned to account. It might well be that in fulfilment of promises of his own (if he has actually made any), or of Mr. de Langeais (Guillaume du Bellay), about whom I have frequently written to Your Majesty, the King had persisted in procuring the seal (sçel) of the university of Paris; but now that he is no longer bound by any such promises he might, without attracting observation (soub main ou dissimulant), retrieve the whole affair, and give each side full justice, by writing to the President of Paris to admit the appeal of Garay and of the doctors of his opinion, and order that they should be allowed to have advocates, notaries, and agents (procureurs) for the prosecution of their appeal, which they have not hitherto been able to obtain. Further, it would be advisable for Your Majesty to require the said king of France to forbid Langeais or anyone else to corrupt the other universities of his kingdom, as he (Langeais) has undertaken to do. This of course will be too late with regard to Poytier (Poitiers), which university has already decided in favour of the Queen, as Your Majesty has perhaps heard through Monsgr. de Granvelle, to whom the said university sent a copy of their decision (deffinition); also to require the king of France to carry out his promise to the Imperial ambassadors of issuing in a public and authentic form the opinion of the 43 [doctors] who held for the Queen, as there can be no better antidote than this to destroy the effect of the said seal (of the Paris university), when this cause is brought before the Parliament of this kingdom; (fn. n5)
	The said Parliament has been prorogued till the 5th of October, this question of the marriage being apparently the chief, if not the only cause for the re-assembling of its members. I have spoken to two of the lawyers (procureux) in the said Parliament who are devoted adherents of the Queen; but they very much fear that they shall be compelled to accede to the King's will, even if the votes are taken of each one separately, as was done in the case of the nobles, when the letters, about which I have already written to Your Majesty, had to be signed and sealed. (fn. n6) Represented to them that they had now a good excuse for refusing to be drawn into this, considering that the Pope was acquainted with all the facts of the case and had threatened excommunication to anyone who should either counsel or favour this second marriage, as they would perceive from the brief, of which I gave them a copy to circulate [among their colleagues], which they have faithfully promised to do. I feel quite sure that when this matter is brought before Parliament, the Queen will request me to give notice of this brief, or at least to offer, in Your Majesty's name some sort of opposition or protest; I beg, therefore, for instructions on this point. (fn. n7)
	When the King first received the news of the decision of the university of Paris in his favour he was greatly delighted, and gave most festive entertainment to the French ambassador (et le festoya grandemant), keeping him three or four days in his company to take part in the hunting and share the spoils of the chase; but since he has heard what really took place at Paris, namely, that the decision of the University was very far from being unanimous, (as the French ambassador represented to him,) his favour has greatly abated, (fn. n8) and Jehan Jocquin has actually left court to visit the port of Antonne (Southampton), and several other places in the country; in fact it appears that even while at court he (Jocquin) did not attend to business in any way, but only cared for hunting and amusement.
	The first person who has stated here the number, names, and relative position of those who at Paris declared for the Queen, is a chaplain of hers, who, when called before the King's Council to answer for having said in several places that all those who advised the King to take any other wife than the Queen were very wicked people, boldly confirmed that statement, and added that since the Church had approved of this marriage for so many years, and since the Pope had threatened excommunication to all those who should countenance the second, anyone abetting the King in this unrighteous act was,—the duke of Norfolk there present not excluded,—a traitor to God and to the King; (fn. n9) and, moreover, that no trust could be placed in the seal of the [university of] Paris owing to the corruption which had prevailed there, in spite of which 44 doctors among the most learned and honoured in Christendom, the list of whom he then and there produced, had voted in favour of the Queen. They say that when the duke of Norfolk saw the list (role), he said to the Queen's almoner and to her chancellor, who had been sent for that they might hear the chaplain's declaration: "Certainly the man is right, (cipher:) and I must say that it is a most wicked and treacherous act on the part of the French to have stated that the consent of the University was unanimous."
	The said chaplain was immediately banished from court by order of the King, who soon afterwards sent the duke of Norfolk and his own first secretary to the Queen, to request that she would have him punished for his insolence. The Queen replied that justice was entirely in the King's hands, but that it would not be justice to make anyone suffer (lapider) for having acted rightly. The Queen had meditated giving notice (intimer) of the brief on this occasion, but out of love and reverence for the King she refrained, and has hitherto delayed writing again to the Pope, however much I have urged her to do so.
	After the said seal had been received here, the duke of Norfolk said to the Queen's almoner that now that the Faculty of Paris had decided upon this case, there really was nothing more to be said about it, and that he should therefore represent to the Queen that she had much better consent to the divorce with a good grace than go on opposing it. The almoner refused to take such a message, which, he said, his duty, honour, and conscience forbad. The Queen, however, would have been well pleased if the King, or some one in his name, had made such a proposal, for this would have given her an opportunity of shewing her courage and her hopes. Indeed, she has never been firmer in purpose than since hearing of what has passed in Paris, and does not care a straw for all that has been done there in favour of the King; and, in my opinion, she is quite right, for I have certain information that one of those who went over to agitate for the King has said the same since his return from that capital, and expressed his great surprise that there should have been so many distinguished men in that university ready of their own accord to speak out so boldly and firmly in support of the Queen's cause.
	The King has begun carrying on a prosecution against the priests and prelates who obtained preferment whilst the Cardinal was Legate; (fn. n10) he has now referred the matter to Government, and it is to be feared that he will cause the greater number of those who hold with the Queen to lose their preferment; the surest means this of getting hold of a large sum of money, and also getting the prelates and Clergy so in his power that they shall sanction and forward this marriage, which he has always said should have the advice and authority of the Anglican Church.
	A courier from Rome arrived here for the King eight days ago. As no news has been published I conclude that the intelligence was not agreeable. The King is sending to-day, with despatches for Rome and Venice, a relative of Gregoyre de Casal, who is going thither in all haste. He refuses to take any packet from his friends here unless he sees first whether there are any letters of mine inside, which is, no doubt, done by the King's command. (fn. n11)
	As the King pretends that the German universities are all in his favour, it will be advisable to give them timely notice, that they may decide for the Queen. Several private persons here continue to write in favour of her; I have already forwarded several of these treatises to Messire Mai, and I am now sending another by a community of monks (colliege de religieux), who do not choose to be known. I think that if Monsignor de Granvelle had leisure to look into them, he would report favourably to Your Majesty.
	The earl of Vulchier (Wiltshire) is daily expected. There is a rumour that he is not at all pleased with the court of France; the doubt will be cleared up on his arrival. It is also said that the bishop of Bayonne is coming with him as French ambassador to this court.—London, 2nd August 1530.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Holograph. pp. 4.
3 Aug.	397. Miçer Mai to Francisco de los Covos, High Commander of Leon.
S. E. L. 831, ff. 64–5. B. M. Add. 28,531, f. 6.	(Cipher:) Makes a few remarks concerning the Council, and refers him to his last despatch. The Pope seems to consent to the meeting, not only in word but in deed. Nevertheless, the French and English ambassadors court him now more than usual, and represent all manner of dangers that may arise from it. Cannot discover what they are about, but he (Mai) is carefully watching every sign or indication that may help him to find out the truth.—Rome, 3rd August 1530.
	Bishop of Tarbes.—Florence.—Bull of pope Adrian, &c.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "To the very Illustrious and Magnificent Lord, the High Commander of Leon, &c."
	Spanish. Holograph entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 4.
4 Aug.	398. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 854, ff. 54–5. B. M. Add. 28,531, f. 7.	A few hours before the courier of the 1st August left, the Emperor's letter of the 22nd July came to hand. Had no time then to acknowledge receipt of the said letter and the papers (escrituras) that came with it, and which are now being transcribed to be returned.
	The powers sent are quite sufficient. Informed the Emperor that a meeting (congregation) had been held, which neither Miçer Andrea del Burgo nor he (Mai) had attended. Nothing, as he hears, was resolved upon except to write again to all the Christian princes, the Emperor and his brother not excluded, to join in the undertaking. Does not think it was necessary to write to the king of Hungary on the subject.
	Some time after this, as Miçer Andrea complained to the English ambassador about the delay in this matter, the latter said that the best plan would be to fix at once the quota to be paid by each prince, the Emperor to put down 20,000 ducats, the most Christian King as much, the king of England and the Pope 10,000 each, the remainder of the sum up to 80,000 to be divided between the Italian estates and the king of Portugal. Went to see the Pope, who approved of the plan and distribution, but as this is only a project, and comes from the English ambassador, it must be carefully examined first, and then submitted to the Congress for approval.
	The Count (fn. n12) called yesterday on the French ambassador (bishop of Tarbes) with a letter from his master, the king of Hungary, and they conversed a good while on this business of the crusade against the Turk, the latter observing that as regards the contribution of the most Christian King, there was no necessity for sending here [to Rome], the Emperor might apply direct to France, (fn. n13) without the interference of a third person no longer required between them. (Cipher:) Burgo and he (Mai) went to the Pope and repeated these words of the French ambassador, that he (the Pope) might see that it is not we [the Imperialists] who chose to avoid his intervention. We shall see how this matter ends, and whether the rate of contribution proposed by the English ambassador is approved of, for certainly that would be the shortest expedient, and the least subject to such inconveniences as their applying for crusades and other ecclesiastical grants; though, on the other hand, they are so cunning that they will undoubtedly apply for them all the same whatever the agreement may be. His Holiness, however, is on his guard about this, and not likely to accede to their wishes.
	Tarbes said also to Miçer Andrea that it might be desirable that upon the Emperor's return to Italy there should be here a conference between the Pope, His Imperial Majesty, and the King, his master. If not, the conference (he said) might take place somewhere near Flanders (acia Flandes), for it is the French King who desires it most. The same was said to the Pope by squire Francesco (el escudero Francisco), (fn. n14) who came the other day [to Rome] on the Florentine business.
	The Bishop [of Tarbes] went on to say that he was sorry to see that the Imperial ambassadors mistrusted him. They would not allow his secretary (su hombre) to go to Florence, and that he considered an injury to his King. Being now on friendly terms with the Emperor all mutual good offices ought to be continued. The treaty of Cambray did not forbid his master from favouring and helping his own friends when they were not in arms against the Emperor. The kingdom of France consisted of various provinces united together, whilst the dominions of the Emperor were more scattered. For that reason his master had more want of friends, &c. Miçer Andrea told him that the measure had been taken in consequence of certain intercepted letters, &c.
	(Common writing:) Letters from France of the 15th July have been received purporting that the King was to start the next day, accompanied by the sieur de Praët, and that not having obtained queen Eleanor's act of renunciation in the form he wished to have it, he had left commission to the Imperial ambassador to attend to it.
	(Cipher:) It is reported that a Florentine, named Roberto Nasi, (fn. n15) inquired the other day from an Italian captain whether he would have the courage and the power to raise 8,000 men, and that the captain answered that he would, provided the order came from the king of France. Roberto said that the King would be glad, and that the men might come through the land of the Venetians and of Genoa, who certainly would not prevent their passage, and that besides, being a fine set of men, they themselves might procure provisions, &c. All this is improbable, and besides, if they do come, they will not be in time to save Florence, which is at the last extremity, as the Emperor will judge by the enclosed advices.
	An agent of the marquis of Mus is going to the court of France to ask protection for his master. He (Mai) has written to Caracciolo to have his eyes on him.
	Has seen letters from France in which it is said that the King is determined to wait and see what the Pope, the Emperor, and the Italians will do, and that he will then submit to the Parliament of Paris the question of whether or not he can legally ratify the treaty of Cambray, and that after the decision by that body he will act according to his interests. Others again assert that the articles of the treaty are to be modified in the following manner: The Emperor to give up Milan to the eldest son of this marriage between his sister [Eleanor] and king Francis. It is also stated that the Florentine ambassador in France was greatly in despair, and had actually written to his Republic advising them to lay down their arms. But all this news has no solid foundation, and besides, if there should be anything of the kind the Emperor is sure to know it through his ambassador in France, who must have more accurate information on these points: he (Mai) will not make any further allusion to it.
	No sooner did letters come from Ascanio Colonna saying that the project of marriage between Isabella Colonna and the abbot of Farfa had been abandoned, than he (Mai) wrote to Ascanio's brother, Cardinal [Pompeo Colonna] informing him thereof.
	Has overheard, but cannot exactly recollect where and how, (fn. n16) that the Pope is about to borrow from Your Majesty, on sound securities, as much as 50,000 or perhaps 100,000 ducats towards the expenses of Florence. The Pope himself has said nothing to him about this, but the other day he requested him most earnestly to write to the Prince [of Orange], begging he would, after the taking of Florence, remove his army somewhere else, for the country (he said), already exhausted and ruined, could not possibly support the Imperialists any longer.
	The names of the doctors who voted against the Queen, or rather against the Pope, in Paris have been received. They concluded that the Pope could not dispense in this case except "for a reasonable cause," whereas the cause for which pope Julius dispensed was most urgent, as declared in the brief itself. Moreover, it is said in the conclusion that according to the University's statutes, there ought to be a majority of two thirds, and yet their votes are only seven or eight more than ours. (Cipher:) However this may be, it appears that the Rector and heads of the University have not behaved well in this affair; the most Christian King and his ministers might also have acted better; but I trust to God that if the cause be heard here, at Rome, all these wicked doings of theirs will be of no avail. Their conclusion, however, does no harm, for Dr. Benito (Benet) told me the other day in Chapel that the Baron [de Borgo] was going [to England] for the purpose of arranging that the cause should be tried at a neutral place (lugar indiferente). (fn. n17) Went up to the Pope and complained. The Pope denied it. Told him also that Your Majesty had made up his mind on this question; it could not be tried elsewhere than at Rome, or wherever His Holiness resided. Even thus there will be some difficulty. Begs for Ortiz's speedy arrival, that he may inquire into the state of the affair before we come to close quarters with our adversary.
	Rie, (fn. n18) the brother of Balaçon, arrived the day before yesterday with letters of credence for the Pope. Malatesta offers one of three things: To cause the Florentines to lay down their arms willingly, or procure the surrender of the city by setting his own band against the citizens, or else evacuate the city with his own men, amounting, as he says, to 5,000. Although Malatesta cannot yet answer for Stephano Colonna, he is pretty sure of gaining him over to his ideas. (Cipher:) Rie further says that Fernando de Gonzaga was going into Florence for the purpose of inducing the Florentines to capitulate, protesting that unless they surrendered immediately the Prince would not be responsible for the sack or any other calamity that might fall on them.
	The Pope was glad to hear of the above intelligence, and requested him (Mai) to send for Muxetula, that he might go to the camp, and as a lawyer and man of business assist the Prince in framing the capitulation. The Pope intends besides sending thither either Sancti Quatuor or Salviati who is still at Piacenza.
	Rie said besides that Baubri was greatly wanted at the camp, as the Prince wanted to send him to the Emperor on a message respecting his intended marriage to the marchioness of Montferrato, whose mother, he says, has sent word that although she was half promised to the duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza), she will be happy to marry her to the Prince, with the Emperor's consent. Bauri (sic) is expected here hourly; his servants have been some days waiting for him. Cannot say whether the law suit, in which he has been for some time engaged, detains him or what it is, for the marquis de Quarata went away some days ago, and the duke of Gravina three days after.
	The castle (rocca) of Bracciano is on the point of surrendering.
	His Holiness has determined to send cardinal Salviati to the camp before Florence, with two or three Florentines of his party, that they may assist the prince of Orange in the capitulation, and see what is to be done with the Imperial army afterwards.
	(Cipher:) Besides the 50,000 ducats which, as above stated, the Pope wants to borrow from His Imperial Majesty, it would appear that he intends asking the duke of Milan for 50,000 more out of the sum he is to pay, and 30,000 from France. These he will easily get, for his ambassador importunes him night and day, and it is to be feared that the King wants to secure him for some purpose of his own.
	Joan de Lanuza and his coadjutorship.—Order of Montesa.—Carlos Torrellas.—Rome, 4th August 1530. (fn. n19)
	Signed: "Mai."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 4.
4 Aug.	399. The University of Alcalá.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing. L. 4, f. 113. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 15.	The Rector and Faculty of Theology of the University of Alcalá (Complutensis), assembled at the church of St. Ildefonso on the 4th day of August 1530, determined—
	1st. That the marriage with a deceased brother's wife is not contrary to the Divine Law.
	2nd. That the Pope can grant a dispensation to allow such marriages.—Compluti (Alcalá de Henares), 4th August 1530.
	Latin. Original. p. 1.
	400. The Universities of Alcalá and Salamanca on the Divorce.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing. Leg. 4, f. 113. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 16.	Annotationes ad opinionem Universitatis Complutensis super matrimonio Regis Henrici VIII. cum Regina Catharina.
	Non signatura. Non datum.
	Indorsed: "Censura sobre las pareceres de las Universidades de Salamanca y Alcalá."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
5 Aug.	401. The Emperor's Instructions to Gutier Lopez de Padilla, gentleman of his household.
S. Pat. Re. Div. d. Ital. L. 483, f. 15. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 20.	He is to go to the duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) and ask him in the most friendly way to consent that his quarrel with the Pope concerning Modena and Reggio be compromised as decided by us. The peace of Italy depends, as it were, on it. We fully promise to terminate this business in three months, and not ask for further delay.—Augusta (Augsburg), 5th August 1530.
	Spanish. Original minute. p. 1.
5 Aug.	402. Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851, f. 56. B. M. Add. 28,581, ff. 21.	Has just received a letter from Fernando de Gonzaga, dated the 4th, informing him that the day before yesterday the prince of Orange had an encounter with the enemy's forces coming out of Pisa—3,000 infantry and 300 horse—and routed them in such a manner that only 200 (fn. n20) escaped, and these are now hotly pursued by the country people (villanos) after the Italian fashion, so that very few will live to tell the tale. The victory, however, was dearly bought, for the Prince, as a brave and chivalrous knight, led the troops and was killed in the onset. May God give him Paradise! It will be a great loss for His Imperial Majesty. It is to be presumed that the Collateral Council of Naples will take the measures required in this emergency. Nevertheless he (Mai) has, with the advice and consent of the Pope and of cardinal Osma (Garcia de Loaysa), written recommending that the marquis del Vasto should come at once to take the command of the forces, because as he has much credit with the soldiery, he may perhaps prevent the sack of Florence. After the taking of that city the Marquis may go to Hungary or wherever the Emperor pleases, because as he is not an ambitious man, he will do his duty without having view to grants of land, &c.
	Jo. Antonio Muxetula ought also to come, and the Emperor to send from Germany some qualified person to take care of this business of Florence, as well as of that of Siena, which must also be looked into.
	As the Florentines have great faith in Malatesta, and the latter was in treaty with the Prince, he (Mai) is now trying to send him a message through his nephew Ballon (Baglione)—through whom the affair was first conducted—assuring him that any former stipulation between him and the Imperial ministers will be faithfully observed. (fn. n21) Has written to Naples requesting that similar instructions be given to the Marquis [del Vasto].
	Meanwhile Fernando de Gonzaga, who remains in command of the forces before Florence, has been urged to prosecute the siege with all vigour, and will receive similar instructions from Naples.
	Does not send the particulars of the battle in which the Prince was slain, because Gonzaga himself did not write in detail. The messenger who brought the letter says that Ferrucho (Ferrucci), the same captain who defended Volterra, and took refuge in Pisa, and Jo Paulo (Giovan Paolo), the son of Renzo de Chieri (da Ceri), were both taken prisoners. (fn. n22)
	Rodrigo Niño writes that the king of England has sent 8,000 or 10,000 ducats to his ambassador in Venice, and that he has seen letters of exchange to the amount of 4,500, besides another of credit for any sum he (the English ambassador) may want for the purpose, as it is said, of relieving Florence. If the report the true, the other 20,000 of the contribution mentioned in my despatch of the 26th of May, may be included in the letter of credit, but very likely the money comes too late.
	It might be, however, that the money which has arrived in Venice is for no other purpose than to bribe right and left in the Queen's case.—Rome, 5th August 1530.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed : "To the Sacred Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 4.
8 August	403. The Capitulation of Florence.
S. Pat Re. Div. de Ita. L 595, No. 42, B. M. Add. 28,582, f. 283.	Articles of the capitulation of the Florentines, signed by Bartholomew Valori (fn. n23) and Don Ferrante di Gonzaga, general of the Imperial forces.—Firenze, 8th August 1530.
	Indorsed: "Copy of the capitulation of Florence."
	Italian. pp. 3.
10 August.	404. Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851, ff. 57–8. B. M. Add 28,581, f. 24.	Encloses copies of intercepted letters from the ambassadors of Florence and Ferrara in Paris. (fn. n24)
	(Cipher:) Has mentioned in another despatch the substance of a conversation with the bishop of Tarbes respecting an interview between his master, the King [of France], and the Emperor, the Pope, and the king of Hungary, to be held either in Italy, on his return, or in Flanders. Went and told His Holiness, but on the same day Mr. de Tarbes also waited on the Pope and told him that the Imperialists were trying that the interview should take place in Flanders, not in Italy, which could nowise turn to his (the Pope's) advantage. Lost no time in assuring His Holiness that the idea of the interview had originated entirely with the French; he (Mai) knew nothing about its object, but this he could affirm, that if the meeting was really intended for his benefit and that of the Emperor, it mattered little whether it took place in Italy or in Flanders.
	Cannot say for certain what object the French may have in view for proposing this interview [in Italy], and for wishing the Pope to be present at it, unless it be because they fancy that his intervention may be useful in asking for a reduction of the terms of the peace of Cambray.
	(Common writing:) No mortuary service for the Prince can be performed at Rome, as the Pope says that it is not customary to celebrate funerals except in the case of kings.
	Advices from Naples agree that the marquis del Vasto will come as soon as the weak state of his health will permit. He has already sent on the duke of Malphi (Piccolomini), who arrived yesterday in Rome.
	As the soldiers are sons of different mothers, so have they different opinions. At the camp some begin to murmur, and say that Don Fernando de Gonzaga ought not to undertake anything until the arrival of the Marquis [del Vasto]; others maintain that being the Prince's lieutenant he cannot pass over the command to another until the Emperor has made the appointment. However, as Don Fernando is a wise man, he is sure to do the right thing in this respect.
	(Cipher:) The Mantuan ambassador, now here with the Pope, spoke some days ago in praise of his master (Federigo di Gonzaga), observing what a good soldier he was, how devoted to the Emperor, and how fit to take the command of the Imperial army before Florence, &c.
	(Common writing:) Muxetula writes that he is coming [to Rome] soon, but Gonzaga having since sent word that his presence is very much wanted at the camp before Florence, he (Mai) has requested him to come back as soon as possible. Lope da Soria likewise has offered his services, as he says he has nothing to do at Siena for the present.
	Since the Prince's death the Florentines have resumed negotiations, and there is hope of their surrender, since all that is asked of them is that the Medici be restored to their former authority in the Republic, and the government established according to the Emperor's wishes.
	(Cipher:) No later than yesterday he (Mai) had occasion to impress His Holiness with the absolute necessity of attending to his own succession, and fixing the rights of his heirs [at Florence]. Told him that as long as he lived there would be no difficulty, all would obey him, but that it would not be the same with his heirs of the Medici family.
	His Holiness has requested them (the Imperial ambassadors) to call the Emperor's attention to two points. One is, what is to be done with the Imperial army after the taking or surrender of Florence; the other, how Malatesta Ballion (Baglione) is to be dealt with. Only the other day his nephew Galeazzo, and Centurione, the Pope's chamberlain, were sent with a secret message to the said Malatesta, and it is very important that in the case of his helping in the surrender of Florence we should know how to act towards him.
	A few days ago a brief was obtained that no one should counsel, testify, or speak on the case of the king and queen of England, except as for conscience and truth, not for favour or respect of persons. The King's ambassadors complained that this was equivalent to forbidding them to apply for counsel, and taking lawyers' opinion on the case; and, moreover, that as the words of the brief were that they (the English) were forbidden all defence "according to Canon or other law," it was evident that we wanted to exclude theologians. They have since made a great fuss about it, and as the Pope and cardinal Sanctiquatuor said to them that they do not understand the letter and meaning of the brief, they have now asked for a declaration, and accordingly framed a minute, which, not being to the Pope's liking, he caused to be re-written. Even then he (Mai) and the Queen's lawyers disapproved of it, and another one was accordingly made out, which was again modified, Sanctiquatuor having objected to some of the words. This last is not entirely to our taste, but the Queen's lawyers having found it sufficient for the purpose, he (Mai), after a long dispute with Sanctiquatuor, has given his consent. As the sole and exclusive object of the English ambassadors is to gain their cause anyhow, they wanted the minute to be drawn after their fashion. They went to see Sanctiquatuor, disputed and quarrelled with him, and made themselves so obnoxious and disagreable (porfiaronle y hostigaronle), (cipher:) that "he called them heretics, and told them that their cause was a bad one, and that they would surely lose it." This His Majesty will see by the enclosed copy of the schedule (scedula) in Sanctiquatuor's own hand, the original of which he (Mai) keeps in case it may be wanted hereafter.
	These people will not give the brief he (Mai) applied for, and which they promised, commanding the universities not to pronounce an opinion on this cause; but I will push for it, and will have it at last, though differently worded from what Sanctiquatuor agreed at first, for he now tells me that it can no longer be made out in the form previously agreed between us, and, strange to say, gives as an excuse that His Imperial Majesty has more universities in his dominions than the rest of the world put together, which is the very argument he (Mai) brought forward in support of the Emperor's claim, when he told him (Sanctiquatuor) and the Pope also that we only asked for what is just and reasonable, and nothing more.
	Respecting the cardinal's hat for the Auditor of the Papal Chamber (Ghinucci), he (Mai) hears that when the application was made, the Pope answered that he wished first to know the will of the king of England. If so, I hold him to be as much a cardinal as Tarbes (Gabriel de Grammont), especially as the office of auditor, which he vacates, is such that the Pope may sell or give it to some one who will accept of it as gratefully as a hat. And, as he (Mai) has often said in his despatches, the more friends the Emperor has in the College of Cardinals at all times, and especially at the Pope's death, the better; these things cannot be disregarded. (Cipher:) Begs the Emperor to write a word to the Pope about the future creation of cardinals: they ought all to be such as befits the authority of the Holy Apostolic See, and the Emperor's service, that he (Mai) may more effectually promote this latter object.
	Miçer Philippo Decio has given an opinion that pope Julius could dispense with reason, but that the reason alleged in this case is not sound. He (Mai), before he left Monçon, asked several times for the deeds and papers (autos), then in the hands of Jo. Aleman (Juan Lallemand), with which to prove this cause in reference to the Queen's first and second marriage, but was told by the Chancellor that the papers were in the hands of Mr. de Granvelle. Repeats his request, and begs that they may be sent from Spain, because in 40 days the holidays will be over, and should the suit re-commence he has not one single document to bring forward, although for the last two years he has applied for them both to England and Spain.
	(Cipher:) Miçer Andrea del Burgo spoke the other day to the English ambassador about the subsidy against the Turk. His answer was exactly the same as the one which Tarbes (cardinal Grammont) made on a similar occasion, namely: "That we might send to England for it, without losing our time here." So that in fact the answer of these two individuals seems to have been preconcerted between them, and must proceed from some mysterious cause. One of two things, either the French and English together wish to prevent the Emperor from acting in this affair conjointly with the Pope, or else they want to open the way for more delays in this matter, so as to deceive us entirely. However it may be, he (Mai) has very little hope of a subsidy being obtained, either from France or England, because, as the intercepted letter of the Ferrarese ambassador says, at a time when the kings of England and France acknowledge the Vayvod as King [of Hungary], and allow his ambassador to visit their courts, any harm may be expected of them.
	Miçer Andrea [del Burgo] further brought the ambassador to speak about the [new] marriage, and about this brief, telling him that the King [of England] had no reason to despair, with other words to the same effect. The Englishman contradicted this, and Miçer Andrea very sensibly answered that those who despaired came to a bad end, and so they separated good friends. The Englishman came afterwards to him (Mai), and said he wanted the words of the brief to be changed, and complained much of the Pope, whom he accused of being partial to us, whereas we complain of him as partial to them. (Cipher :) However, His Holiness is very cold about it, and pretends he cannot do more. If this affair of Florence comes to a good issue, he (Mai) intends touching him up again.
	(Common writing:) In Naples some Spaniards have mutinied. Alarcon is gone out against them.
	Figueroa writes [from Genoa] that on the 27th of July Andrea Doria was at Iviça with 23 galleys and 10 galleots to provide himself with biscuit, and then cross over to Barbary.
	Rodrigo Niño says that he does not think the Venetians will entirely disapprove of the meeting [of the Council], but that there is a rumour that the Germans will not accept of it, though they may still live in the Catholic faith.
	Bracciano surrendered to the Pope; the citadel was also on the point of capitulating, hostages had been exchanged, &c., when treason (bellaqueria) broke out among the men, in consequence of which Sciarra Colonna hanged several of the culprits, and returned thither in force. The castle cannot hold out for more than two or three days.
	With regard to Isabella Colonna the Pope says that he (Mai) is to consult the Emperor. Whilst waiting for the answer nothing is being done in her case. When Luigi Gonzaga heard of the death of the Prince, he called [at the embassy] and said that if his services were required [in Hungary] or elsewhere, he would willingly leave this and go where the Emperor wanted him most, as captain of his army, or in any other capacity.—Rome, 10th August 1530.
	P.S.—Since the above was written a courier from Venice has arrived with the news that the abbot of Farfa is returning home, and will be contented to surrender Brachano (Bracciano) either into the hands of cardinal de Agramonte (fn. n25) or of Renzo de Chieri (da Ceri), or of the ambassador Casale, who resides here for the king of England, or else into those of count Della Mirandola. (Cipher:) As this fourth is the only good [Imperialist] among them, and the others cannot be trusted, he (Mai) went to the Pope and deliberately told him that the proposition was unacceptable, and had all the appearance of covering some intrigue. In case, however, of its being accepted, the Count ought to be chosen. The Pope answered that he was on his guard, and would take care not to be deceived.
	Letters from France have also been received, dated the 26th of July, from Logua (Loches), where the court was on its way to Angulema (Angoulême), purporting that the King was sending to the Emperor a gentleman of his chamber, for the purpose of thankfully announcing the restitution of his children and consummation of his marriage [with queen Eleanor], also to intercede in favour of the Neapolitan refugees (fuorusciti), and ask for the restitution of the French galleys.
	It is also rumoured that the French wish for an interview of their king with the Emperor, but will not press this matter further out of consideration for the king of England.
	The Grand Master (Anne de Montmorency) has come back in a very pacific mood. With his arrival all those rumours of war, which circulated formerly at the court of France, have entirely disappeared. Hears that the Grand Master himself has said to a great friend of his, that since his return he has been able to defeat several plans more or less warlike.
	Has received the despatches brought by Balançon; they were forwarded by Fernando Gonzaga. Will answer them by next post.
	From Florence the news is that the inhabitants are reduced to great extremities, owing to Malatesta and Stephano Colonna having actually refused to go out and fight in compliance with the wishes of the "arrabiati," as the chiefs of the people are called. (fn. n26) They have taken away from Malatesta the supply of rations, and to such an extent that Don Fernando has to send him his daily food from the camp. The soldiers inside have also been deprived of their rations, and it is to be feared they will sack the city. Believes that His Holiness will send 60,000 ducats [to the camp]. At the request of Malatesta, as it is asserted, a colonel of the Imperial army was to go into Florence as a sort of hostage or security whilst the capitulation was being discussed.
	The news, such as it is, was communicated to the Pope by him (Mai). He was pleased with the intelligence, though he found it strange and difficult to reconcile with other advices; for it is publicly stated here that the majority of the Florentines wish to open two gates for the Spaniards to go in and sack their city, in spite of the Pope, who intends to govern them, whilst others threaten to set fire to their houses rather than be again under his sway.
	Fabricio Marramaldo and Alexandro Vitello are gone towards Pisa at the head of their respective forces. (Cipher:) It is to be feared that they will sack that city, where a good deal of merchandize and property belonging to the Florentines is stored. Has, with the Pope's advice and consent, written to Gonzaga to have an eye on those captains, and prevent all mischief, and also to have the prisoners taken after the battle in which the Prince was slain examined, in order to ascertain who sent them [to Florence], by whom they were paid, and what the object of the expedition was. (fn. n27) The information not to be published until we have agreed what portion is to be made public, and which is to be kept secret, (fn. n28)
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
10 Aug.	405. The Same to the High Commander of Leon.
S. E. L. 851, f. 66. B. M. Add. 28,581, f. 30.	Cardinal Sancti Quatuor laughed when he (Mai) applied for a brief allowing Carlos de Torrellas, notwithstanding his oath, to declare in the cause of the murderers of Francisco de la Cavalleria. He (the Cardinal) maintains that it is for the judge to apply the torture and extort confession from the parties concerned; the Church cannot absolve anyone from breaking his oath. Has since had letters from Vaguer, who is at Naples, intimating that the inquisitors in this particular case can institute legal proceedings, even against the archbishop.
	The very same night that the news of the defeat of the Pirans and death of the Prince came to Rome, it was publicly said about midnight (cipher:) that the Pope had died suddenly. As the intelligence seemed correct, and had besides a certain appearance of truth, he (Mai) called together his retainers, gave them certain orders, and accompanied by three or four of them, rode in disguise towards the Palace, in order to ascertain whether the news was true or not. Passing by the hotel of the duke Alessandro, found that the rumour of the Pope's death had simply originated in a fainting fit, which had lasted for some length of time, and was purposely kept secret. He is now as well as ever.
	Cardinal Tortona (Uberto di Gambara) said the other day to Miçer Andrea de Burgo and to him (Mai), that were the Pope to die now, and a new election to take place, we should scarcely have cardinals in the conclave to follow our inspirations. He is quite right, and His Imperial Majesty ought to see to this, for the contrary party is doing the same.—Rome, 10th August 1530.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "To the very Illustrious Lord, the High Commander of Leon, first Secretary of the Emperor."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.