Simancas: August 1679

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1894.

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'Simancas: August 1679', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579, ed. Martin A S Hume( London, 1894), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp683-694 [accessed 27 November 2024].

'Simancas: August 1679', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579. Edited by Martin A S Hume( London, 1894), British History Online, accessed November 27, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp683-694.

"Simancas: August 1679". Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 2, 1568-1579. Ed. Martin A S Hume(London, 1894), , British History Online. Web. 27 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol2/pp683-694.

August 1679

10 Aug. 585. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
I have been gratified at receiving the news contained in your various letters, particularly respecting the bargaining about which they have been so busy, relative to the marriage of Alençon and the Queen. Whatever may be said, I do not believe that it will take place, as there can be on either side no great desire for it, but on the contrary a large amount of pretence. If, however, it should be effected and Alençon should become King, you will, of course, bear yourself towards him in the same way as you do towards the Queen.
Your remarks in the letters of 10th and 20th June, respecting the voyage of Drake, will be fully understood by the light of the enclosed statement, extracted from letters recently received from my Viceroys of Peru and New Spain, and also from the Government of Tierra Firme ; which certainly disclose a very strange affair. It is therefore necessary for you to be on the alert, and learn everything you can about it, and especially what they may have brought or may bring home. I wish to know, also, whether there is any intention of undertaking an enterprise on the Spanish coast, in order that I may, if necessary, take measures of precaution. It is to be supposed that if Drake has escaped he will have sailed with his booty to England and you will advise me minutely about all this, both in the present and the future.
Edward Wotton, sent by the Queen to Portugal, passed through here on his way back and delivered me a letter from the Queen but did not touch upon any business. I replied similarly, and despatched him at once, as the King, my uncle had done, he having been informed that he is a very great heretic. Don Cristobal de Mora wrote me that, although he spoke about current affairs there, he bore no special commission. You will, nevertheless, be very vigilant to learn anything that is being done in the Portuguese affairs.
The person you mentioned as being sent from the Queen, at the instance of the company of merchants, to ask me to grant them certain privileges set forth in the memorial you sent, has not yet arrived here. When he does so the matter shall be duly considered.
I also note the Commissioners appointed by the Queen about the arrests. I do not think that much will now be gained from it, as no doubt the property is all consumed, but it will be well for you to continue to press the matter forward.
There is nothing fresh to say about the alum, except that you will keep your eye on Horatio Pallavicini, and you will also report to me how Benedict Spinola and Paul Grimaldo are behaving, as I am told they are not very well affected towards me.
If Santa Cecilia is sincere in his desire for conversion, it is quite right that he should be encouraged, but as you know that this question of religion concerns the Pope in general, and the Inquisitor General in this country, it will be well that he should write what he wishes the Holy office to do for him, which I will order to be recommended. In the meanwhile you may encourage him, so that he shall not lose hope, as he knows that God and the Church have always arms open to pardon and embrace those who sincerely renounce their errors and return to the path of truth.
As you have so often assured me that the controller acts straight forwardly in my interests, it is just that he should be rewarded, and you may say in your next letter how much money should be given to him, and whether it can be done without the knowledge of the Queen or his rivals. As soon as we get this I will decide. You will also advise me what things, and to what amount, should be given to other ministers, who should, however, be people who will be grateful and serviceable.
I note what you say about the queen of Scotland and her son. As I so sincerely desire her release, my sorrow at her troubles may be imagined. You will console her in every possible way, and continue to report to me all you learn of her affairs, and those of Scotland.
Although we know about Irish affairs here, you will still write all you can learn. I thank you for your diligence in Antonio de Guaras' affairs, and, if you think necessary, you may thank the Queen.—San Lorenzo, 10th August 1579.
11 Aug. 586. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
The sole object of the present is to say that the Queen, my sister, having sent Edward Wotton, a servant of hers, to congratulate my uncle the king of Portugal upon his accession, ordered him to visit me on his way, which he did, and delivered to me a letter from his mistress, a copy of which is enclosed. I fully appreciate this compliment, and have ordered an answer to be given in the terms you will see by the copy of my letter now sent you, in order that you may be duly acquainted with the matter and be able to reciprocate the compliment in due form, and assure the Queen that my goodwill will toward her affairs remains the same as always.—San Lorenzo, 11th August 1579.
15 Aug. 587. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 30th the news this Queen had received from Ireland ; and, since then, it has been reported that John Desmond, a brother of the earl of Desmond, who is now in Ireland, and whom she formerly kept in prison and released on the word of an English captain named Davell, had murdered the latter in his, Desmond's, own house. The captain and his Englishmen had gone thither to tell Desmond of the landing of these forces, (fn. 1) and to say that if Desmond was sincere in his desires to serve the Queen, now was the time for him to show it, and so to banish past suspicions. He replied that he would discuss the matter on the morrow, but at midnight he entered the chamber and told Davell he must prepare to die. Davell replied that he surely could not mean that, as he had been so good to him, and had been the principal means of saving his life. Desmond answered, that it was enough for him that he was an Englishman, and, at the same time, stabbed him to death, and the other Englishmen, with the exception of one who escaped with the news to the Viceroy, were also murdered. The loss of this captain has been a great blow to them, in the first place because he was murdered in consequence of his being an Englishman, which makes them think that there must be a general plan for a rising ; and, in the second place, because he was a good soldier and was very popular with the Irish. The earl of Desmond, as soon as he learned this, came to the Viceroy with ten soldiers only, saying that he wished to serve the Queen to the extent of his powers, that is to say, with his own person, as all the rest of his people had gone over to his brother, to the number of 3,000, besides many more who were joining him. It is said they had defeated three companies of English who had pursued them, besides two other bodies towards the north.
The Viceroy reports that he had gone sixty miles inland, to throw himself into a strong place called Maryborough, and that the principal people of the country were not joining the Queen's side, as he had expected. As he is therefore short of soldiers, it will be necessary to send him the reinforcements with the utmost speed, particularly as 3,000 Scots, Highlanders, have gone over to help the Irish, the object being to bring the Island to submit to the Catholic religion.
Five thousand men have been ordered to muster, and six of the Queen's ships, besides six sloops, are being armed, and will be accompanied by eight merchant ships with stores, the Admiral being Sir John Parrett, who was Governor of the province where the troops had landed. The London merchants have ordered the raising, on their account, of 400 soldiers to guard these ships, and four more vessels are to be armed by them at Bristol. All the corsairs and pirates, of whom there are many, are ordered to unite with these forces, and will be commanded by Captain Horsey, the Governor of the Isle of Wight.
As one of the Englishmen who landed in Ireland from the ships tells them that they were accompanied by certain Englishmen who were declared rebels by this Queen, they are all the more alarmed at the passage of the Scots to Ireland, and have given orders for the garrison of Berwick to be re-inforced, as they are suspicious on that side also, as well as of the people in the north and at Norwich, as there are so many Catholics there.
Dover also has been ordered to be fortified, and Cobham has authorized to spend 10,000l. (fn. 2) upon it. Notwithstanding these preparations the Council have sent instructions to the Viceroy to make terms with the rebels, and if he can do it in no other way he is to publicly allow the Catholic religion to be exercised, if they will submit to the Queen on these terms. This was agreed to by the Council because they thought it would be best to pacify them at once, without giving time for those in this country to rise, of which they are in great fear. This is very evident, as since the news arrived they have given orders that no one should walk in the streets of London after 10 o'clock at night under pain of death, and no pistol is allowed to be carried in any part of the country, whilst there must be no musket shot fired within two miles of where the Queen is. All the foreigners in the country are to be registered and their names and occupations stated.
I was with the Queen recently, and after she had made much of me, she told me that she had been informed that, amongst the rebels who had arrived in Ireland, there were some Spaniards, but she could not believe it, or that your Majesty wished to make war upon her. I replied that I had not heard of any Spaniards being there, and if any had gone she might be certain that it was not with your Majesty's orders. I said that if your Majesty went to war with her it would not be with insignificant forces like this, and it was not wonderful that her rebellious subjects should try to disturb her in this way, particularly as the man who had gone to Ireland had been imprisoned in France. She replied that she did not believe your Majesty would encourage the rebels, but she could not help being surprised at the fact that your Majesty had raised so great a force by sea and land, without any one being able to discover its destination, some saying it was for the Netherlands, some for Barbary, and some for Portugal. I replied that it was true your Majesty had raised an immense fleet, but its object was hidden in your own breast. I said, however, that her ambassador in France would doubtless inform her what was being discussed in Paris.—London, 15th August 1579.
588. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As soon as the Queen heard of the landing in Ireland she despatched the Scotch gentleman, whose arrival here I reported on the 26th ultimo. She fully acceded to the request he brought, to the effect that the treaties between the two countries, as regards robberies, should be fulfilled ; and, as to the 14,000l which Morton asked should be lent to the King, the Queen said that she would make him a present of 4,000l. A Scotch lady came hither at the same time, having left Scotland for the purpose of going to France to serve her Queen there ; this Queen had granted her a passport for that purpose, but with this trouble in Ireland wished to revoke it, suspecting that the lady's real object was to inform her mistress of certain Scotch matters which are still rankling, but it was too late to stop her, as the lady had arrived.
M. de Simier has recently despatched several secret couriers without informing the French ambassador, and is constantly with this Queen. It is thought the subject discussed is Alençon's business. With regard to Orange's plan to get the prince of Bearn to go to the Netherlands at the request of the people of Antwerp and Ghent, different opinions are now prevalent, as the French replied that Bearn could not come nor raise troops without the consent of Alencon; for which reason it would be better to recall the latter to the Netherlands, and in such case his brother would help him with 20,000 foot and 4,000 horse, the Queen giving her aid to him at the same time. There are no signs of this, however, as the English captains in the States had sent hither for men to recruit their companies, which were much exhausted ; but when the men were raised and ready to leave they were detained in view of the Irish business, whilst the Flemings resident here are ordered to leave the country if they object to pay the taxes imposed upon them for the trade they do.
English pirates continue to capture the property of Spanish merchants every day, and the merchants send powers to their agents resident here to recover the goods. For this purpose and their own gain they come to terms with the pirates, the owners despairing of any other course. This is a direct incentive to the pirates, because when your Majesty's representatives request that the pirates should be punished, they are told there is no one to complain of them, as they have come to terms. It would be therefore advisable to order that no subject of yours should demand his property from the pirates, except through your representative, as otherwise it is certain that they will never cease their depredations, knowing that, happen what may, they will be left in possession of a great part of their booty.—London, 15th August 1579.
589. Bernardino de Mendoza to Zayas.
On the 7th I was delighted to receive yours of the 26th ultimo, as it is so long since I heard from you. Many thanks for the good news you give me about the business of the duke (of Alba) and Don Fadrique. Please God that it may all end soon happily for both.
I should be very glad to have his Majesty's decision about these people and I earnestly beg you to expedite the giving of some reward to them, I certainly should not be doing my duty if I did not urge that such men should be kept in hand by payment, which, under the present circumstances, is most important.
I am glad that you should think that the delay in replying to my letters does not cause any prejudice to my action here, particularly as regards warlike movements and French affairs, because I did not learn of the taking of Maestricht and the illness of the Prince until the second instant, and I got nothing from Juan de Vargas until that day. With such correspondence as this, you will see that I have to live from hand to mouth and shall be delighted when Don Juan de Idiaquez arrives.
M. de la Motte sent to ask me for a credit of 3,000 crowns until the arrival of Don Alonso Sotomayor, who was bringing him bills. He said he was in such need that he feared a revolt in the town, and although I understood that he could raise money as well as I could, I was determined to do my best to prevent any trouble that might arise, and wrote asking him how he wished the bills to be drawn, as coin could not be sent, and I would send him the amount, thanks to two merchants here, one of whom, a Fleming, is a perfect jewel ; but he has not even answered me, as Don Alonso had passed through Calais. Although he is ready enough to ask for my help in his need, he is not so ready to tell me when he grants permits to Englishmen to capture Flemish goods ; which I think well to mention as intercourse with Spain is not yet prohibited. As soon as I arrived here I told Don Juan how I was beseiged by English men for permits to capture Flemish prizes. Even if there is war in Ireland there will be plenty of ships for this purpose.
Simier received letters yesterday, saying that Alençon had left Paris for Normandy, on the pretext of a hunting expedition, although there are people here who say it is to come hither. (fn. 3) — London, 15th August 1579.
20 Aug. 590. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
On the 15th I wrote that Simier was despatching couriers without the knowledge of the ambassador, and that the subject of the despatches was the coming of Alençon, who, as your Majesty will have learnt, left Paris on the 3rd. He had sent a gentleman to Simier and the Queen from there, saying that he would soon arrive in this country. Both the Queen and Simier tried to keep this secret, but, as the news came by France, and Alençon was detained by bad weather at Boulogne, it became known. As soon as I learnt that he had landed I requested audience of the Queen, as the last time I had seen her she was very gracious, and said she was sorry that opportunities did not arise for her to see me very often. I had no particular business with her, but wished to lose no time in discovering her disposition, in view of Alençon's arrival, and to remind her again how harmful it would be for her to effect this marriage. I therefore invented a pretext in order that my visit should appear to be more in her interests than in ours, and consequently made the excuse of wishing to tell her some news I had heard some time ago, rather than appear to be pestering her at this juncture with matters of our own. I told her of the intelligence about M. de la Roche, the Breton gentleman, and I said that, although the public reason for my audience with her was to ask her to punish the pirates and restore some booty taken from your Majesty's subjects, the real object of it was to inform her of certain facts which I did not wish on any account should pass through her Ministers, in order that they should not say that I was led to convey them by her close intimacy with the French, or that I desired to raise doubts and suspicions at the present time. I called her to witness, whether the information I gave her was not of the greatest importance to her. She thanked me very warmly for speaking to her so plainly, which, she said, she highly appreciated. I then said that M. de la Roche was making ready ships in Brittany to aid the people who had gone to Ireland. He was a close friend of Fitz-Maurice and had arranged with him that their children should marry each other. I told her that this news not only came by France, but had been brought to me by Biscay sailors, who had come with goods from Brittany, and who had seen the ships in port. She replied that my news was correct, and she had sent to the king of France asking him not to allow the said ships to sail, and he had done as she requested. I said the king of France would doubtless make a show of friendliness, but it must not be forgotten that his subjects did not all of them obey him, and I could assure her that I had seen men who had left Brittany only a week ago, and who had seen the ships being quietly fitted out to go to Ireland. This troubled her and revived her suspicion, and she then prolonged the conversation, in a way which I was convinced was not false or artificial, because she took me apart into a corner of the room and flew into a violent passion because the people were making a noise.
I afterwards told her that the French who were with La Noue in the States were about leaving, as she knew, and I was informed that some of the leaders had said that they would go by sea. I said it was no good for them to go to Holland or Zealand, as Orange himself was withdrawing his troops from there to take them to Flanders and Brabant, and it was equally evident that they were too few and had not adequate ships for going to Portugal, so that it was undoubted that, if they did go by sea it could only be for the purpose of going over to Scotland, where I heard that things were not so quiet as formerly. I said that she would be fully informed upon this and could confirm the truth of my warnings ; to which she replied that she was aware that the French were always desirous of taking possession of Scotland, and she treated the subject in a way that showed me that my hints had been appropriate. She gave me many thanks and begged me, whenever her health did not allow her to receive me, to write to her, without fail, all such intelligence as I might obtain. She said that, if my secretary brought the letter, she would always admit him, that he might deliver it into her own hands. Although nothing certain can be said about this thoughtless visit of Alençon, coming in the way he does, I must confess that I saw no indications in the Queen of the approach of such a marriage. It is said by some of her councillors that Parliament will have to sanction it to prevent disturbance in the country. The people generally show no pleasure at Alençon's coming. There is apparently nothing in the discussions with regard to the Netherlands, as there are signs of disagreement between the Queen and Orange and the Antwerp people. This is shown by the enclosed letter which she has had printed. There are no indications moreover, of any agreement about Portugal, and the whole affair looks like a boyish trick of Alençon's who, the English say, has come in disguise, because he could not afford to bring his household with him. As soon as the Queen went to Greenwich she gave a key of her chamber to Simier, who always entered by the closet door, and as soon as she heard of Alençon's coming, she moved Simier into some rooms in the garden, and I am told that on the 17th Alençon dined in Simier's room with the Queen, who only had one lady with her. It would seem that he will return in disguise as he came. The Queen denied to me that he was here, but she led the conversation in such a way as to convey to me a contrary meaning, saying that if he had not come yet he soon would, and with few attendants, as she wished. She and Simier think that this is the best way of concealing the day of his departure, and with this object, also, certain Frenchmen entered the French ambassador's house on the night of the 17th, and are shut up in a room, under the pretence that it is Alençon who is there. They gave out that he had arrived in Calais, and that M. de Jordan would not let him pass by order of the king of France. I send this by special messenger.
News comes from Ireland that the people who had landed there have fortified the port where they disembarked, which has caused the Queen to fit out ships and raise more troops. (fn. 4)
The Ghent people have sent urgently begging the Queen to prevail upon Casimir to return with his troops to their aid. They say they will become responsible for the payment of them, if she will only request him, as her pensioner, to undertake the expedition. No answer has been given as yet.—London, 20th August 1579.
591. Bernardino De Mendoza to Zayas.
The memorial you request from Santa Cecilia was sent, and I am keeping him, and the rest of them, in hand, as best I can with hopes, but they all are turning their backs upon me except the Controller, who sends to say that, as no decision has come from his Majesty in all this time, he desires to send some one who may convey a verbal message to him, and to learn directly from the King whether he is willing to accept his services.
I have thought well, in view of Alençon's coming, to dispatch the bearer, who I think will be as diligent as heretofore. I am employing the courier in other things, and if I send a man to Juan de Vargas with a despatch for him to forward, he will take a thousand years in doing so.
If Alençon were to disclose himself I would not fail to see him, as I think that would be my duty since, as you say, they are not the King's enemies. There is nothing certain about his departure, but he cannot remain concealed here very long, and will consequently disappear one of these days. It seems the English will not venture to detain him, in order not to get themselves into more trouble than at present in Ireland.
I have had the great good fortune of being able to propitiate this good lady, so that she willingly gives ear to what I say, to the great disgust of some of her councillors. They tried to delay my last audience, but she would not allow it, and insisted that it should be on the following day, as I had requested. She caressed me more than I can describe, and I will try, as you will see, by every artifice, to feel my ground and keep her friendly.
The Spaniards here from Corunna have been ordered to embark on their return for some time past, but the weather has not served. I write by them to the President of the Chancery (of Galicia?) that, if the English there are still prisoners, I beg him to release them, unless the King has ordered otherwise. These Spaniards have been treated excellently here, and, the master and sailors of the ship (i.e., the ship which captured them?) having been arrested the other day, their wives and many of these merchants came to me with so many tears and entreaties, that I thought, as the Queen and her Council had not dealt out, at once, the punishment they deserved, it would be as well to prevent the matter now from going any further. I therefore requested their release, to the great contentment of the English.
The merchants trading with Spain had resolved, as I wrote, to send to Spain some person of higher rank than the one they had appointed, and to whom they had already given money for his preparations. When they went to the Queen to ask for letters, they were told that she might entrust their envoy with some business of hers, and consequently she wished them to send a lawyer. They therefore appointed the person recommended to them, paying him six crowns a day. As they have now received letters from Seville, telling them of the King's new prohibition of the export of money, which is very appropriate, they have deferred their request for the privileges they desired, although they have put into execution their project of ships only leaving here in flotillas.
I am told that they have written to the man they sent to Portugal, instructing him to tarry there until he can discover what is the design of his Majesty's fleet.
With regard to what I wrote about the two thousand odd crowns concealed in Spain, part of the seizures, the man who gave me the information has again spoken to me, and says that something ought to be done, or the money will be lost. I have kept him in hand until I write to you again, as he declares he will not disclose it unless he is certain of his share.
Fogaza is in great distress and, in consideration of his zeal and on account of what I wrote to his Majesty, I am keeping him from starvation and prison, until I hear what his Majesty desires.
I send Hans with this, because none of the couriers here will go unless they get 500 crowns for the round journey, and I do not wish to attract attention by seeking them. As the account of extraordinary expenses has been dispatched I write to Donna Anna to pay Hans for his journey there and back, if you are willing for this to be done, without his needing to go to the Postmaster-General for it. Pray send him back as soon as you can.—London, 20th August 1579.
22 Aug. 592. Bernardino De Mendoza to Zayas.
As a man is leaving for Paris, I have thought well to let you know what has happened since Hans left. The Queen was very angry at the gossip that was going about Alençon's coming, and she formally ordered that the matter should not be spoken of. Two of her ladies, the countess of Derby and a daughter of the earl of Bedford, have been arrested for talking about it, and importance is attached to what the former says, as she and her husband are claimants to the Crown.
They have been lodged in the house of a gentleman in London. The councillors themselves deny that Alençon is here, and in order not to offend the Queen, they shut their eyes and avoid going to Court, so as not to appear to stand in the way of her interviews with him, only attending the Council when they are obliged. It is said that if she marries without consulting her people she may repent it. Leicester is much put out, and all the councillors are disgusted except Sussex, who has led the dance in order, as he says, to upset Leicester and deprive him of French support. The people at large are so displeased, that, if Alençon stays here, they say it is very likely trouble will come of it, above all if they are urged on to it by others. I lose no opportunity of doing this. From all indications it may be concluded that this visit is not connected with any affairs of greater weight than the interviews between Alençon and the Queen, but it is a matter which it is hard for her to guide, it being such a great piece of folly, and yet it cannot have been undertaken without his mother's good will. Besides which La Noue saw Alençon both in Paris and in Boulogne, and five couriers have come from his brother the King since he has been here ; Secretary L'Aubespine also arrived last night. It is said that the latter will leave on Monday, from which it would appear that Alençon's departure may be delayed. They have sent for the jewels brought by Simier which were here.—London, 22nd August 1579.
25 Aug. 593. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
Since my letter of the 20th Secretary L'Aubespine arrived here, sent by the king of France, and as his coming at this juncture is important I have tried to discover its object. It is to request the Queen, on his master's behalf, to join with him to assist the Portuguese and prevent the union of that Crown with your own. This negotiation is warmly pressed by the Queen-mother, and it was by her advice that L'Aubespine was sent hither whilst Alençon was here, which seemed the best time for bringing the Queen to consent. It is said that for this purpose a brother of L'Aubespine's, a lawyer and a councillor much esteemed in France, accompanied him. It will not require much persuasion to convince these people, as I have seen their tendency in this direction for some time past.
The Queen is delighted with Alençon, and he with her, as she has let out to some of her courtiers, saying that she was pleased to have known him, was much taken with his good parts, and admired him more than any man. She said that, for her part, she will not prevent his being her husband. The French say the same thing, although I have not heard that any resolution has been arrived by the councillors, as they have not yet been formally consulted, it having all hitherto been managed between her and Alençon, with perhaps the intervention of Sussex.
Leicester, who is in great grief, came hither recently, and when he came from his interview with the Queen, his emotion was remarked. A meeting was held on the same night at the earl of Pembroke's house, there being present Lord Sydney and other friends and relatives. They no doubt discussed the matter, and some of them afterwards remarked that Parliament would have something to say as to whether the Queen married or not. The people in general seem to threaten revolution about it.
On Sunday the 23rd there was a grand ball where the Queen danced much more than usual, Alençon being placed behind a hanging, and she making signals to him. She sent the Admiral and Captain Winter with those who are fitting out the ships to go to Scotland in consequence of the Irish business, but the real object is for them to prepare a ship for Alençon's voyage, because on his passage across one of M. de la Motte's ships fired three or four cannon shots at him.
I learn that one of the charges against the countess of Derby, besides talking about the marriage, is that she tried to discover by means of witchcraft (and there are a great number of witches here) whether the Queen would live long. They have not yet dared to put her into the Tower, although orders had been given to that effect, but a large number of men and women have been arrested on the charge of witchcraft.—London, 25th August 1579.
594. Bernardino De Mendoza to Zayas.
I can assure you I had no little trouble to obtain the information contained in my letter of the 22nd, as you will see by the letter to the King. This is owing to the fact that I am so short of men. It is necessary to pay something to those who can bring intelligence, besides the care with which such people have to be managed to prevent them from bringing us lying reports. As this marriage affair is being conducted by the Queen herself, we can only judge by appearances and her own words. If she is really resolved to marry she has been very dexterous in bringing the matter to its present form, and has managed to deceive many of her own ministers.
A close friend of Leicester's tells me he is cursing the French, and is greatly incensed against Sussex, as are all of Leicester's dependents. I have been desirous of meeting him and the councillors, but as they are all disturbed they avoid me, in order not to arouse suspicion. Notwithstanding this I take care to let them know, through other persons, the distrust they have of each other, in order, if possible, to set them all by the ears ; but they are people of scant courage, and have so little constancy, that even the countess of Derby was accused by her most confidential servant.
On the 23rd two French gentlemen arrived for Alençon, bringing news that Bussy d'Amboise had been killed in Anjou, and two others of his mignons arrested. If it be not a fiction to hasten his departure you will hear of it.—London, 25th August 1579.
27 Aug. 595. Bernardino De Mendoza to Zayas.
As this is sent by a courier who is going in great haste, and under cover of another persons name, I only report that M. D'Alençon goes to-day to Dover, and that they have placed coach horses on the road in order that he may drive post thither, where a Queen's ship awaits him. Further news in my next.—London, 27th August 1579.

Footnotes

  • 1. i.e., the expedition from Spain led by James Fitzmaurice and Dr. Sanders.
  • 2. The estimate given by Cobham and other officers of the sum to be spent on the defence of Dover on the 18th of August was 21,000l. See Calendar of State Paper (Domestic).
  • 3. For details of Alençon's visit to England, see "Memoires de Castelnau de la Mauvissière," and also his published correspondence.
  • 4. This was the news which, when it was sent by Dr. Sanders to the Papal Nuncio in Spain, gave rise to the series of documents referred to in the Note to page 666.