Henry VIII: October 1534, 21-25 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1883.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: October 1534, 21-25', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534, ed. James Gairdner( London, 1883), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol7/pp493-502 [accessed 16 November 2024].

October 1534, 21–25



21 Oct.	1288. [Lord Lisle to Cromwell.]
R. O.	On the 17th I received your letter touching Cokson's son to be sworn by the King's command in his father's room of a man-at-arms; also for Harry Torner, soldier, whom I have admitted to his room, according to your letter. For the room I gave Wynebank which Rob. Whethill made suit for, I can never recompense your goodness. The knight porter (fn. 1) is not yet departed, but the physicians say he cannot continue two days. Please send hither the captain of Newenham bridge to furnish the town, “because, as it is not unknown, but the marshal must ride forth for meeting of the ambassador. And there be many Frenchmen here in the haven, and what company the ambassador brings with him it is unknown.” It would be well Mr. Palmer and others of the retinue now in England were here. I received a letter, enclosed, from Mons. de Heding, who lies at Tourneham with Mons. de Bevar, asking me to send Thos. Tutchett, soldier of the retinue here, to him, and he would show him certain things in writing to be sent to the King. Calais, 21 Oct. 1534. [Signature cut off.]
R. O.	P. 1.
R. O.	2. A list of soldiers [of Calais] residing out of the town, viz., without the gates, at Dover, in England, at Guisnes, Nele, St. Martin's, St. Peter's, Collam, Marke and Oy.
R. O.	Pp. 3. Endd. by lord Lisle: Sowdyers beyng ressydent owght of the towne.
21 Oct.	1289. Thomas Godsalve to Cromwell.
R. O.	I thank you for your goodness to my son, who will declare the reason why I can do no more of my duty to you. Norwich, 21 Oct.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary: Endd.
22 Oct.	1290. Christopher Count of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst, Governor of Denmark, to Henry VIII.
R. O.	Relative to a ship belonging to John Kollings and Ric. Plomton, merchants of London, which had been arrested and plundered by Magnus Guldenstern. The ship is not in our jurisdiction, but in Norway. We have, however, determined to appoint some knight to endeavour to recover them, but if God would give us the means of subduing Norway in the name of king Christiern, as we have in part this kingdom of Denmark, we will do our best to satisfy his majesty. Coppenhagen, 22 Oct. 1534.
R. O.	P. 1. Hol. German. Add.
22 Oct.	1291. WM. Panizon to Cromwell.
R. O.	Card. Farnese has been created bishop of Rome. At Florence, duke Alexander has beheaded 40 of the leading men of the city who were opposed to him, and has banished a greater number and confiscated their goods. Likewise at Genoa, Andrea Doria has beheaded several. Here over 80 heretics have been imprisoned and are awaiting execution. The Admiral took leave of the King two days ago to go to England, and is expected here today. As to my money, I have been with the Treasurers without success, but Morette has shown me much favor, for which I pray you to thank him. I have found here many Italian acquaintances, men of war, several of whom might do the King service in Ireland. I could be sure of engaging 300 good harquebusmen who would pursue the Irish into their woods and bogs. Paris, 22 Oct. 1534.
	Begs his wine licence may be expedited, and also to make Sir William Nudam (Newenham) sheriff of Northamptonshire, as Cromwell promised, for he is a good man.
	Hol., Ital., pp. 3. Add.
22 Oct.	1292. Sadolet to Starkey.
Harl. MS. 6,989, f. 38. B. M.	Values Starkey's good opinion. Thinks with Starkey that Pole has great virtue and learning, and that he will be a bright example to the age. Would be glad if he had come for some months to Carpentras. Lives here nearly in solitude, but consoles himself by reading. Carpentras, 11 kal. Nov. Signed.
Harl. MS. 6,989, f. 38. B. M.	Lat., p. 1. Add.
22 Oct.	1293. Oath [to the Act of Succession?]
Cott. App. XLVIII. 98. B. M.	“The names of other men sworn the 21st and 22nd day of October. Henry Gardiner, Gerard Suttell, Charles Goodhande, William of the Hill, Robert Brokylsbye, Thomas Bailye, John Morley, William Castelforde, Thomas Litilbury, jun., John Bryan, William Thymblebye, Nich. Bailye, Ewstas Boothe, John Sutton, knight of the Rodes, John Tamworthe, Walter Redmare, Will. Poche, Will. Ashebye, Ric. Conestable, Rob. Skerne, Jo. Foster, Henry Hanserd.”
Cott. App. XLVIII. 98. B. M.	In Wriothesley's hand, p. 1.
23 Oct.	1294. Meat.
Proclamations, Soc. Ant. I. 72.	Writ to the mayor and sheriffs of London ordering it to be proclaimed that, notwithstanding the statute enacted in the Parliament begun at London 21 Hen. VIII. that butchers must sell beef and pork at 1/2d. a lb., and mutton and veal at 1/2d. 1/2 q. a lb. (stat. 24 Hen. VIII. e. 3.), the butchers of London and the suburbs, until St. John the Baptist's day, may sell beef and pork at a halfpenny and half farthing, and mutton and veal at 3/4d. a lb. Westm., 23 Oct. 26 Hen. VIII.
Proclamations, Soc. Ant. I. 72.	Printed.
23 Oct.	1295. Sir Giles Capell to Cromwell.
R. O.	Has received his letter dated Stebenhithe, 20 Oct., desiring him to let his house in London to the Emperor's ambassador. Is content that the ambassador shall enter it on Saturday before All Hallows' Day. Would be sorry to let it to anyone except at Cromwell's request, having denied it to the princess Dowager in time past, when she was in her highest estate and offered him 20 marks a year for it. Sends his servant to London to show the house, reserving only to himself a back chamber in the furthest end of it and a warehouse to lay his coffers in. Rayne, 23 Oct. Signed.
R. O.	P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
23 Oct.	1296. The Bishop of Aberdeen to Cromwell.
23 Oct.	The letter printed in State Papers, V. 7, is of the year 1535.
24 Oct.	1297. Chapuys to Charles V.
Vienna Archives.	Being informed of late by the Princess that the Concubine was treating, secretly with those about her to show her all the rudeness and annoyance they could, I went under pretext of other things to Cromwell, and, talking of the Princess, I made various representations to him for her good treatment, conjuring him by the affection he had formerly professed to her and his goodwill towards peace that he would do his best to save her from the torment of following the Bastard of renouncing her title and legitimacy, since such things, as the King might be well aware, could not effect his purpose, but might make her very seriously ill; of which I was assured the King would be very sorry, both for the loss of such a pearl and for the opinion of the world. He replied that assuredly, according to his promise, he had done all in his power in her behalf, to which he had been still more inclined since he spoke to her, which was only once, for the great gifts of grace and nature which he found in her ;—that he had received charge from the King his master that she should be well treated ;—that if I found those about her did not do their duty he would have them punished ; and that henceforth he should not have much difficulty in getting due respect paid to her, considering the paternal affection which the King bore her, of which, notwithstanding all façons de faire, he was as much assured as of that which the King bore to himself, which was sufficiently notorious. Of this he meant to boast, and not without cause, for the influence and authority the King has given him is not less than that which every one says the Cardinal had, and the King daily gives him great wealth. It was true the King had shown her some façons de faire, because she had always resisted his will touching the legitimacy of the second marriage, but that, notwithstanding this, he was at heart unchanged in his affection, and that some time since he had declared it to some of his Council, who, thinking to please him and the said Lady, had said something to the disadvantage of the Princess. To confirm this apparently he wanted to say that he was one of those, alleging as his excuse that servants put forward several things both to show their own dutifulness and to feel the inclination of the master; but that the King had chidden them in such a fashion that there was neither lady nor other person who dared to say anything disadvantageous. And after some other talk, he said that to show me further a little of the mystery, he would let me know what everybody did not know, viz., that not only 100 for one, but without comparison, the said King loved the Princess more than the last-born, and that he would not be long in giving clear evidence of it to the world, as he would declare to me more fully after talking with the King about our communications.
	It appeared to me by what he said that he meant the King was going to treat for her marriage, and that to maintain the King's goodwill, and also for the increase of friendship with your majesty, he and I ought to consult to soften and settle matters touching the said Princess, only for some time, and that he doubted not that time would soon bring a remedy for the rest, meaning, I think, to insinuate that the King would change his fancy, a thing which Cromwell would be quite the man to suggest although he did not believe it, to amuse the world. Afterwards he began to say that the King was informed from the coasts of France, Spain, Scotland and Ireland that your majesty had sent ambassadors to Scotland and Ireland to inflame the troubles in Ireland, and to promote the usurpation of the sovereignty of the said country (of these ambassadors he gave me the names and surnames); and that notwithstanding the said information, he had always maintained against the King and Council that it was untrue, saying it might have been invented by those who wished to trouble the amity between you and the King, meaning, by the French. He said moreover that, besides this intelligence from Scotland, he himself a few days ago had received private letters from a councillor of the king of Scots informing him that the person sent by your majesty was still there, and that the King must not fear that anything would be treated to his prejudice, and in the end of the letter the writer desired licence from the King by means of Cromwell to convey from England into Scotland a great quantity of grain. This letter Cromwell had shown the King, remarking, however, that the Scots had not forgotten their accustomed tricks to make their profit upon everything, and that they wished to inspire fear in order to obtain what they wanted, to wit, the treaty of corn. In confirmation of his incredulity, Cromwell added that it was not likely your majesty, having such large and opulent realms, would seek to promote a thing so fruitless and inconvenient, or that you would commence intrigues against the King in such a quarter, seeing that you with your great power had many better means of opening the ball with greater honor ; and that he could not think, considering the good treatment shown to the English generally in your majesty's countries (unless it be that some English-men-had been vexed by the Inquisition), that your majesty bears any rancor against the King or kingdom, especially considering the very cordial answers that you had always made to their ambassador, who had never failed to have agreeable audience of you and Granvelle whenever he asked for it, and likewise of Mons. de Nassau, who was now in France, when he was at your majesty's Court. He said nothing more of Nassau, and I think he dropped a word about him expressly “pour fere du bon compaignon,” as one who was not much troubled about his being in France.
	I did not make him a very lengthened answer, that I might give him occasion for further communication on his return from Court, but praised as much as I could him sense and gentle discourse, and his regard for the Princess and for the amity, suggesting how much glory he would acquire if matters were redressed by him means. He answered that it would not be his fault if everything did not go well, and so to the conservation of the amity he thought it was entire and reciprocal, although it was true the King had sometimes complained of the solicitation you had made against him in favor of the Queen, but that he had always shown him that you could do no less than assist her in justice, considering the ties of blood, and the King ought not to take it ill. He saw nothing to interfere with amity except the affair of these good ladies, to remedy which, he said, he and I must consult together. He said it was true they had great friendship with France, but I might well understand the cause, and he added no more. He afterwards said he had charge from the King to supply all the Queen's necessities, and that that very day he would cause 4,000 ducats to be delivered for her expenses. He had used the same language the day before to a man of mine whom he asked if he had been one of those who had gone to where the Queen was when I went to see her; but he repented the inquiry, for my man dispraised as much as possible the place where she was and the treatment to which she was subjected. I gave him to understand I had no wish to enter on the subject of the Queen's treatment, supposing the King would by his magnanimity provide as the case required, especially considering the words he had caused his ambassador to report to your majesty. Nevertheless, as he had broached the subject, and I knew he liked me to speak to him frankly, I would tell him part of my mind, which was that she was very shabbily treated, for she had not a single penny at her disposal, which was quite contrary to what the Parliament had been given to understand, that more revenue would be given her than she had before. I admitted that a great deal was spent by those about her, but, as she said, that was not for her service but only to keep her under guard, and that she only regarded as her servants four or five who were with her, and that the old servants, some of whom she had brought from Spain, whose sustenance she was bound to provide for, had been taken from her, and she had nothing to give them for their support, nor to do any alms, and that for two years she had only seen two gowns. He said it was owing to nobody but herself if she was in want of anything, for if she let him know he would provide largely. He could easily make these offers, knowing well that she will ask for nothing, nor, if they would give her anything would she receive it under the name of princess Dowager, as they call her, although in this matter Cromwell uses, in speaking to me, some civility, excusing himself always for calling her by that name and the Princess as Madame Mary, because it was commanded by the King and Parliament. This excuse he repeats every time he mentions the said Queen and Princess. On this I said that I would not on any account that your majesty or the King his master knew that I had spoken to him in this way, because your majesty would be displeased that I had not informed you, so that you might see to it without petitioning anyone else, and the King might take it as a reproach. The Queen also might be afraid that people would think she had instigated me to do it, as if she complained of indigence, which would be a reproach to those whose business was to see to it; and I added, under the same protestation, that it seemed to me and to everybody very strange that the Queen's jewels had been taken away and given to the other, by which the King might understand what reverence she bore him, to suffer that so patiently without the least complaint, and I thought she would rather have died than have said a word about it. To this he did not know what to say, except that he thought it true. After some other talk, I left him, with the intention, as I have said, of discussing matters with him upon his return from Court.
	Although Cromwell assured me of the goodwill the King bore to the Princess, I should scarcely have believed it, but for some other things, which make it probable. For the King has commanded that she shall be well treated ; and on Wednesday before leaving the More she was visited by nearly all the gentlemen and ladies of the Court, to the Lady's great annoyance. On Thursday, the day before yesterday, being at Richmond with the little lass (garce) the Lady came to see her said daughter, accompanied by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and others, including some of the ladies, which was a novelty; and she refused to leave her chamber till the Lady was gone, that she might not see her. The first time that the said Princess accompanied the said little one, she was placed in a litter covered with leather; but on leaving the More she had one of velvet like the other, in which she came to Richmond; and being there, both to avoid following the litter of the other, and because she was pleased to see me in passing, she let the little one go by land and came herself by water. In the evening she arranged with the bargemen to row her along the bank where she pleased, and immediately gave notice to me, that I would not fail to be at a certain house which I keep in the fields by the river between Greenwich and this town, to inhabit in time of plague, for she wished to see me and requite my going to see her at Greenwich when she passed. She accordingly persuaded the steersman, instead of going by one side of the river, to take the other, and from the time she came near enough to see me she caused the barge to be uncovered, and went on deck (en hault) in the most conspicuous place, and passed quite near where I was, never moving from the place she had taken up to look at me, until she had lost sight of me. She is, thank God, in very good health and “en bon point,” and appears to be happy and very cheerful. I notified to her before she left the More that as the King's severity was abating, she must take care not to give him any cause of offence and as the protestation I had counselled her to make preserved her from all danger, she ought to make no difficulty about following the Bastard, but should declare that she was very glad in this to satisfy the King her father. And from that proceeded the visit paid to her at Richmond, of which I have written above, and the licence to come by water without accompanying the other.
	If it were not that the King is of amiable and cordial nature, and that the young lady his new mistress, who is quite devoted to the Princess, has already busied herself in her behalf, there might be some suspicion that the King's favors to the Princess were dissimulations, to conceal the guilt if any ill overtook the said Princess.
	For a long time there has been no particular news from Ireland, except that the earl of Kildare is the most powerful there, and that he held Dublin besieged and had burned the suburbs. It was held for certain, and the earl of Ossory had written, that the men of Dublin had given their faith to Kildare. I know not what has ensued. The King, about a month past, was in great distress that the succours which he sent to Ireland, being about 2,000 men, of whom 300 were horsemen, delayed so long. About eight days ago, when I was with Cromwell, news came that the ships with the said succours had left; at which the King and Council rejoiced greatly. It is not known whether they have yet arrived, although they left 15 days ago. All the other ships which were getting ready here to watch the coast of Ireland have been countermanded, as it is thought superfluous for this winter.
	Since writing I have received this morning your letter of the 24th ult., with those mentioned in the same. I have not had time to decipher those from Venice, owing to the haste of the courier and the absence of my man, who has the key of the cipher, but will give my opinion on them on the first opportunity. Nor have I been able to act as directed in the matter of the marriage with the king of Scotland. As to the man your majesty sends thither, you will have understood by what Cromwell said to me that he has met with no such hindrance as you feared. As to the coming of Nassau into the court of France, the English, I think, do not at all like it; but as I speak agreeably to them, saying that he had arrived there, and that he had proposed something of which the Admiral would come here and make report, they show themselves content. I think, however, it is a flea in their ear; for I am told their ambassador in France has lately written that he had been promised that on the arrival of Nassau he should be informed of everything, and that already their communications were very close and long continued, and that he had not been able to get any answer about them except that nothing was done to the disadvantage of England. I think the coming of the French admiral has very much cooled, for the ship which had begun to go down the river to attend him at Calais has returned, and the King went to see it, taking with him the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the ambassador of France. They had also called certain persons to be present at the Admiral's reception, but they had received licence to go him till they are recalled. I think those here consider that the death of the Pope has broken off all projects, and that Nassau will conclude nothing, so that the coming of the Admiral will not be necessary ; whose presence would be required by Francis, if it was intended to take the way of Lyons. The French ambassador, since the first news he had that the Admiral was to come, has heard nothing more, so far as I can learn. London, 24 Oct. 1534.
	Fr., pp. 11. From a modern copy.
24 Oct.	1298. Sir Gregory Casale to Cromwell.
R. O. St. P. VII. 576.	Being with the cardinal of Lorraine, heard that a gentleman was going through France in post, but had no time to write at length nor in Latin. The Pope is as usual a prey to everyone until his coronation, and neither the French cardinals nor any one else have been able to do much business with him. Though they may have had some talk with him about the affairs of the two kings, nothing has been done either by them or by others. Believes they are waiting for a reply from France as to their conduct. Has been once with the Pope, who asked him to advise him about what he should do, and what means he should take to bring back the king of England. Replied that he had no commission to speak of this, and would not willingly advise him, but encouraged him to do exactly contrary to what Clement had done, undo the wrongs and injustice he had committed, and show the world the justice of the King's case. As to the Council, said he was mistaken if he thought of holding one before the two kings were satisfied, for it would be simply putting arms in their hands. Has not seen the Pope again, but he has sent Latino Juvenale to ask how the King could be satisfied with honor to himself and the Holy See. Replied that he could not say more than he had, and did not wish to speak to the Pope about it again. The cardinal of Lorraine has also spoken to him on the same subject, but gave him a similar answer, and will speak to no one without further commission from the King. The cardinal of Lorraine has asked him to wait (soprastare) until an answer comes from France. The Frenchmen hope well from the Pope. Thinks he will do nothing, that is, make no capitulation or treaty with France or Spain, until the Council is held or he has altered his purpose of holding one, because he wishes to come to it with clean hands.
	Asks whether he has done well, and for instructions as to the future.
	Barbarossa has taken Tunis. Andrew Doria has come here with offers from the Emperor to resist the Turk, and says that if the Emperor will do half what he has promised, and give him 60 galleys and ships, he will venture to attach Barbarossa. It is understood, however, that he has come to have the French galleys, and the Pope has spoken about it in congregation. Believes the Cardinals have replied in general words, but thinks nothing will be done until the Emperor does justice to the king Catholic, that is, leaves him the duchy of Milan. Doria has said that if Barbarossa takes Sardinia he will fortify it so that he will never lose it again. Thanks the King for his warrant (quel mio varent). Rome, 24 Oct. 1534. Signed.
	Ital., pp. 3. Add. Endd. Sealed.
24 Oct.	1299. Thomas Bedyll to Cromwell.
R. O.	Has received letters from the warden of New College, Oxford, desiring Cromwell, as their visitor, to make an order for the use of that college, who desire more liberty than is good for them. They wish to break the custom of residence, hitherto in my remembrance always observed. If they are allowed to break the ordinances of the 13 seniors, good order will be subverted. They will not rest contented here, but proceed to further contempts, not in this college, but throughout the University. You know what horror will ensue if such contempt of rulers be suffered. Begs he will restrain the disorders of the college, in which the writer was brought up from a child. Otford, 24 Oct.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
24 Oct.	1300. Certain Scholars at Oxford to [Cromwell].
R. O.	In defence of the new learning, and beseeching his (fn. 2) credit for two of their company, Holmys and Man. Beg that the injury done them may be redressed. 24 Oct. Signed by Alex. Harvy—Raffe Skynner—Richard Halle—and 19 others.
R. O.	Pp. 2. Endd.
24 Oct.	1301. Cecily Hall, Widow, to Cromwell.
R. O.	I have received your letters dated at Grafton, 29 Sept., by which it appears that I, by color of the King's gift of the manor of Bourne given to my late husband, do usurp on Mr. Buttes, as he affirms, claiming certain rents which he has bought of the King; and you advise that I should not meddle with the same. This manor was given, with all its appurtenances, to my husband, as will be seen by the King's letters patent, without any reservation; and I have received no rents, except such as were usual, by report of the tenants there, and a new extent made by Dr. Capon, then dean of the college here, to which you were privy. Considering the friendship between Dr. Buttes and my husband, I should be loth to displease him, except in defence of my title. In answer to his and your letter, that I should submit my title to you, I shall comply, begging, at the same time, that you will not be displeased, if i continue to receive the same rents as before. Consider my poor living and great charge of children, for whose sustentation I am driven to what my poor wit can devise. I beg credence for my friend Mr. Goddsalve, the bearer. Ipswich, 24 Oct.
R. O.	Hol., pp. 3. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
24 Oct.	1302. French News.
R. O.	We have a pope who was cardinal Farnese, uncle of seigneur Rance. He is named Urban, a good Frenchman though an Italian, and has ratified all the agreements of the late Pope with the King (Francis). The count of Nassau has been very well treated wherever he has passed in France. He has been well received by the King and princes, and his expenses have been every where defrayed. There is no news, except of taking order about these Genoese and Milanese, and some men of the late duke of Bourbon, who have not yet recovered their lands, as they were promised. Nassau also lays claim to some lands in Burgundy and Franche Comté by right of his late wife, sister of the late prince of Orange. The King is much dissatisfied at the peace between the English and the Scots; and it may appear that we are more in dread of the English than they of us. Also, the English have made alliance with some Germans, who are very warlike men, at which the King is much dismayed. He is not sorry that the Irish make war upon the king of England. The King, on leaving this district of Thouraine, goes into Normandy to see his great ship and put his navy in order. He has sent thither a great quantity of artillery and ammunition, and also gun-founders. He causes all the towns and harbours of Brittany to be examined, and meditates some invasion next summer. There are no longer any English in France except a band of merchants, who passed a few days ago through Touraine towards Bordeaux; but the King has since commanded that they be not allowed to proceed, because it is said the king of England has illtreated some Frenchmen and expelled them from his country. I have written to Monsieur to send me 20 gold cr., to solicit “les proces.” Thouts, 28 Oct.
R. O.	Fr., p. 1.
25 Oct.	1303. French News.
R. O.	To the same effect as the preceding, with a few further particulars. Nassau has left to go to Flanders. There has been much talk of his coming, that it was for great affairs and marriages; but it was news of the salles de parlemens and of the wayside. It is true he carried great recommendations to the King from the Emperor to settle certain disputes between them about the Genoese and the duchy of Milan, and also about some gentlemen of the Bourbonnois, followers of the late duke. Francis says he will never trust the king of England again. He will shortly proceed from Amboise to Tours and Chasteaulerault, and on to Co . . . . . That done he will withdraw to Normandy to see his great ship, which he is making at Hable de Grace, &c. The English should keep good watch at their seaports, and fortify them. Francis has sent messages to the Irish to encourage them in the war against the English. Heretical writings have been seized of late at Paris, Orleans, Blois, Amboise, Tours, Rouen and other towns. The booksellers and printers are arrested. One printer has fled to England. I wish the English had seized him and sent him back to the King, because they are defamed as Lutherans on account of their king having banished the Cordeliers, who say all sorts of evil of himself and his subjects ; but there are good men in France who contradict their words, and the Cordeliers of France are not in very good repute. I would advise the king of England, if he intends to support any errors against the faith, to forbear for the present, for he has enemies enough. I beg to have 20 cr. to solicit your suits. Tours, 25 Oct.
	The King has equipped 30,000 or 40,000 men throughout his kingdom, to whom he has not paid a sou. Ten thousand, well picked, would be a match for them.
	Hol., Fr., pp. 3. Add.: A Mons. mon Maistre.
25 Oct.	1304. Coining.
R. O.	Deposition of Margitt Tytly alias Tytlyng, “cast-woman in Newgate,” 25 Oct. 26 Hen. VIII., against master Mylner of Bucklersbury, at the sin of the Harrow, grocer, for forging coin. She was his servant.
R. O.	Pp. 2.
25 Oct.	1305. John Lord Husey to Cromwell.
R. O.	My cousin Ric. Pannell has received a privy seal for 6l. 13s. 4d. as a fine for refusing knighthood. His father's name was Richard, and he died immediately after the sheriff's return of the same. Richard the younger never had any summons, nor has he been in possession more than one year and 10 weeks. Sleford, 25 Oct. Signed.
R. O.	P. 1. Add.: Secretary.
25 Oct.	1306. Harry Huttoft to Cromwell.
R. O.	After some doubt whether I should come up to refute my adversaries, I received your letter desiring me to visit you in all convenient speed. I shall declare to you what has happened as shortly as I can after I have set my business in order, which cannot well be before All Hallow tide, when I intend to wait upon you. 25 Oct.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Sealed. Endd.
25 Oct.	1307. Francis Lybert to James Beckk.
R. O.	I recommend me unto you and your good bedfellow, thanking you for your great kindness in times past. If you wish to know of my poor fare, thanked be Almighty Jesu I am in meetly good case, as the world at this time requireth, being here at the Gray Friars at Stamford enclosed, with my fellow father Abraham, in a poor lodging, according to the King's command. Though we are treated as his prisoners, we shall always be his true bedemen, and pray for his high and excellent estate and prosperous health. We desire to hear some tidings of our fathers in London or at Greenwich, what they have done and what they intend to do. We hear that they are all sworn, and have somewhat changed their government, at which we marvel. Notwithstanding, if they think that God is pleased with it, their conscience discharged, the world edified, and any profit may come of it, we desire to have a more perfect knowledge, and then we shall do as God shall inspire us —either suffer pain still and be inclosed, or else go at liberty as they do.
	Father Abraham and I sent a letter to your wife at the feast of the Nativity of Our Lady, wherein he desired her to send him his gear, which he left in the friar's chamber in the “amerye” at the bed's head, that is, a little mantle in which was wrapped a Romsey bottle of one pint and a half, a roll of wax, a new Psalter, a pair of new socks, &c. I also sent a little bill with it desiring her to send a sure messenger to brother Feeld, in the Gray Friars, London, who should have delivered to the messenger certain things of mine bound in a handkerchief, which I left with him when he was our porter and keeper of the infirmary, with my Enchiridion Eckcii, my penner and inkhorn, my knives, and such things as I left with brother Amna (almoner?). I also begged her to send me my fire-box, which I left with a young man in your shop ; and that all these things should be sent to the father warden of this house at Stamford. We have had no answer to our letter. Read this letter, rend and burn it, for you know what hurt hath chanced by letter writing, though many never intended hurt thereby. Recommend me to my brethren, and especially to my poor sister in Tower Street, and my cousin at the Strand without Temple Bar : also to my poor father and mother, if you know of any going to them. Grey Friars, Stamford, 25 Oct.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. : Master James Beckk, dwelling at the sign of the Cross Keys, the next house unto St. Magnus Church in going down toward Belyngsgate.
	1308. James Beek (fn. 3) to Cromwell.
R. O.	Wishes to speak with him this morning. Has to tell him something that it is necessary for him to know.
R. O.	Hol., p. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary.