Elizabeth: March 1583-4, 11-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

Citation:

'Elizabeth: March 1583-4, 11-15', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1914), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp390-412 [accessed 26 November 2024].

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March 1583–4, 11–15



March 11/21.	470. Colonel Morgan to the Lords of the Council.
	Recommending the bearer, Captain Lucar, whom he is sending to Middelburg to get a supply of money from the merchants for the sustenance of his soldiers; but who, if he cannot obtain it there, will have to “come over,” for their lordships' larger commission.—Antwerp, 21 March, 1584.
	Add. Endd. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 43.]
March 11/21.	471. St. Aldegonde to Walsingham.
	Mr. Dyer's return by Zeeland without passing through Antwerp is the reason I have not written earlier, but I pray you ever to believe that I am your very affectionate servant.
	I have very gladly heard from M. Stevan [Le Sieur] the resolution which is taken “there,” and can assure you that all hearts and affections here are well disposed towards it. I speak of those who remain firm, for we hear that those of Ghent and Bruges are not only shaken, but already in treaty with the enemy.
	Mr. Yorke, who is at Ghent, helps on the affair, thinking (as I believe) to do good service, because they persuade themselves that they will obtain the exercise of their Religion and the departure of the Spaniards. But I believe that they will find themselves much out in their reckoning.
	If those in England could show Mr. Yorke his error, it might be of use. We have written letters here, but they are all in Flemish. I believe they are being translated into French, and will send you a copy.
	Since writing the above, the deputies of Ghent have been here and have had audience, but their commission is very bare. They say that they have proposed no articles and have none to propose, save that they persist that they will stand firm for the religion and liberty of their country, according to their laws and ancient customs. But they have no promise or assurance from the enemy. These are imaginations which they invent themselves, and it seems that their intention is other than their words; for they say they are not come to address the generality, but to go from town to town to urge the peace, which is, in plain language, to rouse the towns to mutiny and revolt. Therefore they will be sent back as they have come, but not without having scattered their poison. May God give us what is best for us.—Antwerp, 21 March, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 44.]
March 11.	472. Waad to Burghley.
	I send your lordship the true report of all my proceedings here, [see Statement below], where I find such difficulties and strange dealing “as would cause a man of greater judgment and experience far away than I am to be thoroughly advised and awake,” Whereby the Queen shall see how according to my small understanding I have answered to what has been offered me, in such sort that I have left the Secretary satisfied in reason if not in will.
	I have at the last gathered the cause of the King's dealings with me, and how he takes the sending away of his ambassador. With great difficulty I have “obtained,” to send this gentleman to tell her Majesty the terms wherein I stand, which I thought the best way, considering what might be thought both at home and abroad if I should be sent away without audience.
	I humbly pray you to consider “in what time I am come hither; what impression the suddenness of this accident did make in the King; that here is no ambassador resident or well affected person to her Majesty of whom I might have advice and favour, and . . . that at the first the King took more unkindly the sending away of his ambassador, whom sithence he hath seemed to blame, and took in good sort my coming hither,” I well perceive that at first he meant not to give me audience, though sithence I have had some hope given me, and it seems that in this manner of dealing with me, the King satisfies his own mind. In the meantime you may consider what is best to be done.
	“I do learn that very unwillingly he doth make show to acknowledge the faults of those he doth use in especial service.”
	Thus referring the Queen to the inclosed report and attending her further directions, I commit her to the good government of our gracious God.—Madrid, 11 March, 1583.
	Add. Endd. 1¾ pp. [Spain II, 14.]
	The dates in Waad's Statement, below, and the year date here, show that he used old style.
	473. Statement By William Waad of his Negotiations in Spain.
	Receiving no answer from the Secretary to the letters I sent him, on Monday evening, March 2 [old style], I sent to him again, and “straight after,” he sent me the enclosed by his secretary.
	“That which he had to tell me by word of mouth was: That the King did leave to my choice whether I had liefer deliver her Majesty's letters to the Secretary, or else to repair to the Cardinal Granvelle, to deliver unto him that I had in charge,” I told his secretary that his master seemed to think that I refused to come to him, whereas he should find me always most ready to obey him in anything it pleased him to command me, and I would presently repair to him and answer both his letters and what he gave me to understand of the King's pleasure. His man said he doubted I should not find his master at home or at leisure, therefore I sent my man back with him to bring me word of his pleasure, and meanwhile requested his secretary to let his master know that I received very reverently his Majesty's pleasure, to which, were there any choice left to my discretion, I would conform myself wholly, and that I knew none with whom I would more willingly deal than with his master, to whom, “sith,” my being here I had always addressed myself.
	My man brought me word that the Secretary was very busy, and the next day could not be at leisure till the afternoon, “whereupon I went presently unto him, being late in the evening,” requesting pardon for taking him thus on the sudden, which I was bold to do, considering the long time I had been here already and not knowing yet in what terms I stood. Wherefore I would be glad to know some certainty, that I might render account to her Majesty.
	As to the choice given me by the King, I prayed him to consider that though the meanest of her Majesty's servants, she had vouchsafed me this charge, and had given me directions by which I was to govern my doings, wherefore “I could take no election otherwise than were conform,” thereto.
	In the pleasure of his Majesty it lay to admit me to his presence or no, and I besought him to consider that having not only letters but especial charge from her Majesty by word of mouth, I had express command from her to deliver the same to him alone. And as for the letters, they were the only credit I had for what I was to deliver in speech, whereby her Majesty gave the King to understand only that he should receive of me the account of those great causes which moved her to dismiss his ambassador, with other matters whereunto she begged him to give credit as he would do to herself. Which other things were of such sort as to declare the sound meaning and good affection of her Majesty and to give ground for the maintenance of that good amity which had alway been between the crowns. And my case standing thus, I must govern myself as I was commanded, “the which, to be short, was, if I might not be admitted to his royal presence, to crave leave for my departure to return to her Majesty.”
	He answered that he knew well there had been of long time intelligence between the house of Burgundy and the crown of England, as also that the King had married a Queen of England, her Majesty's sister, “and some other good turns besides,” and he doubted not but I might have in charge such points as concerned that general amity.
	But he knew the express purpose of my despatch was to give the reasons which had moved the Queen to discharge his Majesty's ambassador, and the cause why his master wished to see her Majesty's letters was to understand “in what sort,” I was sent, that he might take resolution (in what sort I am not able, quoth he, to say) either to give you audience or to refer you over, as he thought good. “The which course not liking you, you have yourself cut off the way and shut to the door that was opened unto you.
	“So as now his pleasure was that I should repair unto the Cardinal and do unto him my whole message and charge, in whose praise he began to enter so deeply that I took occasion to tell him it was needless, because other opinion was not had of him, but I had other commandment which I was to follow . . . and could I dispense withal, I would crave for favour and think myself greatly honoured to deal only with himself.”
	But if I might be bold to speak plainly, the demand for her Majesty's letters seemed somewhat strange, and one which I never understood to have been offered to any sent from an absolute and great prince. I needed not to speak of my own unworthiness, as her Majesty had vouchsafed to deliver me her commands, which were not the generalities he supposed, and merely compliments, but “in such sort,” that his Majesty would thereby see the great causes she had for what she had done, and sound demonstrations of her sincere meaning to maintain good correspondence with him. And that the matter concerning the doings of Mendoza was of such consequence that her Majesty was greatly desirous to give full and true informations thereof to the King.
	Therefore I thought these proceedings with me had some other signification which I could not attain to, the which it might please his Majesty to alter when he better understood the manner of my sending.
	He answered that “I rather might think I had been very courteously entreated and favourably dealt withal, considering it did not otherwise appear how I was sent nor in what sort, whereas such extraordinary dealing had so freshly been used to his Majesty's known ambassador, a man well known to be of great calling, a counsellor to the King, whom her Majesty not once admitting to audience in [blank] months, and lately calling him before certain appointed thereunto, had dismissed and sent away in such sort as no prince of the least calling could tell how to digest it,” Therefore it seemed to him hard to believe that a prince of that wisdom and judgment would give me such commandment, seeing how she herself had dealt, and I might think I had very courteous usage offered me, where in like case I might have looked for other entertainment (which he uttered in dark and doubtful words), besides that it was an ordinary thing for princes to refer over such as are sent to them to such as they shall think meet. As likewise oftentimes there falleth out extraordinary occasions that princes cannot give audience themselves. Howbeit that hope was not altogether taken from me, neither could he tell what the King would have determined upon the sight of her Majesty's letters. So as had I followed his advice, perhaps already I might have spoken with the King, and so it might have fallen out that he would have referred me over otherwise, as he should have thought good. Therefore he thought it strange that I had any such commandment, and oftentimes it happeneth that men for their own credit sake do use means to deliver their message immediately to the princes to whom they are sent, howbeit he did not mistrust my words, but advised me to bethink myself.
	“To this I replied that even that which he took for offence, that his master's ambassador had not had audience of her Majesty in two years, perhaps was no small occasion her Majesty had to think herself the more aggrieved with him, in all that space not once to make show to move her Majesty in anything concerning his master's affairs, and in the mean season to do offices not fit for his calling and place, and such as being well understood should procure him as great displeasure at his master's hands as he had by them deserved evil of her Majesty,” And that therefore he might consider that divers things had an outward show quite contrary to their inward meaning, and that her Majesty had used greater grace to Mendoza and great respect towards the King, and that friendship which she had always cherished with this crown.
	And those lords before whom Mendoza came were of the greatest personages of the realm, where he behaved himself in sort both to aggravate his offences and increase her Majesty's displeasure. Moreover, “where it seemed strange I should have any such commandment,” he might well think that if I delivered what I had received of her Majesty to a third party to report to the King, something might be mistaken, misconstrued or forgotten, which would be of no small importance. Again, what I had received from her Majesty's own speech and very privately, I could not yield to give over to any other, having indeed express command to the contrary, but if his Majesty willed me to “stay his better opportunity,” I would do it with most humble patience.
	Here he said that he had given me to understand the King's pleasure, and wished me, according to the common proverb, “to take advice of my pillow,” and then let him know my resolution. I told him I had no scope left me for choice, for, as he knew very well, “in matter of commandment there was only obedience to perform and not advice to consider how to deal,” What I had to do was set down and I could not swerve from it one jot. I doubted not but in the end his Majesty would have consideration of the good amity between the crowns, and I would be most ready and glad to show all humble obedience to his pleasure when not contrary to my duty. Indeed, knowing her Majesty's good meaning, I should be sorry to see effects so contrary thereto, “therefore am humbly to crave pardon of the King and leave to depart as I came, if so be he will not vouchsafe me in such sort as I am sent of her Majesty,” which was the cause that I so suddenly repaired to him, as otherwise it was of no purpose for me to remain.
	Then he asked me what I would have him do further. I said, to let his Majesty understand “how I had resolved him thoroughly,” touching her Majesty's letters and commands, beseeching his favour in a matter of so great importance, as a chief and trusted counsellor of the King, for the wisest princes give ear to their wise counsellors and I did not doubt but his Majesty would receive his opinion. He answered that “the King was of that judgment that he did always take advice in such cases of his own wisdom,” but he would tell him of my speeches, “saying with very good cheer of countenance that he would be very sorry I should take such a journey without doing the thing I came for,” and therefore wished me again to consider what I had to do.
	For my particular, I said, it was of small consideration, though I should account it a great disgrace, but for the public consequence I should receive greater grief. Of his good inclination to the maintenance of the amity between their Majesties, I had good hope, “because he was of that country that was nearest unto ours and that hath most traffic with us, which intercourse breedeth friendship and affection,. . . which I trusted he would confirm in effects, whereto he gave good words and so I took my leave of him.”
	March 5.—Last Thursday I sent again to the Chief Secretary, who answered that the King had been “evil at ease,” but now beginning to amend, he would move him as he had promised me. On Saturday he sent me word that the King, as before, left it to my choice, either to deliver her Majesty's letters, or to have audience of the Cardinal.
	I told him I hoped his Majesty would pardon me for not doing what stood not with her Majesty's honour or my duty, believing that he would not mislike in me what he would look for in the case of his own servants; that I hoped I should have his Majesty's passport to return home; [telling the messenger] that I would wait upon his master once more to thank him for his favour and take my leave.
	In the evening I repaired to his lodging and told him that having received his master's resolution, I had to resolve with myself what to do. That having done my utmost endeavour, I should be sorry to sustain this repulse, knowing that her Majesty's meaning was not only to continue but to increase amity with the King, and she having suffered so great a wrong in the person of his ambassador, with whom she had dealt very graciously only to licence him quietly to depart the realm, giving him one of her ships to conduct him, and despatching me beforehand to inform his Majesty of the reasons of her proceedings. But if her Majesty should receive “this new surcrease to boot,” in my person, to be refused the King's presence, having many things of weight to declare to him, I left it to his wise consideration what she might “conster” thereof. Besides, whereas now her Majesty imputed all Mendoza's misdemeanours to his own evil disposition, assuring herself that the King “would take them to as great displeasure as to her Majesty they have been both grief and peril,” what she and other princes might now imagine I was loth to presume.
	“I told him further that princes always have heretofore used even in time of hostility and open war to admit to hearing those that have been sent from the enemy's camp; and that the invincible and worthy Emperor, his Majesty's father, did vouchsafe to his own presence the messenger sent from the French King to defy him,” If then the King denied me his presence, being sent to give relation of a matter of so great importance, wherein his minister had a part, and having yet nothing but good offices and affection to declare, the example would be notable, and what the consequences might be I wist not. To use his own phrase, it would be “to shut all the windows and doors to all further intelligence,” Howbeit, to show my good desire that better issue might follow, if it should be to his Majesty's liking, I would despatch one to her Majesty, and doubted not but in a month to have orders to proceed according to his liking.
	To this he answered that he perceived I thought this dealing with me somewhat strange, but if I considered all respects I might think myself well dealt withal; “and I would wish you (quoth he) to be well advised before you resolve in a matter of that weight you do conceive this your negotiation to be of,” There may be there are some that may bear you in hand not to yield to the King's mind, but perhaps these are such as will seem to be friends to both parties and yet would be content to see some further breach insue in our ancient alliance. “Therefore I doubt not but you should do a thing herein greatly to their liking, and perhaps to laugh at, howsoever it fall out to your mistress her service.”
	Howbeit, said he, no new example was offered to me, but the same course followed which was begun by the Queen to his master's ambassador, and executed in the end by sending him away altogether. That when he was sent for by those whom I said were of the greatest personages of the realm, he only craved respite to despatch certain letters he had in hand to the King, “the which could not be permitted him, but presently he must come and suddenly he must depart. And as her Majesty caused him to come before those noble and great men, so the King doth refer you to the Cardinal, one of the ancient counsellors of his Majesty, a man of great experience, wisdom and authority in the realm, so as nothing shall be nor is offered you not begun already by your mistress.
	“My answer hereunto was that I besought him to make difference between Mendoza and me, for the case was far unlike, though the other day it pleased him to set the said Mendoza forth for a great personage, a counsellor to his Majesty and an ambassador, yet I took it there was as great difference between him and me in this respect (here he interrupted me, saying 'I do not compare you together, I do know there is difference'). Difference, Sir, (quoth I), sith there is comparison to be made, as great as is between light and darkness. As for him, he was called before that great senate of wise counsellors to answer to his evil demeanour, for his private behaviour and practice within the realm, to the disturbance of the quiet estate and peace thereof, wherein he forgat himself so far as he meant to go beyond the example of all other ambassadors that ever have committed like offence. And where it seemeth hard to you the course her Majesty took, if she had only beheld his offence and not had regarded the good amity she beareth to the King, her Majesty might have proceeded otherwise against him both by the laws of the realm and of all nations. Howbeit her Majesty chose rather to show her clemency and that testimony of especial respect unto the King his master her good brother, remitting to his brotherly and princely consideration the informations and punishment of his transgressions.
	“ Would, Sir (quoth I), the least potentate or estate in Christendom have done less to him in the like case, or could do more in contemplations of the King, to whom I am expressly sent from her excellent Majesty to give perfect and true informations of all his doings, the which he himself not vouchsafing in a manner to deny before those honourable lords, with a bold insolency further to provoke her Majesty's indignation, slanderously began to accuse and charge her most excellent Majesty whom he had so grievously offended. I am sent in this sort, as I have showed unto you, unto his Catholic Majesty, having never committed anything against his Highness, neither, were I to abide here never so long, would I ever commit any such fault. And I humbly beseech you to remove all other opinion of me, that in those matters committed to my charge I am to take advice of any other but of those instructions and commandments given me, neither am I to frame my doings to the appetite and humour of any whosoever. And whatsoever herein shall fall out, it shall evidently appear that there hath been no default in the world in me, howbeit it may be as you say, that it may be to the liking of some though I protest to my great displeasure. A servant first and especially is to direct himself altogether to his master's will and mind, the which is my eye that I look and level withal, the other I keep shut.
	“Hereto he said that he would not enter into discourse of Mendoza his offence and could not believe that he had behaved himself in such sort, knowing him to be a knight of that honour and wisdom the which he had showed always. I said only so much, whether it were so or not, afterwards it must appear. In the mean season I am offered no other measure than the same that was 'met' to them, so as the case therein was alike. Mendoza was the King's ambassador, kept so long from her Majesty 's presence, sent for to come before such as the Queen appointed and sent straight away.
	“No, Sir, quoth I, greater difference you shall yet find. I speak not, quoth he, of his offence, I will not deal therewithal, and I wot not if you have commission to say so much as you do. I say taking things in general terms, you are offered the same we have received, yea with more favour and courtesy.... When the King was in Portugal, all the ambassadors had access unto him [i.e. the Cardinal]. . . . I answered that I had heard so much and that his quality and credit with the King was sufficiently known, but that the case did differ far, the King being absent and leaving him here governor of the realm,” And that my commission would bear me so far as to impugn his doings when it concerned the justifying of her Majesty's proceeding, or that I heard his excused, and more particularly to lay them open, when time and place should serve.
	“And your honour, quoth I, should think of a prince of so high a calling, who in all her proceedings hath showed so great wisdom, moderation and judgment somewhat better, that without apparent cause her Majesty could not have been led to have done as she did, and I am appointed to render reason of. This I say, that he never was denied audience when he did demand the same in the behalf of the King his master, neither at any time he demanding the same of her Majesty was referred over to any the greatest personage in the realm, who always have showed all of them all honour to him for his master's sake,” He was called before the Privy Council but to answer for his own doings, proved by the confessions of those interested therein. If I have committed anything contrary to my duty, or the laws of this realm, I must answer it as his Majesty shall appoint.
	“But at this present I do demand audience of the King, as being sent unto his Majesty directly from the Queen my mistress, and truly either will I deliver to his princely hands her Majesty's letters, or where I received them,” In the which I am governed only by her honour, which I will prefer before anything in the world.
	So we reasoned a little on that point, and I told him I had put this case at my departure [from England] and was told “never while I lived to do it, and to take it for a general rule ever hereafter to deliver the letters of a Sovereign Prince only to a Prince's hands. The which were the very words of your honour unto me.
	“Then he dealt with me to enclose her Majesty's letters in one from myself to the King and to leave it sealed in his hands, promising on his honour the King himself should open it. I told him it was all one meaning clothed in other terms, 'and' he would not assure me afterwards to have audience,” He told me he could not nor would not assure me of that. Then I told him that if his Majesty had vouchsafed me his presence, I had determined, for his ease, to deliver everything in writing, save what her Majesty had delivered me by word of mouth.
	After protestations on both our parts of good will to further the service, he told me, in the end, that I knew the King's mind. Then, I said, I hoped I might have passport to send one to her Majesty, to which before he had made objections.
	On Sunday morning, I sent my nephew to ask whether, if his Majesty would not vouchsafe me public audience, I might wait upon him some evening when he was walking in the garden, “only to be admitted,” to deliver her Majesty's letters. That afternoon his man came to me “to have a note for my passport for the things I carried,” whereupon I sent Mr. Doyley to beseech him that if the King liked neither of my offers, that I might send one to her Majesty, as I had orders to do if any difficulty should arise. He answered that on the morrow he would “resolve,” me.
	Monday I heard nothing. On Tuesday morning I received a passport from the King, not specifying that I was sent from her Majesty, which I took no notice of, saying that I looked for a passport for one of my men, and had already written my letters to her Majesty, from whom I doubted not to have answer to the King's satisfaction; “beseeching his master to consider the quality and importance of this business and negotiation, and to show that goodwill* he had found in me, as I after wrote to the secretary, and in the end for answer to all had these few words, that more than was done could not be done, which being so dark, I complained (?) to the King's Secretary once again to fetch the interpretation of his meaning in so few words, which was in the end as I write to your lordship, that the King's pleasure was I should depart presently.
	Endd. “April, 1584. The proceedings of Mr. Waad in his negotiations with Spain,” (but evidently the paper mentioned by Waad in his letter, above). 161–4 pp. [Spain II. 15.]
	[The first part of this document seems to be missing. The lines from the to the end are in Waad's own hand. At some time the loose pages have been put together in wrong order* (which has now been rectified) so that the old numbering of them is wrong.]
March 12.	474. Stafford to Walsingham.
	I forgot to tell you in my last that upon Monsieur's extremity last week, great councils were had at Dr. Allen's house and other places in this town. “They began to lay many plots. . . but the chiefest to blind men's eyes withal was that Cardinal Bourbon should be put forward as coming nearest to it from his brother, and deprive Navarre. I think they meant that as an old Cardinal had been the destruction of Portugal, so this should have been of France. I think if anything had come to Monsieur, there would as great trouble have come in France as ever was in any place, for you never saw such murmuring and privy assemblies, early and late, as were in this town.”
	Villeroy yesterday used some speeches to Mazin de Albene [or del Bene] which I am sure he meant to be repeated to me. He deplored the state of France, wished there were some better way to provide for its safety and reputation, or else that he were dead or out of his place. That if we would have good intelligence with them there was yet time to recover their reputations, but we were so mistrustful that we gave no credit to them, and “never dealt but with two strings to our bows,” That if we would concur with them, he saw the King bent to take another course than he had done. “All this Mazin told me in great secret, as he made show.”
	I thanked him for discovering this so friendly, but said if there were fault it came from hence; “that they here charged us with double dealing when indeed it was their course, and that if they found we mistrusted them, they were not so blind but they must needs in their own consciences know that they gave the cause,” If they would follow a direct course, I doubted not but they would find us ready to hearken to and second them in anything honourable they should take in hand.—Paris, 12 March, 1583.
	Postscript.—In Painter's absence I yesterday opened a letter to him from a man of yours, asking for certain seeds. I send you what have been presented to me, out of Italy, as great rarities. If there were anything here “might like your honour,” I pray you employ none but me.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1¾ pp. [France XI. 52]
March 12.	475. George John, Palatine of the Rhine and Duke Of Bavaria, to the Queen0.
	Fifteen months ago, I wrote to your Majesty by Mr. John Leonard Haller, (fn. 1) your servant, and, by advice of Mr. Sturmius, I gave him the papers which I had concerning the business of the Bishop of Ross, .and others which I had drawn up or collected for the benefit of your affairs.
	I know by your letters that Haller gave you my letter and those relating to the Bishop, but as you do not mention the rest, I doubt whether you received them, and I therefore sent one of my counsellors to communicate to you their contents.
	But I have no news of him and it is so long since I despatched him, that I fear he may have come to some harm, therefore, that you may know with what I charged him, I send his instructions by this bearer, another of my privy counsellors, with orders to go by way of Embden, that he may reach you without danger.—Pfalzburg, 12 March, 1584.
	Signed. Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Germany, States, III. 4.]
March 13.	476. Stafford to Walsingham.
	The King returned yesterday from his pilgrimage, having come five long leagues before ten in the morning, and fifteen leagues the day before. “A six score penitents and monks that he carried out with him, he hath wearied them so, that hath left by the way more than four score and almost all the friars and monks, who were grown such lubbers with tarrying at home in their abbeys,” that they are all left behind in one place or another.
	The King dined at the Charterhouse, and not staying to see the Queen went through the town to the Jeronomists. I fear he is so given to devotion that he will hear of nothing else, but 1 have earnestly pressed for an audience, and so will I do till I have it. Seton and Glasgow dined yesterday at the Duke of Guise's. After dinner came Lord Paget, Arundel, Morgan and all the rabblement. I will try to find out what they did. Seton has forbidden all his folks to have company with any of mine.—Paris, 13 March, 1583.
	Postscript.—I have just received yours of March 5 by your servant Francis Needham (Nidem). “If the King for his devotion will not give audience, the Queen Mother is with Monsieur,” but I have now sent again to Gondi to press it.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XI. 53.]
March 13.	477. The Queen to the States General.
	As the bearer, the Sieur de Grise, sent to us by the States of Brabant, is returning, we cannot but testify that in every way he has so well acquitted himself of his charge that they have reason to be well pleased with him. We have charged him to tell you, on our behalf, the displeasure we have felt at the frustration of the hopes we had founded upon the French treaty, at the time when your affairs are reduced to such extremity. You will learn from him that our care for your welfare is in no way diminished, but that it rather increases as the necessity of your affairs requires.
	Draft. Endd. with date. Fr. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 45.]
March 13.	478. Edw. Burnam to Walsingham.
	I have sent one to Ghent (Gaunt), but as yet have had no answer from Rowland Yorke. To-day the Prince of Chimay sent for me to dine with him. After dinner a high Dutch serjeant-major at Damm brought him secret news that three regiments of Malcontents under the conduct of Mondragon had entered the new town of Antwerp and seized the Easterling House. They were let in by some of the papistical burgers. When he imparted this to me, I said that to my thinking it could hardly be so, and that the enemy had caused the bruit, to “amaze,” those of this town. I am giving this to a merchant of Sandwich, who is ready to depart. When more certainty of the news comes, I will not fail to advertise you thereof.
	The Prince of Parma has made Embise high bailiff and governor of Ghent. Their deputies, going to the Prince at Tournay, were marvellously well received and have been visited by himself and much feasted by the town.
	The Prince of Chimay told me he meant to send his wife into England to see her Majesty. I have dissuaded him from it, alleging the dangers of the seas and of pirates. This I thought well to do till I heard from you what I should say. She herself is very willing and cannot “away,” to hear of this peace. Ever since the first talk of it, she has feared some “garboyles,” in this town and so got her to Sluys.
	The Prince wills me to stay eight or ten days longer, and then will send a gentleman to her Majesty. The truce is not yet proclaimed here, but they stay only for a copy of the proclamation as it was made at Ghent. Meanwhile, the enemy comes daily “flourishing to the gates,” The mortality here is great, and increases daily.
	The soldiers at Ostend have mutinied and imprisoned their captains and officers. They of this town mean to send some money to appease them.—Bruges, 13 March, English date, 1583.
	Add. Endd. 1¾ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 46.]
March 14.	479. Edw. Burnam to Walsingham.
	News is to-day come from Ghent that Hembise is taken prisoner by the burgers, who yesterday discovered 300 horse about the town, “and upon the same, Montigny sent a letter to Hembise alleging that a did marvel what a meant that a did not let down the draw-bridges, and that the hour appointed was come. Certain bridges were made to go over the water with 15 or 20 horse at a time, and it was given out to go upon an enterprise of Dermonde, but it was to enter the town. This letter of Montigny being intercepted, they laid Hembise fast,” I send you an extract of a letter to the Prince of Chimay, from an echevin of the Free.
	Likewise I hear of a certainty that Rowland Yorke is taken and imprisoned with Hembise.—Bruges, 14, English date, of March, 1583.
	Postscript.—If Yorke be taken, the ciphers will be discovered.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XXI. 47.]
	Enclosing,
March 13/23.	480. Extract from a letter to the Prince of Chimay.
	Stating that M. d'Hembise has this day been seized, and that it seems the affair will, by God's grace, go on better.—Ghent, the 23rd, new date.
	Endd. Fr. 5 lines. [Ibid. XXI. 48.]
March 15/25.	481. Bizarri to Walsingham.
	On the 7th of last month there arrived here three commissioners sent by the city of Ghent, and having expounded their commission to the States and magistrates of this city, two of them went on into Holland to confer with his Excellency and the States General, the third remaining here awaiting the return of the others.
	The present magistracy of Ghent are carrying on negotiations with the Prince of Parma, and many believe they will agree with him, whatever may be the reply of the confederates, a matter of no small consequence to the good cause. But it may be that by the just vengeance of God, they will suffer the punishment of their perfidy and fickleness.
	On the 9th of this month, Bedburg and its castle, belonging to the Count Neuenaar, came by agreement into the power of the enemy, having received no succour from any part whatever, and being unable to sustain so long a siege. In fine, if God does not look down in mercy on the cause of Truchsess and the said Count, they will both be spoiled of all that they have.
	I am told that at Aix-la-Chapelle there are assembled, or shortly will assemble, the deputies of the Emperor and the Imperial Electors to treat of what concerns the tranquillity of that province. The Augsburg Confession has been introduced into the city, and certain who were banished on that account are recalled, and restored to their possessions and dignities.—25 March, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Italian. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 49.]
	Postscript, on a separate sheet.—This morning news is come that the Burgomaster Embise is taken prisoner and likewise M. Champagny (Schiampigni), which news is of great importance for the good of these poor countries. Also, the town of Sluys has received a garrison from the Prince of Orange.—Antwerp, 25 March, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Italian. ½ p. [Ibid. XXI. 49a.]
March 15.	482. Edw. Burnam to Walsingham.
	Since my last I have understood certainly how d'Hembise was taken. The 13th, in the morning, he came to the keeper of the sluices at Ghent, desiring him to open them, to have water to send down certain bridges and “bakes,” to Dermonde (as he said) for some service to be done thereabouts. The master of the sluices said he could not do it unless the burgomaster and colleges of the commons gave their consent. Whereupon they being made acquainted with it marvelled why he meant to do this so privily, and suddenly gathering together, they seized him.
	After he was taken, there came in a trumpet from the Prince of Parma with a letter to him “that a did marvel very much what a meant, that he had not kept promise with him, to have laid the bridges in the place where they had appointed to enter,” He for his part was ready with 4,000 horse and foot, within two leagues of the town. Within an hour came three more trumpets. They were all kept apart and their letters taken, which tended to the same effect. When shown to Hembise he could not deny them, and prayed the magistrates to keep him from the fury of the commons, who, he thought, would murder him. Roland Yorke is said to be also imprisoned, as was told the Prince by the bearer of the letter. Some think this has been done to Hembise because he sought to enter into the treaty without advice of any other. “Under colour of this peace, the enemy seeks all means possible to take them at his vantage, and doth bring them asleep whilst this treaty is in hand. The people is so amazed as they cannot tell what to do.”
	The Prince of Chimay sent to the Prince of Parma the conditions on which this town would treat, viz. exercise of religion, departure of the Spaniards, maintenance of privileges, no garrisons. The Prince replied that they must send their deputies as other towns have done, and he “will grant them as he hath done to other and not otherwise, far from that they do demand"; nor will he permit the deputies of the towns to confer together before they come to him, but will deal with each apart.
	He that was sent by the Prince of Chimay is named Dennetières (Dentyeeres), captain of his guard, who at Courtrai heard that St. Aldegonde was slain by the people in Antwerp, as also Colonel Tempell, who came newly from Brussels.
	The Sluys yielded yesterday to the Prince of Orange, who sent into the scance and the town 200 soldiers.
	I find this young Prince very well affected to her Majesty. “He is nothing affected to the Spaniards, much less to the French, and it [is] easy to be seen that the Prince of Orange doth overthwart him very much, of the which he maketh his moan.”
	There is great discord here, some for the treaty, some against it, but “for all that which is fallen out,” at Ghent concerning Hembise, this people thinks “it will be a cause that they shall the easier come to a peace,” They fear that if they do not, the enemy will environ the town and keep them from victuals.—Bruges, 15 March, 1583, stilo Anglice.
	Postscript.—Enclosed is a letter for Mr. Colville from a Scot named Ferret [wanting].
	Add. Endd. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 50.]
March 15.	483. Dr. Sturm to the Queen.
	Zolcher is coming later into England than I some weeks ago wrote by the letters which I gave to Aurelius Vergerio to deliver to your Majesty's ambassador in France [sic], Sir Henry Cobham.
	The cause is that Duke Casimir, the administrator of the Palatine Electorate and guardian of the orphan son, did not wish to send him until he knew what the danger was in which your Majesty had been. Nothing certain thereof is yet known, but I thought the sending of him to your Majesty would offend less than further delay. He is truly loyal and faithful in your affairs, and worthy of your royal kindness and patronage.
	But I write this letter of commendation not for that reason alone, but because I have not been able in writing to tell you everything concerning the business of Cologne; of the great charges, the unhappy issue of that expedition, the loyalty of good men and the treachery of some of the captains.
	I pray your Majesty to give him favourable hearing.—Nordheim, 15 March, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Latin. 1¼ pp. [Germany, States, III. 5.]
March 15.	484. Dr. Sturm to the Queen.
	I have written to Secretary Walsingham of divers things which have happened in the German Empire, in order not to trouble your Majesty with lengthy epistles. But this I send to yourself, it being on a matter which for many years I have considered very important, and still do so.
	Duke Casimir carried a brave succour to the Elector of Cologne at very great charges, 400,000 of the German moneys, which are called florins. A brave succour, I call it, for council, good will, care, liberality and glory, if the event had answered to the beginning. But it did not so answer, owing to the avarice and importunity of the reiters, who had their own commanders, whom it is not necessary to name.
	It did not fall from God. But it happened that by the death of the Elector Palatine Ludwig, the necessity was imposed on Duke Casimir, his brother, now Administrator of the Electorate, of undertaking the tutorship, which admitted of no delay, unless he had refused it, neglected the snares against his life, and incurred more charge and expence.
	There is nothing which more weakens the strength of a kingdom than forces of foreign soldiers and especially horse, nor any Prince, however wealthy he may be, in our age, whose resources and treasury would not be exhausted, and his warlike strength weakened by the pay of these reiters; so that on account of want of money, a truce is frequently necessary, during which they may be able to recuperate, which interval is often harmful to the weaker party, and sometimes ruinous. And this evil in our century yearly grows greater, and is enlarged and confirmed.
	I remember how some time ago, in a certain letter, I wrote, as in a riddle, how the cost of these reiters might be diminished, giving as an illustration the fable of Jason and Medea.
	I know no kingdom more suitable for this equestrian business than your own; for in the supply of horses, England exceeds other countries. But because the horses are but weak, I advised that gradually a few stallions should be brought from Germany and Friesland, unknown to the enemy or to those who may be enemies in the future, which stallions would make the offspring of the English mare more robust.
	But as I do not hear of this being done, either because my opinion was not pleasing or because the riddle was not able to be read, I have chosen by this letter to declare the matter more openly to your Majesty, rather than again speak in riddles (αινιττειν), if perchance this my (not advice but) cogitation may be approved, and choose rather to repeat my folly than by silence to injure your kingdom and your Majesty, to whom I owe my life itself.
	Therefore, one part of my advice was a stud (equaria) that England might in future have more robust and stronger horses and the supply of better horses might increase. . .
	Moreover I thought it would be well to invite secretly a few German saddlers and makers of greaves and shoes, not heads of households, who would need large pay, but their serving men, who, equally skilled, would come amongst us and be their own masters, for moderate pay. Also German tailors for making clothes and blacksmiths for making coats of mail, with a few saddlers.
	This should be done, not in show only, but in substance; not only that there might be a new form of saddle but the saddles themselves, with guns and engines of war, and also the anaphrates of the saddles, which some call stirrups (stapedes); as also by the valour of the captains of horse and foot and the discipline and military exercise of the men, which is easy to effect if the law for the same be confirmed by the will and authority of your Majesty.
	I remember to have heard of a certain number of horses having been ordered to be provided either according to old institution or new custom, by knights, chief ecclesiastics and bishops, barons, earls and dukes. This law, if renewed and observed, might be salutary. I reckon perhaps foolishly, nevertheless I reckon with great care, and whether for good or evil, it is for your Majesty and your kingdom.
	If the German discipline were set up by someone in single companies, the explanation and undertaking of this art and faculty would be easy. And if all the horsemen would obey some one faithful and zealous personage, such as the Earl of Oxford, the Earl of Leicester or Philip Sidney, it might be more convenient, speedy and fitting to entrust this matter to him. If this plan should please your Majesty I will name both workmen and horsemen, able, skilful and taciturn. And if it should please your Majesty, with this supreme commander to put as legate or vicar a German man of war, prudent, experienced and accustomed to many fights, I have more than one who by discipline and taciturnity would be very suitable. Nor would it be without use to add another deputy, an English citizen, to the end that German and Englishman, without envy and with more authority might enforce discipline.
	It would be more than sufficient to have fifty German artificers and the same number of horsemen, whose charges and wages would not be great. It would be better to have widowers or single men rather than fathers of families; for the expence would be much less, the obedience much greater, and they would more faithfully hold their tongues.
	I pray pardon of your Majesty if by this I have offended, for folly annoys less than clamorous wisdom. On account of the dimness of my eyes, I have dictated this to my faithful and silent scribe, whose fidelity I nowise doubt of. If this advice shall be deemed foolish, I wish that to your Majesty only it shall be known, and by your Majesty alone shall be condemned, trusting always in your kindness and justice.
	I gave Mr. Robert Sidney, when he was with me, Aciem Vegetianam Romanam, described by me in a pamphlet but imperfectly, without exposition or correction. If your Majesty pleases, I will add the explanation and correct the errors.
	I know English horsemen to be more clever in riding and managing horses than the Germans. And I saw in the French war, when Boulogne (Polonia) was occupied in 1545 by your Majesty's father of glorious memory, Henry VIII, and when Lichtenmecher, in the lordship of Goyana, the territory of Guines, fought for your father as captain of 2,000 horse, that the English horsemen were far more experimented and more ready than were the Germans themselves. And the commander at Guines, Lord Gray, was himself a renowned and valiant horseman, and more experienced, as I then saw, than were the Germans who fought for the King your father.
	As yet treachery has profitted nothing, and God has hitherto defended your Majesty both against craft and force. I feel that the enemy will next direct his counsels to arms and open violence. This I say, considering that he may be able to bring very much of weight not only to the terror but the strength of his army.
	I am not able to put down all the considerations I made in the letter of which I above made mention, which since it was enigmatical (αινιγματωδης), I have thought well now to add this explanation.
	The Romans considered that terror was of the greatest importance to victory. Therefore the Roman soldiers wore the skins of bears and other wild beasts. The men, amongst whom there were still great numbers of bears, were yet terrified by the bearskins. The reason, however, consisted not in the bears or the bear skins but in the men.
	If there shall be found in this some points not very intelligible, I am ready both to give my reasons and explain the matter more openly, if it should please your Majesty to take notice thereof.—Nordheim, 15 March, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Latin. 7 pp. [Germany, States, III. 6.]
March 15.	485. Dr. Sturm to Walsingham.
	Aurelius Vergerio has given you the letters in which I wrote that by desire of Duke Casimir, Zolcher was deferring for some time his setting out, otherwise being quite ready to start on his journey.
	The cause of this delay was a report of grave danger to the life of our Queen, by a great man of her Court; and that she was seriously wounded although safe as to her life. Up to this time we have heard nothing certainly, and therefore are still tormented by fear and trembling. Would that by your letters more comfortable news may be brought!
	This I have written both to excuse Zolcher's delay and that you may see the distress of Duke Casimir and all of us at this danger to the life of the Queen our mistress.
	The deputies of the cities assembled in the town of Dinckelspiel granted to the Emperor half of those moneys which he asked for at the last diet of Augsburg, to be paid in the space of five years, but on condition that he satisfied the wishes and demands of the cities, that is the renewal and confirmation of their ancient privileges, which the Emperor refused to grant.
	The other Estates, viz. the princes, granted the other half without condition, that is for twenty months of the Roman expedition, the whole being forty months.
	This expedition had 17,000 foot, every one of whom was paid each month four florins; and 3,800 horse, to each of whom was given per month fifteen florins—therefore for each month 125,000 florins were needed, and twenty months required 2,500,000 or twenty-five tons of gold, which sum the citizens should pay and so much the princes have paid.
	As to what relates to the city of Aix-la-Chapellc, the deputies and cities in their own assembly, each for their own city, agreed to undertake its cause.
	Touching the Cologne controversy, the Emperor has called an assembly at Rotenburg, and has sent as his commissioners and arbitrators the Master of the Teutonic Order and the Count of Sollern. On the other side are the two Electors, Augustus of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenburg, to whom is joined the Duke of Wurtemberg. The Archbishops and Electors of Mainz and Treves and the Archduke Ferdinand are nominated by the Catholics.
	Many fear that the Augsburg Confession will cause disturbance in the Council, if Aix shall refuse to subscribe the Formula Concordioe, which the Duke of Wurtemberg will vehemently urge.
	I think you will know how the Elector of Cologne's affairs go better than we do, for you have letters every day, while with us they are very uncertain. He is said to have brought a new force of horse and foot across the Rhine and fought another battle, in which six hundred Spaniards were killed, and Mondragon, a Spaniard, taken prisoner by the Count of “Nova Aquilla,” Also that he has occupied Wesel, which is an imperial city, and has hitherto had as its defender the Duke of Juliers [i.e. Cleves]. But you will know certainly of these things, while we are awaiting another messenger.
	It is also written that Bedburg had been taken by the Bishop of Liége, before the Cologne army could cross, which news we believe to be false.
	Of the King of Denmark we know nothing certainly. But oh! that this cause might be taken in hand not only by her gracious Majesty and you but by this King, before the fire reached your own houses. It would be very fitting to send agents from you and the King of Denmark jointly to the Imperial princes, and to take counsel amongst yourselves for defending the Elector of Cologne well and effectually, that so the good prince might keep his bishopric, and yet the Emperor and the other princes be the less offended. Truly I and many with me consider this to be necessary.
	Whence the Bishop may gain money for providing fresh troops and gathering his men together again is more conjecture than certain opinion and knowledge, and is better to be unknown than to be published.
	As to what concerns Duke Casimir, glorious and generous was his goodwill in carrying succours to the Elector of Cologne. With great diligence and charge he collected a large force of horse and foot. That they in truth did nothing noteworthy was the fault of the reiters, who would not cross the Rhine and meet the enemy on their way. And so great are the wages of the reiters that no prince, however rich he may be, can carry on war for long, as was proved by King Henry the 8th, and not by him only but also by the King of France, for the treasury both of the one and the other was nearly emptied by this means.
	And now the horsemen and their leaders are much more covetous than in those days; much more shameless and heedless of fame and of their reputation than those of the old time. The same thing has been experienced by the King of Denmark and the Prince of Orange.
	It is the opinion of very wise men that if the Elector Palatine Ludwig had not died, and Casimir had not been called to the tutelage of the son, either Casimir would have been cast out, or there would not have been wanting assassins who would have made away with him.
	To what that foul act would have tended, it is dangerous to write, and I have given Zolcher counsel to take heed of his tongue.
	Casimir certainly begins to exercise his guardianship very prudently and energetically. When he first came to Heidelberg, he warned the demagogues to abstain from calumny and abuse on pain of death. Afterwards he had many dismissed from his Court, where he daily maintained twenty tables, at great charges.
	Of the chief theologians who opposed him he has sent away one and another. He has not (as I think) yet dismissed Zimmerman, who drew up the Apologia Concordioe Formuloe, on account of evil words spoken after the edict was given out. He is now applying himself to the reformation of the Academy. He has appointed Dr. James Gryne (Grynaeum) Basilea of Heidelberg, who was with me last week, hoping that I should be called also, for thus he had understood from the letters of Tossanus, and I believe it to be true, for this same Tossanus wrote to me that if this were done I was to accept it, albeit I am an old man.
	Casimir sent legates to the Saxon Electors [sic], as soon as he came to Heidelberg, stating that his brother, the late Elector, had appointed an assembly to be held for appeasing these troubles of Cologne. I hear that they are returned, but what answer they bring I know not.
	I think you will have heard that the Saxon Elector, Augustus, was about to contract an alliance with Duke Julius of Brunswick, (fn. 2) and that the nuptials were to be on the calends of March, which I believe have now been celebrated. The burgomaster of Embden wrote to me that he had the services of a good physician, but who it was, it was not safe to write, though he trusted that before his letters reached me, his fame would be made public. Although they are old letters, it has not yet been made known, but I am in hope that it is the son-in-law of Brettanus Hippophilus. Perhaps they dissembled by whom he was held back lest it might be found out where he was.
	I wished to write this to you in case that perchance he might fly to you for refuge, and find aid with you, and in some safe place with you may be able to carry on his studies. Would that this may happen and that he may be allowed to be with you secretly.
	I have remembered the paradise of the father-in-law of the Lord High Treasurer. (fn. 3) Would that that island and Patmos might receive him, and entertain him hospitably!
	The legates of the King of Navarre have been very hospitably received and treated in Saxony, especially in Dresden, which pleases me very much. They were expected at Heidelberg, and are probably now there, with Duke Casimir.
	I have better hopes of the inclinations of the Elector Augustus than in former years, who yet was the cause of the societies not uniting together, which truly, if ever it was necessary, is now very much to be desired, both by you and by us. We see great endeavours, great expences, great payments, which are made by the Pope and the King of Spain. They will rather attempt the uttermost than suffer the Elector of Cologne to enjoy his episcopate and electorate. For although the Emperor sends his arbiters, and grants free arbitration to some of the Imperial princes, yet I foresee it will be in vain, not that I mistrust the Emperor, but when I consider the adverse party of those commissioners and arbiters, I see αδυνατον to be what I can hope for.
	What is of the greatest use to the Pope and the King of Spain, if they attain it, as they resolve, how can it be good for the Evangelicals, or not rather hurtful, if not resisted? Yet the Archbishop will not be able to resist much longer (who is now waging war alone) because of his great payments to his forces.
	Would that you and the King of Denmark, with the Evangelical princes, might come together at a fixed time and place, and that somewhere there may be a leader for such an assembly. Then certainly I should judge it to be of God, and should believe the movement to be divine. Yet it must needs be done very quickly, while all Westphalia is for the bishop, before it grows cool. Also we must make haste slowly, yet it is certain that plans are ripening.
	From Switzerland sad things are reported; that the war which for two years all have feared is now before their doors, and the preparations on both sides to be seen by the eyes of all. The pontifical would not move until they saw the issue of the Cologne war, of which, until now, they were not able to judge. For unless Bonn had been recovered and the brother of Bishop Gebhard taken, the Duke of Savoy and his Swiss who are of the pontifical party would not have run to arms as now they are seen to do.
	But there is a doubtful rumour of the death of the Duke; if it be true, perhaps the Swiss will again vote for the matter to be discussed further. As the report is uncertain, and I do not know the author, I cannot either declare or hope anything, but I should fear no one if the Evangelical Confederacy might unite together and be established.
	To such an extent have the Spaniards ceased to feel alarm, that the Bishop of Liége has increased the old taxes, so that for each tun of German wine, he exacts five florins above and beyond the usual custom, which thing, as I hope, will diminish the popularity of the Bishop and the Spaniards, and will unite the cities amongst themselves.
	But these, Bonn being retaken, have forthwith begun to be insolent, as they were at their first entering into it. Two public speakers [concionatores, qy. preachers] being taken, were thrown into the Rhine, of whom one was drowned, and the other miraculously preserved by swimming. God oftentimes, in great dangers, declares by small tokens his power and mercy.
	News comes from Cologne that on the calends of March, the legates and commissioners of the Electors Augustus [of Saxony], Brandenburg and Treves started from that city for Aix-la Chapelle. Also, by order of the cities, two were joined in commission with them, of whom one is the proto-notary of our city, a kinsman of my own, who is now on his way. Who the other is I know not.
	The Dukes of Parma and Juliers and the new Bavarian archbishop of Cologne have sent their legates to the same city and assembly, but for their own particular causes, not the cause of Aix itself.
	Of Bedburg they write that as yet all things are safe. So far they have valiantly defended themselves; on the calends of March there was heard the crashing of great battering-rams; the next day this was suddenly followed by silence. It was not known whether a parley was being held by the two sides, or whether they had ceased to fight. Count Charles, the brother of Gebhard, has been taken from Bonn to Boulogne, a town on the borders of France belonging to the Counts of the Marches. The rest of the captive people of Bonn demand to be heard, but so far have had no reply.
	Of Alençon men think thus: that the Belgians, having alienated Jove, have a formidable enemy, and have once more come down to the worship of Veov (fn. 4), expecting help again from him; touching which, I desire to hear your opinion.
	Various changes are seen to be impending, and are confirmed by prodigies in the heavens. For at Osnabrück in Westphalia, not far from Cologne, has been both seen and heard great battles of migrating birds, who have not only been seen fighting, but a great multitude, killed and wounded, have fallen to the earth and have been carried into the city and neighbouring villages.
	In the bishopric of Hildesheim, a military banner, formerly white, suddenly appeared as red as blood, and after four hours returned to its original colour. In the same place was taken a fish of extraordinary size, carrying a sword in his mouth, which prodigy is seen to portend great danger to the maritime cities.
	This is what I have now to tell you. As soon as I know more, I will inform you more certainly. For I believe in this year all men, princes and peoples must keep their eyes open, and secure friendships and make alliances in order to defend themselves against violence. For it is better for communities to strengthen themselves than to fly to arms; less cost, less danger and less hurt.
	I am replying to the great volume of my accusers by continual speech and writing, so that I am constantly with my advocates, directing and preparing their articles. And all my advocates are my friends and are eager in my cause and diligently defend it, yet this action is very expensive, and therefore I hope that by your means two pensions may be sent me, one at Michaelmas, and the other, which is now pressing, at the Visitation of our Lady the Virgin. For this succour will be the fees of my advocates, procurators and letter-carriers.
	You see the employments and troubles of my old age, but methinks I may shortly see the end of this suit, as soon as powers to act shall be sent to my procurator this present month of March.
	I rejoice and congratulate you that you have chosen Sir Philip Sydney (as I hear) to be your son-in-law.—Nordheim, 15 March, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Latin. 11½ pp [Germany, States, III. 7.]