Elizabeth: June 1586, 16-30 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1927.

Citation:

'Elizabeth: June 1586, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1927), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol21/no1/pp18-36 [accessed 25 November 2024].

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June 1586, 16-30



June 16/26.	George Aldersaye to John Aldersaye, merchant.
	"Worshipful Sir," My last of the 22nd of the last, I sent by my friend Gylles Bambrygg. Your goods are sold at Dunkirk, and herewith you shall receive part of your return.
	Three ships have come from Scotland to Dunkirk, with salt, wheat and rye. Some of the men of war of Newport have gone out and the rest go to-day, as I am told by the searcher of that place. A fleet of nine or ten sail have come in, and four flyboats of Flushing "that durst not once speak unto them" ride at anchor out of shot. Two were Spaniards' goods—Lisbon commodities; and the Spanish merchants have come here to receive them.
	Last night, her Majesty's Bull came over, and the Lord Admiral's ship, which ride to the west of the haven. The Flushingers are said to have taken three or four sail (some say six), but one got away, both from the Flushingers and the Queen's ship, and is come in with salt.
	There are two or three Englishmen here, who say they will go in the Queen's ship. [Other movements of ships]. Tomorrow I mean, God willing, to go up into the country.—Calais (Calles), 26 June, 1586, stila nova.
	Add. Endd. by Walsingham's clerk. 1¼ pp. [France XVI. 10.]
	[Only the covering sheet was in its place in France XVI. but the letter was found amongst the Newsletters. "John Aldersaye" is perhaps Walsingham.]
June 17.	Pietro Bizarri to Walsingham.
	By my two others you will have learned how I have fared, both before I reached Hamburg and since my arrival. This is to show you that I have not failed in my duty either towards her Majesty or to you. I had meant to go with my packet to Leipzig and send it from thence, or to go myself to Francfort; but a very good opportunity presented itself to send it to Norimberg by means of M. Virginio Sbarra, a Lucchese merchant, a trusty man and of the Reformed Religion, and there the packet will be consigned to Signor Cesare Calendrini, his correspondent, and also the agent of Sir Horatio Palavicino, to whom it will be at once forwarded in Francfort. I have paid the courier liberally, that it may have quick and safe dispatch; and this way was the most expeditious as there is no ordinary courier from Leipzig to Francfort except during the fair, which only comes twice a year, and from here to Norimberg it usually goes in ten days. My greetings to your consort and to Mr. Robert Beale.—Hamburg, 17 June, 1586.
	Add. Endd. Italian. 1½ pp. [Germany, States IV. 58.]
June 20?	The King of Navarre to Burghley.
	"Mon cousyn, j'ay mande au sr. de busenval de vous dyre de mes nouvelles. Je vous prye le croyre. II est tems sy james, que les prynces crestyens & tous les gens de byen semployent pour une cause sy juste & sy generale & en laquelle toute la crestyente a interest. Jy aporteray ma vye & tous mes moyens jusques au dernyer souspyr. Je vous prye perseverer en v're bonne afectyon & croyre que je suys & seray toute ma vye, v're plus afectyonne and tresassure amy, Henry. [Undated.]
	Holograph? (fn. 1) Add. Endd. by Burghley, 20 Junii, 1586, but this is perhaps the date of receipt. ½ p. [France XVI. 11.]
June 20.	The Elector of Brandenburg to the Queen.
	Her Majesty's envoy, Horatio Palavicino, has diligently put before him her benevolent and favourable good-will, and her views concerning the new disturbances in France. Thanks her for her friendly greeting and declarations of kindness, and in his turn, prays for the happy success of these affairs and offers his princely services. For the business itself, he refers her to his reply, which he has copiously set out, and assures her that he will omit nothing which can be done with safety to the Empire, and by the general deliberation and decree of all the Princes of the Augustan confession, as her envoy will declare to her. Berlin (Colonia ad Suevum [sic]), 20 June, 1586.
	Add. Endd. Latin. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 59.]
June 24.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	Here is nothing but murmuring about the publication of the late edicts. The procureurs still remain obstinate, and the King's demand has fallen from four hundred crowns to forty, but they will not agree to pay anything; "which made the King send to the Lieutenant Criminal the other day to have half a dozen of the chiefest of them by the heels; but he sent him for answer that if he took that course, it would make a mutiny in Paris, so as now he hath sent them a dispensation to execute their charges for a month, but they will not accept of it, fearing it is but a cunning to deceive them, without he revoke his edict clearly. (fn. 2)
	"The Count Soissons being sent two days [ago] to the Chambre de Comptes, for the verifying of those edicts, they all rose and would not hear him, except the President, the King's Procureur and the greffier; which made the King to interdict all the councillors of that quarter, and now since hath interdicted the whole chamber. The King is obstinately bent to have his edicts go forward, whereof there is small likelihood. If they were duly executed, by account they amount to three score and twelve millions of crowns, but I think he shall not make three score thousand crowns."
	The Parlement of Rouen, having refused to receive certain edicts before these, were summoned to answer it before the Chancellor, "from whom they appeal, and say they will answer before the three Estates, when they shall be called and the King sitting there. So as the first president hath Paris given him for his prison, whereupon . . . four score villages in Normandy have refused to pay the tailles." At Troyes, the townsmen are said to have slain two of those sent to publish the edicts, sorely hurt another, and cut the throats of those of the town that were to disburse the money; but this is not yet verified. "They murmur greatly in this town, and a mutiny is feared. The Chancellor is not without fear, nor all the rest that are of the parties, which be most Italians.
	"M. d'Espernon prepares as fast as he can to go into Provence, where it is thought he shall not be very welcome. M. Joyeuse is gone yesterday. His artillery and munition goes up to Mollins [Moulins], where his rendez-vous is; he says he will besiege Millaut, but most think he will go into Languedoc, to help his father, but I rather fear, when they have all their forces together, they will fall towards Guienne, and see if they can shut up the King of Navarre into any town.
	"There is a speech that the King will go to Lions; but I do not think that either he will leave Paris or go thither, where perchance he should not be received, especially if Espernon go with him, whom they hate deadly, and who would be revenged of them if he might be the stronger.
	"The Queen Mother makes it to be given out that she will go to Chenonceau, and from thence towards Guienne, to treat of a peace with the King of Navarre, but it is one of her policies, to abuse the world with an honest pretence which she means not, hoping thereby to stay the succours that his friends will send him.
	"The King hath given the Duke of Guise leave to besiege Auxonne, . . . but I see small means to do it, for neither doth the King help him with anything from hence, but doth draw away all the forces he can from him, to send with Joyeuze and Espernon.
	"The Marshal of Biron is mad to see half his lansquenets taken away, and those light horsemen that came from Cambray, and given to M. Joyeuze. He is now gathering together of an army, which I think will be but a silly one.
	"M. de la Marsilliere is gone from hence. They would fain have drawn him to speak of a peace, which was but a cunning of them to abuse the world with a good show, . . . but he had no charge to move it, neither is it yet time to speak of it, till they be stronger, when they shall have more thanks and make it more advantageous for themselves. All men think that the King desireth nothing more, but he will have it sought at his hands.
	"La Marsilliere hath governed himself very wisely here. I have had often conference with him; he shows himself greatly affected to the service of his master, and desirous to entertain all love and amity with his friends, and above all with her Majesty."
	The sea army still goes forward. Chattes, governor of Dieppe is to command it. There are not above ten ships, altogether not above 1500 ton, but there are eight or nine ships in the coast of Brittany which may join them. Their "colour" is to go to Brouage, but what other secret commission they have I cannot yet discover.
	Assured news now comes "that M. Mandelot is dead, and his government given to la Vallette, in spite of the Queen Mother and Madame de Nemours, who were very earnest to have it for M. de Nemours. If it be true, there is great suspicion it was determined aforehand" but it may be as false as the bruit that Cambrai was delivered into the King of Spain's hands.
	"I see all things here disposed to go very badly forward, for the King is determined . . . not to revoke his edicts, and on the contrary side, some are determined not to consent to the passing of them, and, if they be passed, generally nobody to pay for them; [so] that there is nothing like to follow but sedition or worse. But it is an ill wind doth nobody good, for I think if they whom they seek to quiet had their forces ready, it would be nothing the worse for them, for all men are here generally discontented." —Paris, 24 June, 1586.
	Postscript. Since the writing of this, one has come to ask me to write to pray for your aid in recovering a ship called the Jonas, Adrian Dirixon, master, belonging to Odo de Breteville and Nicolas Morant of Rouen, and coming from the Canaries laden with sugar etc.; which was taken by two English men of war in May last, and brought into the haven of Biswater [sic].
	Signed. Add. Endd. "Jonas, a ship taken by certain English pirates and carried to Bridgwater." 3 pp. [France XVI. 12.]
June 24.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	I send a copy of a letter received even now from Mr. "Pallavesine," and two others from another place. I am sorry to hear that their forces will be no sooner ready, "for if they were coming now, while this discontentment is fresh in their minds here. I do think they might work miracles.
	"There came one to me this morning, that left the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé not ten days agone departed in the night about an enterprise of some great importance. God send them good success. I am advertised . . . that Aussone is determined to be at the King of Navarre's devotion; God keep them still in that mind, for it is of great importance. Montpensier hath sent of late to the King of Navarre, to assure him again of him, but he would fain linger the coming of the reiters. Soissons is almost mad at it. Montpensier hath sent Vray and Count Caravas to the King of Navarre, by the motion of Chemeraut, (fn. 3) that was sent from the King to him, to move the King of Navarre for a peace; but all that is but a colour . . . for he doth not mean it, as he assureth the King of Navarre."
	I send to my Lords all that has passed between the Admiral and those appointed to deal with me. (fn. 4) I pray you help to construe all things to the best that come from me; "as one unacquainted with those things, and yet constrained for reputation sake to answer somewhat."
	I beseech you to send this packet to Buzenval presently, as the letters are recommended to me to be delivered with safety and speed.—24 June, 1586.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. with note: "sent to the Lords what hath passed between him and the officers of the Admiralty there." 1 p. [France XVI. 13.] Words in italics, in cipher, undeciphered.
June 24.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	I cannot but send you a letter by Mr. Offley, though I am weak and faint at this time. He has delivered his charge to me very sufficiently and discreetly, and can tell you what is done for the safe and secret keeping of it. All things shall be ready when they are ready to perform the promise on which this was grounded. "There is no fault in Soissons, but Montpensier, who was the hastiest, is somewhat slower, though within two days they hope to have news from him, having sent from hence expressly ; as also the King of Navarre hath account, so that we hope to have all things well very shortly. . . . Soissons is half mad at Montpensier.—Paris, 24 June, 1586.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVI. 14.]
	Pasted inside the covering sheet.
	Account of moneys delivered in Paris, June 5, 1586. Signed Hugh Offley.
	Fr. ½ p. [France XVI. 15.]
June 25.	Stafford to the Queen.
	I am fain to trouble your Majesty "more for to please the humours of them that have so earnestly pressed me to it than for anything that needed," having at large written to my Lords what has passed between the Admiral and those joined with him to deal with me for sea causes, and myself. But I was fain to promise them to write a private letter to your Majesty "to recommend the consideration of the inconveniences that come for not having better order, and the expedition to your wisdom, for the taking of some present order in it, whereof they have made some overtures. I told them, because I knew your Majesty's disposition in those causes, that it should not need, but yet to fulfil their wills in it, I have presumed thus much, humbly craving pardon of your Majesty."—Paris, 25 June, 1586.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVI. 16.]
June 25.	Stafford to Burghley.
	I have written to my Lords all that has passed here between them that the King appointed and me about sea matters. I beseech your lordship, help to construe all that comes from me to the best. They very much pressed the matter of my lord of Leicester, "which I was fain for reputation's sake to answer somewhat" and hope my answer hath ministered no cause of mislike, but pray for your advice, that I may be better instructed another time.
	I have written to Mr. Secretary at large how all passes here. "It is a great hazard if things grow not to some hard point between the King and his subjects; how he is cried out upon I cannot write. What good it would do the King of Navarre if at this time he had any forces hereabouts, I dare not well write, for fear of the changing of their minds, their heads be so changeable."
	I send you a packet from my cousin Cecyll, who is here, attending your pleasure. He tells me he has craved your lordship's favour for M. de la Noue. I pray you, "give me leave to accompany it with my humble suit to your lordship, to help the poor gentleman with all the favour you may, for his desert deserveth all men's help."—Paris, 25 June, 1586.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVI. 17.]
June 25.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	I received the enclosed by order of the Duke of Bullion, and yesterday a man of trust came again from him to declare another matter, which, though I do not believe it, I thought fit to advertise you of by this messenger. It is, that he is certainly advertised "that the Duke of Guise hath at his departure obtained of the King and Queen Mother that Cambray shall be delivered into the King of Spain's hands, and that Balagni shall be sent hither, under colour to be greatly made of, and by the way coming, shall be cut in pieces; or if he will not come out, they will find some way to poison him within." I do not believe it, but have given warning to one of Balagni's folks here, that he may make his master know of it.
	The King of Navarre's ambassadors sent to the Swissers, Marselliere and Rosny, arrived but the day before yesterday, and were with me yesterday but for ordinary compliments; leaving till to-day or tomorrow to come again, "both because I was very weak and they pressed with the time and hour appointed to be with the Swissers."
	My weakness makes me desire pardon of you for this time, hoping in a day or two to dispatch one to you with all things at large. "In the mean time I cannot but give you this small hope of the Swissers doing any good here, that they, when they come to the trial, are not the men they were desirous to be thought afore they came; and that they be, especially the chief of them, in affairs too much at the King's devotion. And for my part, I see not their promptitude to assist the King of Navarre thoroughly if there be no peace, as they gave out."
	Those of Germany are said to be already in France, and looked for shortly. I pray God they carry some effect, or I would there had none come at all. The bearer has been with the Prince of Condé and the King of Navarre; sent to the Prince by me with a advertisement against his person; "the men named that are about him, and them that have practised them." I have paid his charges and given him somewhat for his pains, yet I pray, for my sake "that his packet may be mended" for he has acted both warily and with expedition. I leave to him to tell you how he left that King and Prince.—Paris, 25 June, 1586.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVI. 18.]
	The names in italics are in cipher, undeciphered.
June 25./July 5.	Lazaro Grimaldi to Palavicino.
	I wrote to you on the 22nd of this month by the usual way of Venice, sending a duplicate by Lyons. I have only now to tell you that Prince Doria has at length had a reply from the minister to whom he wrote of the business proposed by you, the letter being dated 31 of May.
	He [qy. Cardinal Granvelle] writes that the advice arrived at a very untoward time, just when they had received news of the great injuries done by Sir [Francis] Drake, which had so greatly disturbed the mind of the King, that although he himself, from his friendship with the said Prince, and his desire that by his Excellency's means there should come about a pacification between the two crowns, was very well inclined to it, he had not dared to propose it to the King, not seeing on the part of her Majesty any offer to give due satisfaction for the many injuries done; yet if the said satisfaction should be offered, he would not fail to make the attempt, and to do all good offices; as the Prince is confident he will do; to whom it seems very just that so much should be demanded; because where so many and such grave offences are alleged, unless some satisfaction is offered, it can hardly be believed that the Catholic King will give ear to whoever should treat with him of reconciliation. Your honour may give them to understand this in England (if you have no commission to go further) because if her Majesty, following her good inclination to the King (of which you have more than once told me) and to a peace with him, should do what is reasonable, this Prince will willingly treat of it; and his authority and credit with the King his master being so great, we may hope for a good result; very much aided by the aforesaid minister, who also has much influence with him; and of this you need not doubt, and may know that I do not write of it without good foundation; knowing that he is one of the chief men the said King has, and in whom he most believes, and rightly; he being of extraordinary worth. I know also that he professes close friendship with the Prince and the Prince with him, so that these lords aiding our intent, by the favour of God we may hope for very good results. . . . And if her Majesty, not being greedy to keep what belongs to others, will resolve to release what she holds in the Low Countries, as I promise myself from the moderation of her mind . . ., I shall hope for most happy success. . . .
	I hear that the Prince is shortly to depart with the galleys, unless order comes to the contrary. Before he goes, I will consult with him what method we shall take to carry on the project, and whom he will meet, and where. We have already discussed this together, and he will not fail to forward so important an affair; which also I myself will aid as much as possible, and Signor Fabritio will do the same. He has lately received your letter of May 28, from which I see that you have postponed for some days your departure for Saxony; whence I wish you a safe and happy return.—Genoa, 29 June, 1586.
	The original of this is sent to Francfort. If we have anything new, I will advertise you of it.—Genoa, 5 July, 1586.
	Add. (to London). Endd. Italian. 2¼ pp. [Germany, States IV. 60.]
June 26.	Stafford to the Lords of the Council.
	The other day I wrote to Mr. Secretary upon a complaint for a French ship taken in May by two English men of war, and carried into Biswater [Bridgewater]. I have now been asked to accompany the bearer (who is one of the owners) with letters in his favour for the recovering of the ship and merchandise. The ship is the Jonas, laden with sugar etc. at the Canaries for Odo de Breteville and Nicolas Morant, merchants of Rouen; and was taken by Cape Finisterre. The Admiralty officers beseech your lordships that they may have present restitution of the ship and goods, belonging wholly to French merchants; which I humbly crave at your hands, that further cause of complaining be taken away.—Paris, 26 June, 1586.
	Signed. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XVI. 19.]
June 26.	Horatio Palavicino to Walsingham.
	From Dresden I wrote fully to you, by your servant Piper of Ipswich, of all that had happened to me in that Elector's court, which I hope has come safely to your hands. Since then I have been to the Elector of Brandenburg, by whom I was honourably received, but his reply to what I gave him in writing upon the affairs of France was to the same tenor as that of his son-in-law, of which he had had full notice. I will send it to you as soon as I reach Frankfort and then tell you more particularly what little I am able to judge of the dispositions of these princes. Meanwhile I send this by a Fleming whom I have met by accident. Give me leave once more to remind you to move the King of Denmark—who will certainly be with these Electors within a month or six weeks—to exhort them warmly to take to heart not only the particular matters of France, but those of the common cause in general, and to this effect dispose them to a firm and strong league, because, if zealously done, I hope that would have very good effect with them and as regards the public cause will be without doubt an action of great moment, as it is evident that the common enemies fear more such a thing than any other that may happen.— Norimburg, 26 June, 1586.
	Add. Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 61.]
June 28.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	I received your honour's letters for my lord of Shrewsbury's cause now in suit here, and have done what I could; complaining to the Admiral of the injustice done at Rouen, and getting the parties to be called up hither. "The cause was almost desperate when my lord's man came to me, being already judged by the Tournelle at Rouen, and your honour knows how hard a thing it is to reverse a definitive sentence given by a sovereign court." It is committed to President Faucon, who I doubt not will stay it to be judged here, where we shall have equity and justice. I pray you, assure my lord I will labour in it as earnestly as if the cause were mine own.—Paris, 28 June, 1586.
	Signed. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [France XVI. 20.]
June 30.	Segur to Walsingham.
	Since my last, I have heard from a good source that the King of Denmark, Electors of Saxe and Brandenburg and other protestant princes will shortly assemble near this town, to settle many affairs of importance, and especially the means of aiding the King of Navarre and our churches. I see plainly that your Queen will be the last to help us, although she is the most interested, and was the first to exhort the others. But I believe that it is not her fault; attributing it to some of her councillors, whose malice may God bring to light. I will advertise you what is resolved on in this assembly; the news of which is the only thing which has brought me hither.
	There is in this town a great personage called Helias Hutterus, who is having the Bible printed in Hebrew, in new characters and by so easy a method, that one can learn more in one month than formerly in six. But as the printing is costly, and he fears that when he has printed it in Germany, others may print it from his copy elsewhere, i.e. in England, he begs you, as I do also, to obtain the Queen's prohibition against the printing thereof in any of her dominions for a certain number of years; it being only reasonable that the author of a new and very useful invention, and who has had all the expence of it, should derive some profit therefrom. The said Hutterus also desires to print all the versions made of the Bible, in Greek, Latin and other vulgar tongues so far as he can collect them, even up to a hundred; printing them so that on one leaf one will see all the different versions. Learned men say that this will be a fine work, and very useful. But as it will be very costly, and a private man cannot undertake it, it is thought to be a matter worthy of the aid of the Queen and other christian princes. If her Majesty would contribute, she would do well, and you may speak to her of it if you know it may be of any use.
	M. Junius also, who translated the Bible into Latin with Emanuel Tremellius, has corrected this in such sort that it is almost like a new translation, and has sent it to the heirs of the late Wechel to be printed; but as they fear that some English printer may make use of this edition, as happened to the first which they issued (fn. 5), they are determined not to print it unless they also obtain a prohibition from the Queen to all the printers of her Kingdom, for some years. And as many learned personages who have seen this version declare it to be very good and necessary for all Christendom, I beg you to obtain this prohibition as well as that for Helias Hutterus, and also the licence for Dr. Vitus Vinshemius to export a hundred tons of butter from Holland; and to send me all three together. I pray you not to be vexed by these requests; they are for a good purpose, and will cost nothing; and I shall be as much obliged to you as if it were for a private affair of my own.— Hamburg, last of June, 1586.
	Signed. Add. Endd. "31 [sic] June, 1586." French. 1½ pp. [Germany, States IV. 62.]
[June.]	Pierre Lefebure, dit Lescordier, a captain of the King's Ocean fleet, says that a ship belonging to Nicolas Gillot of Dieppe left that port about June 15, 1586, to go to the parts of the Belthe [sic], a country of Germany, to be laden with corn; and being so laden was on its return when it was met outside Boulogne by an English ship equipped for war; which took the said ship and corn, together with Jehan Robin, a factor in it and carried it to Flushing, where all was adjudged good prize, which is a great loss to Lefebure, to whom the corn belonged. If such things are done, it will be impossible for the ships from the said haven to continue to use their ordinary route.
	Endd. "Pierre Le Febure, his ship . . . taken and carried to Flushing, there sold. June 1586." Fr. 1 p. [France XVI. 21.]
June.	Deliberations in the Council of the King touching "depredations," with detailed resolutions concerning the measures to be taken in the ports of the two kingdoms for preventing acts of piracy on either side.—At Paris and St. Maur des Fosses, June, 1586.
	Certified by Le Sueur, secretary of M. de Chasteauneuf, as having been collated by him with the original [signed by Pinart], sent over by the King to his ambassador.
	Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XVI. 22.]
June.	Declaration of what was ordained in the King's Council upon the Placard of the Earl of Leicester. (fn. 6)
	The King having exhibited in his Council the said Placard, whereby the Earl forbids merchants, of whatever country they may be, to trade with the subjects of the King of Spain; or to take into the neutral countries which are part of the Kingdom of France any corn or other merchandise, without his passport and safe-conduct; and that those who shall pass by the seas and coasts of the United Provinces shall pay right of convoy; failing which, they shall be held to be good prize:—As also that those who sail towards France or other places to the west shall keep on the high sea; and all those found within the banks of Flanders shall be confiscated: And that all the boats of Calais, Boulogne, Dieppe and other towns and harbours between Calais and Nantes in which are found any subjects of the King of Spain shall be forfeited and declared good prize:—
	(1) His Majesty says that the said placard is contrary to the treaties between their Majesties, whereby trade is declared free to his subjects, in whatever province they may be.
	(2) And although there be a quarrel between the Queen of England and the King of Spain; his Majesty having remained at peace with both, traffic cannot be forbidden to his subjects in Spain, England or the Low Countries.
	(3) Also, it has always been customary that the subject [of a country] with whom there is no war, is free to go to the countries who are at war.
	(4) As was practised by the English during the last war between the Kings of France and Spain; who trafficked freely into these two kingdoms.
	(5) And thus for the Earl of Leicester to hinder the said parties from trade with the Low Countries or Spain, is to break the alliance between France and England.
	(6) Moreover, to declare the French ships taken by the Hollanders and Zeelanders good prize, is a manifest injustice and contrary to all law, whether of God or man, and his Majesty will not suffer it.
	(7) Wherefore he requires the said Queen to cause speedy justice to be done for the said depredations, and to satisfy the French who have been plundered.
	(8) And that she shall forbid the Earl of Leicester and all others to hinder the traffic of the French to any place whatever, as also the fishing, without restitution, seeing that it has always been free, whatever war there might be between the said kingdoms.
	(9) And that, in order to cause the said Earl of Leicester to restore the goods pillaged by the Hollanders, she shall cause sufficient goods of his own to be delivered to the offended Frenchmen to recompense them for their losses; which she cannot in justice refuse, seeing that the Earl is her subject, and his goods held under her obedience.
	(10) His Majesty long ago wrote to the said Queen to do justice to Jehan Chevrier, a merchant dwelling in Auvergne, for certain goods which he had laden at Calais in a Breton ship, which were taken by Jehan Peden, a captain of Zeeland, six leagues from Calais, taken into Zeeland and declared good prize by sentence of the Admiralty of Zeeland on Sept. 5, 1585, (fn. 7) on the ground that the said Chevrier had brought the goods from Spain, trafficked at St. Omer, and bought part thereof in the Low Countries. And although his said Majesty had also written to the Estates of the said Countries, they referred the decision of the matter to the said Earl of Leicester, who did no justice therein, but on the contrary, by his letter to the English ambassador (which he produced in the Council of the King) the Earl defends the said sentence, grounding it upon the said placards, and nevertheless, it cannot be thought good, if the said Queen wishes to maintain the good faith and alliance of the two kingdoms.
	(11) Seeing that by their treaties it is in no wise forbidden to the French to traffic with the subjects of the King of Spain, and that such prohibitions of the Earl of Leicester can only be binding on those who are under his rule.
	(12) Moreover, if such prohibitions had been approved by her Majesty, yet such sorts of merchandise as those of Chevrier have never been forbidden, even in countries where there was war, and could not without great injustice be confiscated.
	(13) And seeing that the said Queen well knew the injustice done to the said Chevrier, his Majesty prays her to give him prompt satisfaction; otherwise the good faith of the two countries is broken.
	(14) His Majesty also prays the said Queen to make like satisfaction to the many Frenchmen who have been taken by the said ships of Zeeland, even since the time when, upon their prayer, she had granted them surséance [i.e. stay of proceedings] for six months for the ships seized.
	(15) And also to give orders that all French vessels be let to pass freely, whether coming from or going into France, without confiscation, forfeiture or stay of the said vessels or their furniture, as happened three months ago to several ships laden with corn in other provinces to carry into France.
	Otherwise, his said Majesty cannot deny to his subjects the ordinary means they have been accustomed to make use of in the case of those who deny them justice.
	Made in the Council of the King, both in Paris and at St. Maur des Fossés, June, 1586, and signed Pinart.
	Certified as collated with the original—sent by the King to the Baron of Chasteauneuf, Ambassador with the Queen of England—by his secretary, Le Sueur.
	Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [France XVI. 23.]
[June.]	Answer of Sir E. Stafford to the Preceding Complaint.
	1. The King and Council were mistaken in thinking that the placard was against the treaties between their Majesties, for her Majesty had no interest for or against anything done by those countrymen against subjects of France, "for first and foremost, they were not her subjects"; nor my Lord of Leicester appointed by her to govern those countries, but to be General of the English troops sent to aid them to maintain their ancient liberties, as the King himself would have done but for the troubles in his own country; who had often, both by his ambassador in England and by himself [Stafford], there, requested her Majesty, for pity's sake, not to deny them, which was the cause why she entered into the matter, his lordship being chosen both for "the wisdom was known to be in the man to govern," and for his authority and greatness in the realm. If they of the Low Countries have put further authority into his hands, and being in that authority, he has done somewhat which may not content all parties, her Majesty is no more answerable for it than the King was for his brother's actions.
	2. He knew of no war between the King of Spain and her Majesty. If there was anything between them, "it was but a matter of some denial of justice, whereupon letters of reprisal were granted and executed, without breach of peace"; therefore he knew of no reason why the subjects of all three Princes might not traffic with each other, when satisfaction was once made for the injuries they had done.
	3. Did not deny that this has been always a custom, and is not yet hindered, for aught he knew.
	4. This was a thing before his time, but he believed it was so.
	5. His lordship has not broken the alliance between the realms, having no authority (so far as he knows) from her Majesty to do it.
	6. His lordship is so wise that he doubtless could give a good account why he did it.
	7. Her Majesty can promise to wield no justice save over her own subjects, which they of the Low Countries are not; but if it pleases them, he will move her Majesty and is sure she would willingly admonish them of the Low Countries to give no cause of misliking to the King and his subjects, and command his lordship to use his best endeavours to make them do it.
	8. She can, and he is sure will forbid her own subjects to do it, but with others could (he thought) use only the methods of the article before.
	9. That it were no reasonable demand to make the Earl of Leicester surrender the goods, it not being in his power but by way of entreaty, and this he had endeavoured to do, as was shown by his letter to the Admiralty, "upon the letter he received from the King for the cause of Chevrier"; and for the Queen "to deliver his goods to answer the French men's losses, because he was her subject" was no more reason than for the King to do the like with the noblemen who were with Monsieur, yet he would never answer for anything they did.
	10. If her Majesty had written in the cause of Chevrier, it showed that she would do anything to help his subjects, but he could not believe that she did it by way of commandment. That the States left the decision to the Earl of Leicester did not appear by their letter (which he now again showed to the Council), in which "they defend their sentence to be good, which her Majesty cannot do withal, neither can it break any treaty or alliance between the King and her."
	11. And therefore the conclusion that followeth in the 11th article is of no weight.
	12. Believes her Majesty "would not annoy and impeach the traffic," but help all she could to keep things on good terms between them and the King.
	13. She "taketh no knowledge of those things but by way of mediation," which he thinks she would do very willingly.
	14. Is sure she will mediate for any reasonable thing for the King's subjects, but thought she would not otherwise intermeddle.
	15. Believes she would give no commandment, but use the means aforesaid to maintain good amity. Thinks however "that they of the Low Countries had the same reasons that all men of war have to impeach their enemy to be so victualled, and if upon open publication to forbid it, anybody bring victuals and were taken" he thought it was a custom at all times to confiscate it, for the answer they made him the last day in that point "was nothing vallable, that the King openly forbid the transportation of any victuals out of the realm, for if, for all that, his subjects did transport to the enemy that which the King had forbidden, it was not reason they should let their enemy be succoured before their noses, and to send them that they had taken to the King to do justice . . . it was a thing in like cases (he thought) in time of war had never commonly been seen, and besides, it was not like the King would do open justice for that, if they were sent him, for that were open breaking with the King of Spain, and therefore . . . it were better for him not to see them that were taken for that matter, nor to take knowledge of it."
	16. And so he would not need "to be in pain of the 16th." Will, as they request, write to the Queen "to make some good order between them," which he "dare say" she will very willingly do, desiring them in the mean time to pardon him for dealing plainly in a matter he "had no charge to deal in, and was altogether unacquainted with."
	In Stafford's own hand. 4 pp. [France XVI. 24.]
[June ?]	"A memorial of the conference about piracies," in Walsingham's hand.
	1. The answering of the matter touching the placard.
	2. The answering of the ambassador's complaints.
	3. The goods of her Majesty's subjects.
	Resolutions:
	"That touching the placard, first it belongeth to the States to answer it, for that the Earl of Leicester is only General of her Majesty's forces; 'secondarily,' that her Majesty doth mislike of the said placard in sundry points, both for the form and the matter. And lastly that her Majesty, in respect of the mislike that the French King hath of the said placard, she hath given order to the Earl of Leicester to deal with the States for reformation of the same. For the more expedition in yielding satisfaction to the said King's subjects' complaints, it is thought meet that an especial commission shall be directed to certain persons for the hearing and determining the said complaints.
	That the judge of the Admiralty shall deal with the merchants interested to make choice of a solicitor to follow their complaints in France. In Walsingham's hand.
	Below, written by Burghley, list of the commissioners:—
	Richard Staper, John Fisher, George Hanger, London.
	John Barker, Ipswich.
	Robert Smyth, George Wykes, Dartmouth.
	Michael Pepoll, Bristol.
	Titus Johnson, Richard Arnolt, Thomas Androise, London. —Hassall, Lyme.
	Endd. "Resolution taken touching conference with the ambassador about redress of piracies." 2 pp. [France, XVI. 25.]
June.	"Resolution taken upon conference with the French ambassador for matters of piracy, June, 1586.
	J. Prior. "To write a letter to Mr. Seymer either to make satisfaction or to appear before my lords. To deal with Mr. Rawley to make satisfaction or to show some reason why he should not do the same. And to know what answer he hath received of the governor of Brest.
	The judge of the Admiralty to proceed with all convenient expedition in the ending of the cause.
	Margin. "Jeronimo Andrea. Ordered by the Judge that Bird etc. shall pay 296.9.6. to Tresell, the 30 of July, 1586.
	Baynard. "Touching the wheat sold in Cornwall, a letter to be written to the judges of the Admiralty there to see restitution made, according to the price that wheat bare in that country at the time of the sale thereof.
	Pape (fn. 8). "Sir Wm. Courtenay to be ordered to make restitution, for which purpose, letters are to be written unto him, either to make the said restitution, or to appear before the lords.
	Nowell. "The judge to proceed to the examining and sentencing of the cause.
	Ravenell. "That Young shall either make restitution of certain packets of canvas belonging to Ravenell, or appear before my lords of the Council to show cause why he should not make restitution accordingly. And Young's commission for the dealing with the said canvas to be suspended. The said Ravenell offereth to yield 1500 crowns to the said Young to be assisted in the execution of his commission.
	Russell, solicitor for the merchants of Toulouse. "His proofs made at Flushing touching the woad (oade) taken by the ships that transported the Prince of Condé to be examined by the Judge of the Admiralty, and to make report to the commissioners.
	Viveux [?] "Mr. Harbart to bring Mr. Campion and Gifford to the French ambassador to the end they may treat of an accord.
	Muriscovesia. "Ordered that the two cautionaries shall answer such satisfaction as by law shall be adjudged.
	Durie [?] Parrye. "To be considered by the Lords the especial commissioners, wherein the advice of the judge and the assistants is:—That a letter be written to Sir George Carey for the restoring unto Jeffrey Prior of the Flanders wares specified in an inventory returned into the Admiralty Court."
	Endd. as the headline. In Walsingham's hand. 2¼ pp. [France XVI. 26.]
[June ?]	[Thomas Rogers (fn. 9) ] to Francis [Mills?]
	"According to your direction, I have hereunder set down the matter that concerneth the Lord Ambassador, which matter being both dishonourable and very perilous is worthy to be noted and wisely to be foreseen.
	"First, by a letter that Tho. Fitzherbert wrote to Geoffrey Foljambe (Foulgiam), I do find that the Lord Ambassador, in consideration of 6000 crowns, and in performance of his promise, did show to the Duke of Guise his letters and intelligences out of England.
	"Secondly, that he imparteth also his said secrets to Charles Arundel, and that he told him that M. Arnault, that lately attended upon the French ambassador here was a spy for the right honourable your good master [Walsingham] and that he gave him at his first entertainment a chain of gold, upon his promise to perform that office; which matter was delivered to Queen Mother, who presently was much perplexed with the matter, and gave order to remove him from hence.
	"Thirdly, there was a captain that had served in the Low Countries . . . that passed by Rheims toward Paris, who had a packet of letters from Dr. Gyfford and others to Charles Arundel and others at Paris, who presented the said packet to the Lord Ambassador; but he delivered the letters again to him to carry into England, and gave secret notice to Fitzherbert and the rest to seek out the party, and to procure his letters out of his hands.
	"Fourthly, I found that Charles Arundel had a special care and hope that the Ambassador might stay in France until his return, and this I persuade myself, that Arundel imparted his intent of going into Spain to him, for they were very conversant, and their most meeting was at Monsieur Simier's (Scimer's) lodging in the rue de Beaver [qy. Biévre]. And further I find that Arundel can send any man into England by the ambassador's means . . . and did secretly procure letters of commendations on my behalf to his honour for my return into England, upon hope that I should or would receive his letters at his return from Spain, which maketh me think that I shall hear from him if he be returned.
	"Lastly, it was concluded between the ambassador and the rest, that the better to increase his credit in England, they would deliver him from time to time such intelligences, or the first fruits of the new books or libels as should first come forth and be grateful unto him; which was curiously observed by the Papists for all common matters, but for other matters, they never troubled his head withal.
	"And further, I did always find him evil affected to our honourable good friend [Walsingham], as being glad to hear of the peril of death that he was in about Christmas last (as was then reported in France), and for example, there passed some special messenger from the King of Navarre towards England about the same time, who had order from the King to pass in secret through Paris without speaking with the ambassador, and in England to deliver his letters and messages only to our honourable master and to conceal the same from the right honourable the Lord Treasurer; but the ambassador understanding thereof, by means procured from the said messenger his whole ambassage, which he then sent into England to the Lord Treasurer.
	"I have before this time advertized his honour of the premises, but I perceive since my return that the most part of them were concealed from him by Palavicino, to what end I know not; but his honour now being fully instructed thereof, I would it would please him to let me know whether he will conceal them or let Palavicino know that he is certified of them; for Palavicino willed me not to bewray them (wherein I should have had small discretion); but fain I would learn what answer to make Palavicino if he ask me, and to avoid the suspicion of the bewraying of the matter to his honour.
	"There is lately arrived in England one Lighe, a priest, and one Langdale, a priest also, who came from Rome, and entered England in mariners' apparel, shipped from Treport. Lighe haunteth the company of the Lady Jarrett, and is lodged for the most part at the Swan in Strand. He said mass in Newgate to the Papists there on Sunday last. Langdale resorteth to the Lord Vaux.
	"Hereinclosed I send you a letter which I received from Palavicino, wherein he desireth to know what shall become of the Ambassador. I would be glad to have order what answer to make him. I pray you ask his honour's advice, and keep the letter safe."
	[Messages to Walsingham]. "This Wednesday night in haste, as may appear by my scribbling."
	Postscript. Asks for letters from Walsingham to Mr. Bostock, high sheriff of Surrey, on behalf of a kinsman, John Martyn of Tillingdowne (fn. 10), whose landlord, Allen Hord (a Papist) is about to turn him out of the farm of which he has a lease, because "he made default of payment of his rent at his day," though he has now paid the whole. Add. but the name carefully cancelled. The Christian name is however evidently Francis, and it may therefore be pretty safely assumed that the letter is to Fras. Mills, one of Walsingham's secretaries. Endd. "Secret advertisements." 3 pp. [France XVI. 27.]