|
Jan. 3.
Boston in New England. |
504. Governor Philips to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. I had the honour of adviseing your Lordships in
October last, of my arrival, and intention of proceeding in the
man of warr on this station for Annapolis Royall, and am sorry
for this occasion of acquainting you, that having embark't accordingly, after waiting five weeks, which was spent in fitting out
the ship, all endeavours was used to gaine the passage but winter
overtaking us, when the navigation on that coast, especially
of the Bay of Fundee becomes impracticable, I was sett on shore
in Casco Bay, and am returned to winter here not by choice
but necessity. I will not take up your Lordships' time with a
journal of my proceedings unless necessary for my justification
to prove that I have lost no time or oppertunity that was in
my power from the moment I recieved my Instructions, of
repairing to my duty. It will be my care to sett forward again,
as soon as the winter breaks up, and in the meane while to improve this absence in the best manner I can to the good of H.M.
service. I am glad to hear that some of your Lordships have
been at the Court of France, to settle the affairs of these countrys,
which was absolutly necessary for the peace, and safety thereof,
and could not be managed by better hands, and yett after all
that your Lordships may have done, there will ever remaine a
great obstruction to our happiness whilst the Priest and Jesuitts
are among us, for it is not to be imagined whith what application, they incourage the French, and Indians, against submitting
to H.M. Government, and even theire sermons are constant
invectives, against the English Nation, to render it odious to
the natives, among this tribe are Pere Vincent and Fœlix, who
distinguish themselves for most inveterate enemies, to the
Brittish interest, and preside in the quality of Governors over
Minas, and Chignecto, two most considerable settlements, in
Nova Scotia, the people pay them a willing obedience, and are
growne so insolent as to say they will neither swear allegiance
nor leave the country etc. How far they may change theire
sentiments at my arrival, is uncertaine. I shall not faile to
publish the King's gratious intentions toward them, and endeavour to convince them, they are acting against theire owne
intrests, but the best argument will be a reinforcement of troops,
for they are ignorant, that the garrison of Annapolis, consisting
but five companys upon a low establishment, will not admitt
of a considerable detachment to be sent against them, and tho'
force, need not be made use of, but as the last remedy, it is my
humble opinion, that I should have orders, to move three
companys, forthwith from Placentia, which are not wanted
there, the remaining part being sufficient to carry on the small
work intended there, and that at the same time, the Enginier
have direction sent him for raising a fortification to containe
two companys, with a few cannon in a convenient scituation,
for keeping those neighbouring settlements in obedience, for
they are computed at above 400 families, and 'tis observed,
they multiply exceedingly, and likely in a few years, to become
a numerous people, and therefore (with submission) this is the
time to take care of them. The French from Cape Breton have
continued theire fishing last season at Cancoe under a guard of
soldiers, intending that for the chief settlement, if theire pretended right, could be made out. It is (by all accounts) the
best and most convenient fishery in any part of the King's
Dominions, the people from the west of England, have found a
great satisfaction in the place, and will return with many ships
in the spring etc. I heare nothing of the presents, that were
ordered for the Indians, and would be very apropos at my
arrival among them. I could not stay for them without loosing
my passage, but left an officer to take care of them. I was
likewise told that the Surveyor should have imediate orders,
to attend the service of Nova Scotia for marking out the King's
woods, which is a work of time and expence, as he must have a
sloop to attend him, your Lordships are sensible, that I am by
my Instructions forbid making any settlement while that be
done etc. I meet with many old patents granted to people of
New England, and yett produced for approbation, by Col.
Dongan while Governor of New York, for lands lying, in a
part called the King's Territory between New England, and
Nova Scotia and as I imagine under the Government of the
latter, perticularly one in favour of the President of this
College, of thirty miles extent likewise many old Indian
grants, for vast tracts, in the same territory, which have never
had the sanction of any Government, and too large to be
ever improved by the present claymants, which being looked,
on as a great inconvenience to the well settling, of these
countrys, (as my Instructions sett forth), and may in these cases
be remedied is the reason of my troubling your Lordships, etc.
I have the honour of wishing your Lordships, a happy New
Year etc. Signed, R. Philips. Endorsed, Recd. (from Col.
Gardner) 22nd April, Read 14th July, 1720. 5 pp. Enclosed, |
|
504. i. Lt. Governor Doucett to Governor Philipps, Annapolis
Royall, Jan. 15, 1719/20. On the arrivall of Mr. Wroth
I received the wellcome confirmation of your Excellency's being in America, and that [you] had sent
dispatch's to me, by one Walters bound hither, who
I fear is lost etc. I am in great hopes your Excellency
is safe, being inform'd you had Captn. Southack on
board who is judged to be the best and safest pilot
on this coast etc. Mr. Erskine is settling the
provisions in order for Mr. Shirreff to make up
the accounts. I thank God the garrison continue in
health, tho' the works drop dayly. The French still
continue their clandestine tradeing to the great
detriment of this Colony. There is another sloop
now building att Minis to carry of in the spring,
wth. provisions etc. to Cape Breton where they sell
their sloop and cargoe (as they have lately done two,
one of 60 tun, and one near 50) and return for more
by Bay Vert, and bring French comoditys back, in
short Sir if they are suffer'd another year, to drive
their cattle some overland to Chebucto, and there
taken in to be transported to Cape Breton, and others
transported wth. quantitys of wheat from Minis, the
Colony will feel a very sencible blow, besides no trade
or vent for English comoditys. I wish your Excellency
would have brought a good sailing sloop, etc. etc.
Signed, John Doucett. Same endorsement. 2 pp.
[C.O. 217, 3. Nos. 5, 5.i.; and (without enclosure)
218, 1. pp. 459–464; and (abstract of covering letter)
217, 30. pp. 8, 9.] |
Jan. 4/15.
Paris. |
505. Mr. Pulteney to the Council of Trade and Plantations.
On the 13th inst. (N.S.) I waited on My Lord Stairs and Earl
Stanhope to a conference with the Marechal d'Estrées and the
Abbé Dubois, at which the Regent was present, the subject
of it was to be about Sta. Lucia. The Marechal d'Estrées
undertook to prove the right and title of the French to that
Island, from several papers, part of which he read, but indeed
in so very broken and imperfect a manner that the Regent
himself could not but take some notice of it; However the
substance of what the Marechal pretended to prove was, that the
French were as early as the English in discovering the Caribbee
Islands; that the French West India Company had a patent
from Lewis the 13th in 1627 for settling at St. Christophers
and Barbados, that there had been eight French Governours
successively in Sta. Lucia from 1650 to 1664 when some English
came and dispossessed the French; He read the capitulation
made between the English and French upon that occasion,
which was in common form, and he said that enterprize of the
English was made in time of peace, and without authority
from the Governor of Barbadoes, who had disown'd it, but this
he proved no otherwise than by a letter from the French
Governor of Martinique to the Govr. of Barbadoes, complaining
of that enterprize and supposing it to have been done without
authority; the Marechal added to this that the English who
had in that manner taken possession of Sta. Lucia being sencible
that they had done wrong, sent Deputys the year after to
Martinique, where those Deputys publickly acknowledged before
the Governor and Council of that Island the right of the French
to Sta. Lucia and condemned their own enterprize, and that in
consequence of this, the English did immediately quit Sta.
Lucia. But the argument the Marechal chiefly insisted on,
and which the Regent himself seemed to give most countenance
to, was, that by the 12th Article of the Treaty of Breda, the
King of Great Britain was to restore to the French all they
were in possession of before 1665, and as they were before that
time in possession of Sta. Lucia, it belong'd to them by virtue
of this Treaty. I shall not trouble your Lordships with the
particulars of our answer etc., because it was chiefly taken from
the several papers in your office, and since it was agreed, that
each side should at the next conference give a deduction in
writing of their several proofs etc. However, I must observe
to your Lordships that the Regent was pleased to say the
strongest argument on our side, is, that we were in possession
of Sta. Lucia when the Treaty of Neutrality in America was
made in 1686 and that the fourth article of that Treaty
declares that each King should keep what he was at that time
possess'd of in America; but he added that in answer to this it
might be alledg'd that the French having continued their
pretensions to Sta. Lucia soon after the making that Treaty,
it was a proof they never understood their right to that Island
to have been prejudiced by it. It was urged by My Lords
Stairs and Stanhope that since it appear'd even by the French
accounts that we had always contested our right to that Island,
they could not by any pretence justify their taking possession
of it in the manner they have lately done; and this was pressed
with so much reason that the Regent own'd it would be but just
the French Colony lately sent there should be withdrawn, and
he promised orders should be dispatched to this effect. But I
must add that the Regent and the Marechal d'Etrées understood that about 50 French familys were on that Island before
the arrival of the last Colony (which they said was very
inconsiderable) and that these 50 familys should continue there
till the claim of right is absolutely determined in our favour.
P.S.—I could not but take notice that Mr. D'Etrées said,
the English historians own'd we never had any settlement at
Sta. Lucia, I suppose he meant the British Empire, tho' I take
for granted he never read or saw it. Signed, D. Pulteney.
Copy. 4 pp. [C.O. 253, 1. Nos. 21 (Endorsed, Sent to Mr.
Poyntz, Jan. 30, 1729/30); and (without endorsement) 22]; and
(endorsed, Recd. Read 13 Jan. 1719/20). 28, 15. No. 58.] |
Jan. 4/15.
Paris. |
506. Same to Mr. Popple. Acknowledges letter of 31st
Dec. Continues—It would be of use to me to have answers
to the following questions: Whether any English were settled
on Sta. Lucia in 1664–1668; Whether any French were settled
there in those years: Whether the French Commissioners
appointed by the Governour of Martinico to treat with those
appointed by Sir Thos. Wheeler and Collo. Stapleton concerning
St. Christophers and other matters in consequence of the Treaty
of Breda, did make any demand about Sta. Lucia; Whether
any French or English were settled on that Island at the time
of the Treaty of Reswyck, or during the last war from 1701
to the Treaty of Utrecht, or at the time of making that Treaty
etc. P.S. I should be glad to know whether you have heard
from the Governor of Barbados abt. Sta. Lucia since my coming
away. Endorsed, Recd., Read 13 Jan., 1719/20. 2 pp. [C.O.
28, 15. No. 59]. |
| Jan. 4. |
507. Mr. Secretary Craggs to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. You are to lay before the House of Commons
the account they have addres't for etc. Signed, J. Craggs.
Endorsed, Recd. 5th. Read 7th Jan. 1719/20. ½ p. Enclosed, |
|
507. i. Resolution of the House of Commons, 21st Dec. 1719, to
address H.M. for an account of what fishing ships and
sack ships and men aboard them have been employed
in Newfoundland and St. Peters, 1710–1719 etc.
Signed, Paul Jodrell, Cl. Dom. Parl. Copy. 1 p.
[C.O. 194, 6. Nos. 73, 73. i.] |
Jan. 8.
St. James's. |
508. Order of King in Council. Referring following to
the Council of Trade and Plantations for their report. Signed,
Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 12th. Read 15th Jan., 1719/20.
1¼ pp. Enclosed, |
|
508. i. Petition of John Moody to the King. Prays for compensation for lands purchased by him in Placentia, now
seized for H.M. use, to erect a fort upon etc. Set out,
A.P.C. II. No. 1331. Copy. 2½ pp. [C.O. 194, 6.
Nos. 74, 74. i.], |
Jan. 8.
St. James's. |
509. Order of King in Council. Approving Representation
of 5th Dec. 1719, and ordering that the Governor of Jamaica be
instructed to pay with interest the money advanced by Lord
A. Hamilton and the Council out of the first and readyest of
the Revenues of H.M. said Island. Signed, Robert Hales.
Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read 29th Jan. 1719/20. 1 p. [C.O. 137,
13. No. 37; and 138, 16. pp. 248, 249.] |
Jan. 8.
St. James's. |
510. Order of King in Council. Confirming Act of Nevis
for raising a poll-tax on negroes etc. Signed, Robert Hales.
Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read 29th Jan. 1719/20. 1¾ pp. [C.O.
152, 13. ff. 1, 1v., 2v.] |
Jan. 8.
St. James's. |
511. Order of King in Council. Repealing Act of Pennsylvania concerning the estate of William Clarke. (v. 9th Dec.,
1719). Signed, Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read
29th Jan., 1719/20. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 138.] |
Jan. 8.
St. James's. |
512. Order of King in Council. Appointing Francis
Harrison to the Council of New York. Signed, Robert Hales.
Endorsed, Recd. 22nd. Read 29th Jan., 1719/20. 1¼ pp. [C.O. 5,
1052. ff. 1, 1v., 2v.; and 5, 1124. pp. 123, 124.] |
Jan. 8.
Whitehall. |
513. Mr. Secretary Craggs to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Several merchants and others belonging to
Barbados having complain'd to H.M. of the administration of
Governor Lowther etc., encloses following for their report. Signed,
J. Craggs. Endorsed, Recd. 11th. Read 12th Jan., 1719/20.
1 p. Enclosed, |
|
513. i. Samuel Cox, Member of Council of Barbados, to the
Lords Commissioners of H.M. Treasury. In Dec.
1718 a Spanish sloop, the Mary, commanded by Pablo
Planes, a subject of the King of Spain and owned by
Don Francisco del Rincon Quinones a Spaniard also,
arrived in Barbados and on 29th Dec. Governor
Lowther in Council permitted her to unload and trade
in her goods of Spanish produce, in spite of my protests
that this was directly contrary to the several Acts of
Parliament etc. Endorsed as preceding. 1 p. |
|
513. ii. Petition of Francis Lansa, part owner of the St.
Louis of Lisbon, to the King. In Dec. 1718 the
St. Louis, in her passage from Brazill to Lisbon sprung
severall dangerous leeks and was forced into Barbados.
John Demoracin, master, applied to the Governor for
permission to unload in order to refit her. (v. 7th
Aug. 1719), but could not obtain the same untill he
made him a present of 38 oz. of gold dust. The
Governor, his Secretary and the Collector of Customs
also extorted from him a considerable quantity of
sugar, by which practice the owners were endamaged
2000l. The Committee for hearing appeals directed
enquiry to be made in Barbados. Petitioners' attorneys
by their Councill, Nathan Blenman, moved Governor
Lowther to have the method of examination directed
by the said order pursued. The Governor demanded
a sight of it, which was delivered to him. Petitioners'
Councill, after having been grossly abused by the
Governor was committed and now stands bound over
to the Grand Sessions in 1000l. bail. The Governor
refused to re-deliver the said order, and petitioners'
letter of attorney to Mr. Beckles and Mr. Sandford
is detained from them in the Secretary's Office, as
petitioners beleive by the Govr.'s directions, he having
publickly declared that there was great probability
that it was forged and that there was no such person
as petitioner. Thus petitioners' attorneys were disabled from proceeding in obtaining the necessary
proofs. Petitioner is well assured that this violent
conduct of the Govr. has extreamly terrified petitioner's
witnesses and Councill and the inhabitants in generall,
and prays for H.M. directions therein. Same endorsement. 1 p. |
|
513. iii. Anonymous paper of complaints against Governor
Lowther. A former representation of the miserable
state of Barbados and containing many allegations
against Mr. Lowther's administration, stated that it
would be difficult to prove them there during the
continuance of his Government, for that he would
screen himself by the influence of his power and publick
money. Those suggestions are made apparent by
his commitment of Mr. Lansa's Counsel (v. No. ii.)
Refer to No. i. There are several advices that he has
suffered Sta. Lucia to be setled by the French etc.
There are also advices of his causing a long declaration
to be published by beat of drum, and read in the
Churches on 18th Oct. last, reflecting upon very many
gentlemen, and particularly taxing Samuel Cox,
Alexander Walker and Timothy Salter for endeavouring to raise a rebellion in April 1714, by attempting
to force the administration out of his hands; whereas
they only gave their opinions, as members of H.M.
Council, that H.M. orders for the delivery of his
Government to Mr. Sharpe, ought to be obey'd;
and declares that he will sit Judge of the Grand
Sessions himself, by which means he will have the
opportunity of gratifying his revenge, so that by the
last advices that Island is in the utmost confusion.
A gentleman now in London heard Mr. Lowther
threaten a gentleman to his face there, who had a suit
depending in Chancery, to ruin him, if he did not give
his vote as Mr. Lowther desired in an approaching
election of Assembly men. Same endorsement. 3¼ pp. |
|
513. iv. Account of money paid to Governor Lowther and
allowed by the Committee of public accounts, June,
1715–July, 1719. Total, 23,290l. (v. 3rd Feb.) Same
endorsement. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 15. Nos. 57, 57. i.–iv.;
and (without enclosures), 29, 14. pp. 36, 37.] |
Jan. 8.
St. James's. |
514. Order of King in Council. Referring enclosed to the
Council of Trade and Plantations for their report. Signed,
Robert Hales. Endorsed, Recd. 10th March, 1719/20. Read 19th
May, 1721. 1 p. Enclosed, |
|
514. i. Petition of Capt. Charles Gookin, late Deputy Governor
of Pennsylvania, to the King. Having served in the
Army for 30 years, he resigned his Company upon being
made Governor, but his allowance proved so small
(there being no settled salary) that he had not sufficient to support the dignity of a Governor, which
occasioned his spending during his 9 years stay there
a great part of his own private fortune and has besides
lost his rank in H.M. service. Prays for a grant of
some islands lying waste in the River between Pensilvania and the Jerseys, which he deems capable of
improvement by banking out the tides, clearing and
planting etc. Copy. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 1266. ff. 5, 6,
6v, 8v.] |
Jan. 11.
Admty. Office. |
515. Mr. Burchett to Mr. Popple. Encloses following etc.
Signed, J. Burchett. Endorsed, Recd. 12th Jan. Read 5th
April, 1720. Addressed. Sealed. ¾ p. Enclosed, |
|
515. i. Duplicates of Nos. 425, 414. vii. [C.O. 194, 6. Nos.
81, 81. i., ii.] |
Jan. 12.
Charles Town South Carolina. |
516. Governor Johnson to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Reply to the Queries from the Board (v. April
29th, 1719). (i.) Refers to papers sent to the Lords Proprietors,
covering recent events (v. 24th, 27th Dec. 1719 etc. (ii.) 'Tis
computed that at present we may have about 1600 fighting
men, from 16 to 60 years of age, everybody in the Province
within that age being inlisted, and by the common computation
of 4 persons in each family, the whole of the whites are 6400,
'tis bleived that since the Indian warr which broke out in
April 1715 we are increased about 100 inhabitants, wee haveing
lost about 400 in the war and have had the accession of about
500 from England, Ireland and other places; since the Indian
warr the Province has been obliged to maintain the following
garrisons upon ye outskirts of the Province to awe the Indians
and prevent their comeing within us and to inspect ye better
what their designes are and to secure our people and goods
whilst we trade with them (vizt.) At the Congares, lying about
130 miles North from Charles Towne; a Capt. and 20 men;
about 40 miles from thence westward and about 140 miles from
Charles Town, the Savana Garrison, a Capt. and 20 men; upon
Port Royall Island, to watch the inland water passage from
St. Augustine and to prevent our white people and slaves from
deserting and going thither, two scout boats of 10 men each,
who have small Forts to retreat to and secure themselves;
In Johnson's Fort upon James Island about a league from
Charles Town which commands the ships comeing up ye Bay
to Charles Towne a Capt., Leivtent. and 12 men all these men
are pd. by the publick. The forts are not strong, except
Johnsons Fort, which is a reguler tryangle with drawbridges,
a dry ditch and a platform below of about 12 guns of 12 pound
balls, and abot. 10 from 6 to 9 pounders in the uper works.
The rest of the forts are sufficient to withstand Indians, who
know nothing of beseageing or will fight against walls; Charles
Towne was formerly in my Father's Governmt. was enclosed
with a reguler fortification but in 1713 by a violent hurricane
were all thrown down and ruined, and the Indian warr which
broke out two years afterwards involved us in soe deep a debt
that we have not been able since to rebuild them, but at present
are putting ourselves into such a posture of defence as our
present circumstances will allow off. (iii.) Refers to following
account of the number of Indians, 1715, "which traded for
above 10,000l. sterling yearly in cloth guns powder bullets and
iron ware and made return in buck skins doe skins furs and
other peltry, and there was one way or other near 200 English
Indian traders imployed as factors by ye merchants of Carolina
amongst them; But in 1715 most of them rose in rebellion
and murdered ye said traders and severall of the planters and
their famileys, that lay most exposed to them, but before the
end of the said year we recovered the Charokees and the northward Indians after severall slaughters and blood sheddings
which has lessened their numbers and utterly exterpating some
little tribes as the Congerees Santees Seawees Pedees Waxaws
and some Corsaboys, so that by warr pestilence and civill warr
amongst themselves the Charokees may be computed reduced
to about 10,000 souls and the Northern Indians to 2500 souls;
At the same time the fate of our Southern and Western Indians
was quite turned to our disadvantage, for as soon as ye Albamas
had murdered our Facters, the French emediately tooke
possession of our place and built a fort by the name of Thoulose
at the Albamous therby encroching upon us and takeing the
trade of the Chickesaws. Albamas and a great part of the Tallaboosees Abikaws which will make near 6 or 7000 souls. The
Spaniards built a fort at Apalatchee and has taken the Apalatchees and the most desperate Creek Indians from us and the
Yamasees removed to St. Augustine, from whence they still
continue their depradations; As for the Creeks they are
scituated now in the midway between us the French and the
Spaniard and deals with those that gives them most, affecting
a newtrallity, yet makeing their advantages of the differences
happening between the European Nations so we may safely
conclude that we have not above half of the trade and number
of Indians subject to this Governmt. as we had 1715. |
|
An exact account of ye number and strength of all the Indian
Nations that were subject to the Governmt. of South Carolina
and solely traded with them in ye begining of 1715, taken out
of ye Journalls of Capt. Nairn, John Wright Esq., Price Hughes
Esq., and compared and corrected by the Journalls and Observations made by John Barnwell while he was employed by the
Governmt. amongst them. |
| Distance from Charles Town. |
Indians |
No. of Vill. |
Men. |
Women. |
Boys. |
Girls. |
Totalls. |
|
90 miles S.W. |
Yamasees |
10 |
413 |
345 |
234 |
223 |
1215 |
|
130 " " |
Apalatchicolas |
2 |
64 |
71 |
42 |
37 |
214 |
|
140 " W. |
Apalatchees |
4 |
275 |
243 |
65 |
55 |
638 |
|
150 " W. by N. |
Savanos |
3 |
67 |
116 |
20 |
30 |
233 |
|
180 " W.N.W. |
Euchees |
2 |
130 |
270 |
|
|
400 |
|
250 " W. & by N. |
Ochesees or Creeks |
10 |
731 |
837 |
417 |
421 |
2406 |
|
440 " W. |
Abikaws |
15 |
502 |
578 |
366 |
327 |
1773 |
|
390 " W.S.W. |
Tallibooses |
13 |
636 |
710 |
511 |
486 |
2343 |
|
430 " S.W. by W. |
Albamas |
4 |
214 |
276 |
161 |
119 |
770 |
|
|
|
3032 |
3446 |
1816 |
1698 |
9992 |
|
Cherokees, vizt. |
|
450 miles N.W. |
The Upper Settlement |
19 |
900 |
980 |
400 |
480 |
11530 |
|
390 " N.W. |
Middle Settlement |
30 |
2500 |
2000 |
950 |
900 |
|
320 " N.W. |
Lower Settlement |
11 |
600 |
620 |
400 |
480 |
|
640 " W. |
Chickesaws |
6 |
700 |
|
1200 |
|
1900 |
|
200 " N.N.W. |
Catapaws |
7 |
570 |
|
900 |
|
1470 |
|
170 " N. |
Saraws |
1 |
140 |
|
370 |
|
510 |
|
100 " N.E. |
Waccomassus |
4 |
210 |
|
400 |
|
610 |
|
200 " N.E. |
Cape Fears |
5 |
76 |
|
130 |
|
206 |
|
70 " N. |
Santees |
2 |
43 |
|
60 |
|
125 |
|
20 " N. |
Congerees |
1 |
22 |
|
80 " N.E. |
Weneaws |
1 |
36 |
|
70 |
|
106 |
|
60 " N.E. |
Seawees |
1 |
|
|
|
|
57 |
|
Mixed with ye English Settlements |
Itwans |
1 |
80 |
160 |
|
240 |
|
|
Corsaboys |
5 |
95 |
200 |
|
295 |
5519 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
28041 |
|
(iv.) St. Augustine is ye only Town the Spaniards are possest
of in Florida etc. It is a garrison containing 300 soldiers under
pay and about 100 familys, of inhabitants whose chief support
depends on the expence and pay of the soldiers. Out of this
number they make a troop of about 40 horse, and in and about
the place in 4 or 5 villages they have 3 or 400 armed Indian men
most of wch. are Yamasees that lately committed ye barbarous
massacres on H.M. subjects of Carolina and still continue (even
during ye Peace with Spain by connivance of ye Spaniards)
their depredations and murders on the English. Besides these
Indians they have in subjection a great number of barbarous
Indians along the coast of Florida who ever now and then
inhumanly massacree all the castaway or shipwract English,
that often are cast amongst them comeing thro' the Gulf of
Florida. The Spaniards of St. Augustine drive a trade with
the Indians of Florida for ambergrise and wraked and with ye
other Indians for peltry. The place being only a garrison there
is but small trade there, what they formerly sent to the Havana
was hides tallow and the rows of fish especially mullets salted,
The country produces pitch and tarr, which by ye help of the
negroes plundered by the Indians from Carolina and bought by
ye Spaniards they begin to make a trade on, to our great detrement. In the open feilds there is orringe trees and in St.
Augustine lemmon trees citron trees limetrees besides peaches
figgs pomgranates and some olive trees, they are not suffered to
propogate the olive trees. The country is capable of a great
many improvements but ye place being as I said a garrison
and ye soldiers very raw lazy fellows being bandittis banished
from New Spain for crimes comitted there no great matter
can be expected from them; The town is unfortified containing
about 200 houses and has a convent of Franciscan Fryers, with
two more churches some built with timber some wth. stone.
It is gaurded by a small fort wth. four bastions built with stone
and regulerly fortified the curtains has no room for cannon
but there are 50 peices mounted on the bastions the ditch is dry,
but they can let ye sea in at highwater the walls are about 28
or 30 foot high for which reason ye artilery can do no execution
when people are intrenched within 50 or 60 paces of the Fort
for they can't bring their guns to bear, ye outer square of ye
Fort from ye point of ye bastion to bastion does not exceed
500 feet and the inward oppen place not built upon to be less
then 100 feet square for which reason a bomb would make great
execution when besides Indians there can be little less then 1000
souls confined in a siege in yt compass, there magazine and
storehouse are built along ye curtains and are bomb proof, the
stone of ye Castle lookes like freestone but I judge much better
for fortification it will not splenter but give way to cannon ball
as tho you would stick a knife into a cheese, the ground round
it is proper for intrenchments or makeing approches, it being
light without stones. The reason the Spaniards give for maintaining this place are yt they keep it as a barrior to prevent the
English from encroaching any farther into Florida and to keep
possession of that country for his Catholick Majesty, 2dly they
say that the Roman Church is at one half of the expence in
order to protect their missionarys that are sent to convert the
Indians, and lastly that they might releive from thence such
Spaniards as shall be either cast away or in distress comeing
thro' the Gulf; there is but a very shallow barr going into St.
Augustine and most and end the sea breaks quite across, it
there being scarce 5 feet water at low water and the tyde rises
not above 6 feet more except on a spring with an easterly winde,
when there may be about 12 feet so they are forced to load and
unload any vessell of burthen without the barr in ye oppen sea.
There are good pylotes in Charles Towne yt. can carry in sloopes;
At St. John's about 12 leagues to the N. of St. Augustine is a
good harbour where is 17 feet water but ye channell is narrow.
The Spaniards at St. Augustine haveing encouraged the Indians
under their Governmt. to come and murder and plunder
H.M. subjects in Carolina and themselves harbouring rebbells,
fellons, debters servants and negro slaves, putting this Governmt.
under a necessity of keeping a force and some thousand pounds
yearly charge to gaurd ye frontiers, even in time of peace there
is an absolute necessity for us to expell them out of St. Augustine
we soon should reap ye benefit of it by enlargeing ye trade of ye
Collony by so many hands now idell and maintained by the rest,
that could follow their work and a number more would flock
into us who are deter'd by ye dread this sculking warr brings
with it and even our own Indians would be less insolent and more
obedient to us who we are forced to court least they should
revolt. Four or five hundred men to joyne wt. forces Carolina
could make, with a bomb ketch some battering cannon and
other warlike stores in proportion would easily efect ye conquest
of this place and would be undertaken with alacrity by the
people of this Province. (v.) 'Tis without dispute that the
French are very strong there [on the Mississippi], by all accounts
they are already not less than five or six thousand fighting men,
and more are dayly sent over from France with a designe to
make a very considerable settlement there, they have likewise
a fort at the Holbamas, a Nation of Indians that we used to
trade with which lies within ye limits of the Charter of this
Governt., commanded by a Capt. Leivt. and Ensigne with
40 soldiers in the King of Frances pay where they dayly encroch
upon us and draw away our Indians, these great preparacons of
setling the Missisipi cannot but very much alarm all ye Continent
of America and especialy Carolina that lies soe near them for
even in time of peace they underhand incence ye Indians against
us and incourage them to make inroads upon us to the great
dammage and hasard of our outmost settlements but if there
should ever be a warr between the Crowns of France and England
this Province would fall an easy prey to them and very probably
Virginia New York and other Plantations to which this Collony
is a frontier would feel the efects of the French growing so
powerfull in America. The French have seized ye fort of
Pancicola and are now in possession thereof, they are not a
little glad of haveing secured so good a port or haven near their
intended settlement; An officer that is now here sent to me
with letters from Monsr. Bienville Governr. of Moville, about
some French deserters, informs me that they are about makeing
another fort among our Indians above 100 miles nearer to us
and thus will keep encroaching upon us from time to time if
not prevented the manner of which yor. Lordps. can best judge
it being out of our power to put any stop thereto. |
|
(vi.) The bulk of the trade of this Province is caried on from
Great Britain from whence come here generally one year with
the other about 60 ships with sundry British and other manufactories which return thither directly loaden from hence with
some deare skins, rice, pitch, and tar, dying wood etc. as the
bounty money granted by Act of Parliament for the importing
navell stores has been of great incouragemt. to the Plantations
in generall to export navell stores, so this Plantacon in perticuler
has surpassed all America besides, in suplying Great Britain
accordingly with great quantities of pitch and tarr, there have
been exported in one year by computation about 50,000 barrells
of both, which great exports of navell stores, not only have
occasioned ye greater consumption of British manufactories
but incouraged ye merchants abroad to import into this Province
great numbers of negroe slaves from Affrica and brought a
great concourse of ships to this Port to load our bulky commodities. Wee reckon we likewise load for sundry of the
American Plantacons about 80 vessells more with rice, beaf,
pork, leather boards ceadar and other lumbar, pitch and tarr,
whence we import bread flower bear cyder fish and other provisions, from the Northern Plantacons and negro slaves, rum,
sugar mollossus cotten etc, from the Southern Plantacons.
To this bounty money wee cheifly atribute the cause of our
trades increasing very considerably, within these ten years
our planters haveing by means thereof been so enriched as to
purchase great numbers of negroes slaves the labour of which
has incredibly encreased the produce and manifacture of this
Province wch. being very bulky and cumbersome requires a
great number of ships to cary it off. Our trade has within
this 3 or 4 years met with some check, by reason of our country
bills of creadit which being stamped and declared currant in
all payments and no fund for the paymt. of them came almost
to be of no value, to the manifest injury of those who were
obliged to receive them in satisfaction of debts contracted a
long while before they were made. Severall considerable
merchants in England haveing thereby received a great prejudice have intirely dropt this trade to ye deminishing thereof;
Another cause why our trade at present must decay is the little
demand of our navell stores; vizt. pitch tarr and turpentine
in Great Britain, and if the bounty money should be taken of
or when ye Act is expired not renued, one third of the shipping
that comes here will be more then sufficient to export our
produce and severall who have great numbers of negroes will
hardly finde worke to imploy them; we makeing already yearly
as much rice as we can finde well a vent for amounting to about
14,000 barrells each containing about 350 lb. neat. Our tarr
lies under a disreputacon of not being so good as East Country
tarr but am satisfied it is mostly owing to ye intrest the East
Country merchants have with ye rope makers who being obliged
to buy their hemp of them will not let them have it without
they will give them their price for their tarr also and oblige
them to give it a good name and decry ours. Hemp grows here
very well but is not as yet propogated for want of people who
understands ye husbandry of it. (vii) The number of vessells
belonging to this port we reckon about 20 and they generally
but small as most proper to our American trade amongst ourselves some built here some in ye Northern Plantations. Wee
are come to no great matter of building here for want of persons
who undertake it tho no country in the world is more plentifully
supplyed with timber for that purpose and well stored with
convenient rivers; as for seafareing men few or none reside
here they always belonging to the severall ships that come here.
We may have in February and ye begining of March, ye time
yt. ye greatest number of ships are here, nere 500 seafareing
men but in ye summer we have but few vessells in our port,
our cheif manufactories or our staple are rice pitch and tarr,
wherewith our British ships load home; wth. some skins wee
formerly made considerable quantities of raw silk wch. was
esteemed in England better then that wch. came from ye
Streights, but the price of negroes dayly enhancing and work
in generall growing deare we were forced to quit it to go upon
ye other commodities, which we found to yeild ye planters more
proffit if encouragement were given, very large quantities of
very good might be made here for the future. We formerly
made likewise good indigo, but there has been none of this
growth exported these severall years, being wholly laid aside.
Severall usefull manufacteris might be gon upon in this
Province to good advantage but our planters applying themselves almost wholly to the makeing rice pitch and tarr they do
not think thereof. |
|
My Lords, the foregoing queries have been in my hands
3 or 4 months, but ye continuall alarms we have had and distractions amongst our people which has at last ended in throwing
of all obedience to Protary. Governt. has prevented my makeing
ye necessary enquiries about them, so soon as I otherwise should
have done etc. I send an account of a small expedicon I sent
out against the Spanish Indians liveing under the protection of
St. Augustine who had just before surprised and killed 3 or 4
of our people and carried away as many prisoners, as also ye
examinacon off a Spanish prissoner taken in that expedition.
Signed, Robt. Johnson. Endorsed, Recd. 29th April. Read
3rd May, 1720. 15½ pp. Enclosed, |
|
516. i. John Barnwell to Governor Johnson. Account of the
late Expedition against the Yamasees and Spaniards of
St. Augustine performed by 50 Indians, Melvin a
white man and Musgrove and Griffin half breed or
Mustees under ye leading of Oweeka a Creek Indian
their generall, Wettly Mico his second a Palachucola
Indian. On 28th Sept. they sett out from ye Water
Passage Fort in seven canoes well fitted etc. according
to H.E. orders, and arrived at St. Juans 10th Oct.
They travelled by land to St. Augustine wch. is abt.
50 miles distant, but they took a long cerquitt thro'
ye woods to avoid discovery, and haveing travelled
night and day they gott to ye Indian towns 4 hours
before day, 12th instant, and haveing sent out their
spys or scouts one of wch. haveing a wife and family
in ye Pocotallago town, fearfull least they shu'd
miscarry in ye assault went to his house and took out
his famaly who likewise haveing friends being Creeks
liveing amg. ye Yamasees gave them notice to
escape, wch. could not be so secretly done but
most of ye Yamasees took ye alarm. Now ye Pilot
was faithfully promissed by ye Generall and ye
whole company that none shud goe to his house but
himself and that if any of his family was taken he
shu'd have them again, but his doeing as he did had
liked to prove fatall to them all for ye Spaniards att
St. Augustine had imediate notice being but 3 mile
of ye Pocotallagas. As soon as ye scouts returned,
they divided their body into three parts and fell on
three towns att once but did not take above 24
prisners and killed 5 or 6 Indians by reason of ye sd.
discovery but they burnt all the provision and houses
and took a good deal of plunder. Tuloomata one of
ye towns was within a mile of ye Castle of St. Augustine
being Youhaw Indians and burnt a fine Church there,
ye fryer escapeing but some of his domesticks and his
plate and ye plunder of his house (wch. escaped burning) fell into their hands, ye fryer's name is Fra. Pedro
de la Lastras. The Indians appointed to randesvous
att ye Palatchee town being informed that those
Indians would revolt and joyn them, but they found
it deserted upon wch. they sett fire to their corn houses
and round house this town is four mile from St.
Augustine, by this time the sun being two hours high
they spyed 50 or 60 Spaniards in full march after
them. The Indians haveing taken a Spanish prisner
before; they sent him wth. a flagg of truce to meett
ye Spaniards and lett them know they had noe quarrell
wth. them but that they came to kill ye Yamasees
that had lately taken Mrs. Burrows and murdered their
friends ye English and that they wanted to parley
with ye Spaniards; It seems by good look for us
some of our Indians had striped ye Spaniard that
carried ye flag of truce stark naked, soe when he came
up in yt. condition to ye Spanish body, they thought he
was sent in contempt of them and would not harken
to him but imediatly fired a volly att ye Indians
tho' att 400 yards distance. The Indians finding
that they must loose their slaves and plunder if they
fled divided into two bodys and being nimble and
light armed fell on ye two flanks of ye Spaniards who
kept in a close body and heavily armed made but a
sorry defence and had 14 killed and about 10 taken
prisners in the retreat—seven of whom they stripped
and sent back again and three they brought away with
them, and on Sunday ye 25th instant two of ye canos
wth. abt. 12 slaves and 2 Spaniards were brought to my
house, one of them seem to be mestizo and in trueth
ye other is not white but being a liver in St. Augustine
for 16 years and has a wife and 8 children there I told
ye Indians to carry him to yor. Honr. Next day King
Gilbert wth. ye Coosaboys and Tuskeroros came in
etc. The prisners tells me Capt. Burrows comeing to
St. Augustine wth. yr. Honrs. letters before ye Huspa
King had brought in his wife they took him for a spy,
but when his wife was brought in they released him.
He had been very ill, but as soon as he was in a condition to putt to sea he was to come away. They tell
me that Mrs. and Mr. Cord and Burrows's child and
his man and ye Indian woman were all murdered not
being able to travell. That one Mons. La Hay a
French privateer had brought in three prizes into St.
Augustine wch. were loaden wth. sugar cotton and
molosses that ye 3 English commanders and 21 saylors
were prisners there—that he designs to cruise out
of St. Augustine he had 80 men he came in a sloop
but was fitting one of ye prizes being a ship of 20 gunns.
That La Hay bragged he would kill all ye Indians and
joyned ye Spaniards wth. 10 of his best men etc.
About 16 Creeks yt. lived amo. ye Yamasees are come
away and they sent word yt. they will not leave one
alive that does not come away. I congratulate wth.
yor. Honr. this dawning of quietness to our poor
Southern parts. Signed, Jno. Barnwell. 3 pp. |
|
516. ii. Examination of Antonio Eleanore, Spanish prisoner,
before the Governor and Council of S. Carolina, 10th
Nov. 1719. Hearsay evidence and description of St.
Augustine. Cf. preceding. Endorsed as covering letter.
2½ pp. [C.O. 5. 1265. Nos. 144, 144. i. ii.] |
Jan. 12.
Philadelphia. |
517. Lt. Governor Keith to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. In obedience to your directions of 7th Aug.
last, I shall take the best measures I can to determine the bounds
of this Colony; But finding it impossible immediately to procure
such a map as is desired, and it being nevertheless proper that
you should be acquainted with what chiefly affects not only
this Colony, but others of H.M. adjacent Dominions, I am willing
to lay hold of the first opportunity that offers to lay before you
that the Royal Grant of this Province gives three degrees of
latitude from the 40th northward, and five degrees of longitude
from the River Delaware westward, which according to the best
and latest draughts of Canada that we have seen, will certainly
include a great part of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. Of
how much weight this grant (which was dated the 4th of March,
1680) may prove in any present or future Treaty with the
French, is not for me to determine,; but from what can be
gathered here, I beg leave to observe, that the French seem to
have no right to any lands southward of the River St. Lawrence,
nor to the eastward of the Lakes Ontario and Erie: and that
their settlement of Canada seems to be limited by the Southern
and Eastern banks of the said river and lakes; For according
to the best of my information the French have no settlement,
neither have they any Indians depending upon them to the
Southward or Eastward of these bounds; but on the contrary
as fast as they can debauch any of the five Nations from us,
they generally endeavour to transport, and oblige them to settle
on the North side of St. Lawrence's River. I shall use all
proper measures to procure as good a map of this Colony as
can well be had; but our settlements not being as yet extended
above 80 miles or thereabouts from this place, the courses and
branches of the remoter rivers are not known with such certainty
as will bear an exact description. Signed, W. Keith. Endorsed,
Recd. 3rd May, 1720. Read 7th Sept., 1721. 2 pp. [C.O. 5,
1266. ff. 13, 13v., 14v.] |
Jan. 13.
St. James's. |
518. Mr. Secretary Craggs to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Refers following for their report. Signed, J.
Craggs. Endorsed, Recd. 29th Jan. Read 5th Feb., 1719/20.
¼ p. Overleaf, |
|
518. i. Petition of Francis Sitwell and Francis Chamberlayne,
of London merchants. Petitioners' ship Mercury,
Mackett master, bound for Guinea and the West
Indies, was taken by a pirate in the River Gamboa.
Seven of the negroes on board were put on board the
Charlotte, Capt. Hoalson, bound for Virginia or Barbados. Upon their arrival at Barbados, the governor
ordered them to be sold, and the moneys for which
they were sold to be put into the hands of Henry
Lascells, Treasurer, until his pleasure was further
known, etc. Pray that the money may be paid to
their correspondent at Barbados etc. Signed, Fran.
Sitwell, Fran. Chamberlayne. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 15.
Nos. 67, 67. i.; and 29, 14. pp. 53–55]. |
Jan. 15/26.
Paris. |
519. Mr. Pulteney to Mr. Popple. Acknowledges letter of
7th inst., and the Board's request about the weavers. The copy
sent of Tallard's Memorial is not that which I desired, this being
on Oct. 1700, and that I wanted of Jan. 1699/1700; etc. Desires to
have it by the next opportunity. Signed, D. Pulteney. Endorsed, Recd., Read 27th Jan. 1719/20. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 15.
No. 62.] |
Jan. 15.
Whitehall. |
520. Mr. Popple to Mr. Nivine. The Council of Trade and
Plantations have appointed next Tuesday come sevennight to
hear what you may have to offer in relation to an Act of Antegoa
to indemnify Anthony Brown and John Elliot etc. Similar letter
to Mr. Marsh. [C.O. 153, 13. p. 451.] |
Jan. 15.
St. James's. |
521. H.M. Warrant appointing Francis Harrison to the
Council of New York in the room of Killian van Renslaer.
Countersigned, J. Craggs. [C.O. 324, 33. p. 259.] |
Jan. 15.
St. James's. |
522. H.M. Warrant to Governor Sir N. Laws, reciting the
memorial of Lord Archibald Hamilton and directing that the
debts due to him for money advanced by him and the Council
of Jamaica and for salary owing, be paid with lawful interest
out of the first and readiest of H.M. Revenues, etc. Countersigned, J. Craggs. [C.O. 324, 33. pp. 260–262.] |
Jan. 15.
New Providence. |
523. Governor and Council of the Bahama Islands to the
Council of Trade and Plantations. Enclose following. Continue:—Our present state is such as requires consideration, or
we can attribute our continuance in safety to no human protection, for the want of power to call an Assembly etc. has
proved such a discouragement that the few inhabitants are
uneasie at having no laws provided for the immediate service
of the Country whereby some steps might be made to invite
others to settle amongst us. The credit of the King's garrison
is quite extinct and unless there be some remedy to support
it the necessitys daily encreasing we know not how the Governour
can longer subsist them whilst provisions are brought here at
a dear rate, and it being everywhere known that the Governour's
bills are protested he cannot either purchase provisions or other
necessarys. The lucky French having retaken Pensicola and
made an inroad into Mexico and comerce amongst the Indians
near the mines, this has drawn the force of the Spaniard that
way, whereby we have been diverted from the storm we expected for the Spaniards are now mustering all their forces to
dislodge the French and defend themselves and we hope will not
have leave given them to anoy us. By the enclosed, your
Lordps. may perceive that we have made a great adventure in
detaining so many Spanish prisoners, having few more to guard
them, but as we have had the happy effect to redeem our
English from the tyranny of the Spaniards in the Havana, we
humbly rely that your Lordships will interceed for us to H.M.
that the moneys we have engaged ourselves for to the Co-partners
will be paid to their order; for when we entered into
this engagement we had only the publick good in view whilst
we wanted power to raise the least fund for contingencies, had
we more responsible inhabitants, it would very much discourage
future zealous endeavours for the benefit of the settlemt., if we
should not receive an acquittal of this engagement but we depend
we need not despair for being too generous or have reason
to repent that six of the Council and the Governour who has
had abundantly more fategue then proffit ever since the Government began and yet obliged ourselves joyntly and severally for
a whole Colony, it would be very hard should we pay it when
we came into this agreement expecting a confirmation of the
Council that we might chuse an Assembly and depended ere
this if it was not discharged to have made the country lyable
and other necessary lawes and to have had a larger garrison
and a supply to finish the fortifications etc., which we rely upon
your Lordships interest to interceed for wth. H.M. that we
may be effectually supported as soon as possible to encourage
people of consequence to settle here etc. and then we are in no
doubt of these Islands soon becoming a flourishing Colony etc.
Signed, Woodes Rogers, James Gohier, W. Fairfax, Tho. Walker,
Wingate Gale, Edward Holmes, Nathell. Taylor, J. Ollyffe.
Endorsed, Recd. 13th April. Read 7th July, 1720. 2¾ pp.
Enclosed, |
|
i. Minutes of Council of the Bahama Islands, 31st March,
1719—15th Jan., 1720. Same endorsement. 23 pp.
[C.O. 23, 1. Nos. 22, 22. i.] |
