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1717.
Jan. 3.
Whitehall. |
446. Mr. Secretary Methuen to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Encloses following for their report, etc. Signed,
P. Methuen. Endorsed, Recd. 8th, Read 9th Jan., 1716/17. 1 p.
Enclosed, |
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446. i. Petition of Francis Melmoth, of London, merchant,
to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Realm
etc., on behalf of James Knight, Receiver General of
Jamaica. Dec. 22, 1716. By an Act of Jamaica, 1712,
for raising an Additional Duty, Anthony Major was
appointed Commissioner to collect the money arising.
By order of the Governor and Council, John Major, his
executor, paid £3729 8s. 5d., part of that money, and
£4607 8s. 3d. more of outstanding debts to the Receiver
General, who gave H.M. account current credit for the
said money, and paid it out in pursuance of warrants
for that purpose given out by the Governor with the
advice and consent of the Council, for the substance of
the soldiers and discharging the publick debts. Yet the
Assembly lately called by Governor Heywood have
inserted a clause in an additional duty bill (which it is
apprehended is already pass'd into a law) that he pay
the same into the hands of John Chaplin. He will
thus be forc'd to pay over again out of his own pocket
mony which has been regularly issu'd etc. Prays that
immediate directions may be sent to Jamaica to stay all
proceedings against him, etc. Signed, Francis Melmoth.
4 pp. [C.O. 137, 12. Nos. 19, 19 i.; and 138, 15. pp.
61–66.] |
Jan. 4.
Whitehall. |
447. W. Popple to Wm. Lowndes. Encloses following. |
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447. i. Draught of a bond for Robert Johnson, Depty. Governor
of S. Carolina (v. 6th Dec., 1716). Andrew Broughton and
William Bonner sureties in £2000. [C.O. 5, 1293. pp.
58–62.] |
Jan. 4.
St. James's. |
448. Warrant of Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Kingdom,
granting leave of absence for two years to Francis Coleman, Clerk
of the Crown in Jamaica. Countersigned, P. Methuen. Copy.
[C.O. 5, 190. pp. 376, 377.] |
Jan. 9.
Whitehall. |
449. Council of Trade and Plantations to Peter Heywood,
Commander in Chief of Jamaica. We have received and had
under our consideration your letters etc. of 11th Aug., 18th Sept.
and 10th Oct. last; But find no Minutes of Council between 16th
May and 25th July, 1716; This we are the more surpriz'd at,
because in your letter of 11th Aug., you refer us to a Minute of
the 9th of June, and in your letter of 10th Oct., you say that you
send the Minutes of Council to the going away of Lord Archibald
Hamilton, Sept. 21st, etc. We desire therefore you will send
us by the first opportunity the Minutes that are wanting, and to
prevent any such omission for the future, a mark ought to be
made in the Council Books of the time to which the Minutes have
been transmitted to us, if this or some such method be not already
observ'd. [C.O. 138, 15. pp. 175, 176.] |
Jan. 11.
Whitehall. |
450. Same to Mr. Secretary. Methuen. Reply to Jan. 3rd.
We find the allegations of Mr. Melmoth's petition made out;
and we humbly conceive it wou'd be a great injustice to the
Deputy Receiver of Jamaica, who has regularly issued the money
for the service and support of the Government pursuant to H.M.
Commission and Instructions to the Governor, if the Additional
Duty Bill shou'd pass with the clause mention'd. We are therefore humbly of opinion that H.R.H. be pleas'd to send such
orders as may effectually put a stop to any proceedings against
the sd. Receiver upon this account. [C.O. 138, 15. pp. 179, 180.] |
| [Jan. 11.] |
451. (a) Account of money issued by James Knight, Deputy
Receiver General of Jamaica, 14th Feb.-17th July, 1716. Endorsed, Recd. (from Mr. Melmoth), Read 11th Jan., 1716/17. 1 p. |
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(b) Copy of letter from James Knight to Lord A. Hamilton.
Kingston in Jamaica, Oct. 9, 1716. Complains of the intention
of the Assembly to oblige him to pay £3729 8s. 5d, etc. Signed,
James Knight. Endorsed, Recd. Read 11th Jan., 1716/17. 2½ pp. |
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(c) Extract of letter from Mr. Knight to William Broderick,
Jamaica, Oct. 9, 1716. As preceding. Same endorsement. 1 p. |
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(d) Extract of letter from Mr. Knight to Mr. Melmoth. As
preceding. Same date and endorsement. 1 p. |
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(e) Extract of letter from Mr. Bernard, Chief Justice of Jamaica,
to Nicholas Lawes. Spanish Town in Jamaica, 6th Oct., 1716.
Notwithstanding Mr. Heywood is by a particular Instruction
limited to the power of the President of the Council and forbid
to pass any laws but what are immediately necessary for the peace
and wellfare of the Island without the King's express pleasure
for that purpose signify'd; yet he has told the Assembly in his
speech that he will pass whatever laws they think proper to send
to him, and accordingly they have brought in all the bills that
were rejected last Assembly; some of which are directly contrary
to his other Instructions, and likewise a bill to prevent one person
holding two offices which has been once already rejected by the
Crown, etc., as preceding. Same endorsement. 1½ pp. |
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(f) Extract of letter from Thomas Wood to William Wood.
Kingston (Jama.) 15th Oct., 1716. Mr. Knight is to be obliged
to repay the money received from Major, etc. The Governor
is to have everything crammed down his throat, and rather than
he'll disoblige them, he will pass any Act they make. Same
endorsement. 1p. [C.O. 137, 12. Nos. 24–29.] |
Jan. 16.
Virginia. |
452. Lt. Governor Spotswood to Mr. Popple. Abstract.
Encloses following in reply to 1st May, 1716. Has suffered
much from secret and malicious attacks upon his private and
public character. Repeats July 11th, 1716. Has heard that
people in London are spreading reports that there are "great
dissatisfactions between me and the people of the country."
Lest this should be insinuated to the Board, encloses address
"from as considerable a Grand Jury as any I have known in
this country." Printed, Va. Hist. Soc. Coll., Spotswood Papers,
II. 187. Signed, A. Spotswood. Endorsed, Recd. 11th March,
Read 23rd Aug., 1717. 2½ pp. Enclosed, |
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452. i. Answer of Lt. Governor Spotswood to the anonymous
queries etc. May 1st, 1716. Abstract. (i) Challenges
author to give a single instance of his having authorised
officers of the Customs to extort illegal fees. Has, on the
contrary, often foregone his undoubted dues, for the
encouragement of trade or the relief of unfortunate
masters. Instances the reducing of his fee with respect
to small vessels, and the remitting to Mr. Byrd, his third
part of his vessel condemned for illegal trade, etc. (ii)
Does not know of any foreigner even in the inferior
Courts who acts by his appointment either as Judge or
Ministerial Officer etc. (iii) There is no fort within
60 miles of James River. There is a fortress with 5
bastions built on the Meherin River and a settlement
fortifyed with a blockhouse and pallisade on the Rappidanne, both designed as places of rendezvous, the one
to oppose incursions of the Northern, the other of the
Southern Indians. The expence of building and maintaining these fortifyed places, and of guarding the whole
frontiers for the last three years, has been by his frugal
contrivance defrayed by little more than the sum which
the Assembly had usually given for one year's defence of
the Country. While the Colony was guarded by its old
method of Rangers, it was continually allarmed on all
quarters, and frequent murders and hostilitys were
committed, so that in 1713 above 20 persons were killed
and carryed off by the Indians; but ever since he was
empowered by an Act of Assembly to take such measures
as he should judge most effectuall for securing the
frontiers, the outward inhabitants have not been disturbed with one single alarm. To attain to a perfect
knowledge of the frontiers, he took a range from north
to south without all the inhabitants and lay out 40 days
together in the woods etc. Refers to appreciative
address of the House of Burgesses, 1714, and his
endeavours at Christianizing the Indians, an undertaking
hitherto too much neglected. For this purpose he
engaged the Tributary Indians to send some of their
children, in lieu of tribute, to be bred up at the College
at Williamsburgh, and prevailed upon several Nations
to enter into Treatys, whereby they agree that all
their children shall be taught English and educated in
the principles of the Christian Religion, whenever we
shall establish Ministers and schoolmasters at their
towns. " In pursuance of this design I began two years
ago to fix a master at Christanna, paying him out of my
own pocket £50 per annum, and perceiving that my
presence as Governor greatly influences the Indians,
towards bringing their children to school, I frequently
resort thither. This is the grand interest I have at
Christanna," etc. As to the other settlement, Germanna,
there are about 40 Germans, who having quitted their
native country upon the invitation of the Heer Graffenreidt, and being grievously disappointed by his failing
to perform his engagements to them, and they also
arriving just at a time when the Tuscaruro Indians
departed from the treaty they had made to settle upon
the northern frontiers, he, in compassion to those poor
strangers, and regard to the security of the country,
placed them upon a piece of land several miles without
the inhabitants, where he built them habitations and
subsisted them until they were able by their own labour
to provide for themselves. The allegation of his trading
is false, etc. (iv) The treaties with the Sapony, Nottoway
and Tuscaruro Indians were partly calculated to answer
a design of this Government, of placing them in three
settlements upon the frontiers, as a securer and cheaper
barrier against the incursions of foreign Indians than
eleven troops of Rangers then kept in pay. The Saponys
willingly removed to the fort which he had built for
their protection 25 miles without all the inhabitants,
which he garrisoned with 12 white men and an officer,
who were to range two or three at a time with 10 or
12 Indians. Here also was a tract of land six miles
square surveyed and set apart from the Indians and
garrison. This was what the Government intended
at every one of the three proposed settlements. But the
Tuscaruros and Nottoways not standing to the treaty,
the former returned to Carolina, and the others continue
upon their old land. The Querist would be hooted out
of their town if he offered to shew his face there to the
assertion that force was used to remove the Saponys
or that the Governor had made a purchase of their lands.
The taking away Englishmen's patented lands is
another imaginary grievance. Whoever is acquainted
with the Constitution of Virginia and the just protection
of the law which the meanest subject there enjoys, will not
believe that any man in the Colony will remain silent
and patiently suffer a Governor to wrong and dispossess
him of his property. As to the selling the lands which
the Saponies had quitted, etc., this was done in accordance with the fifth Article of those Indians' Treaty.
Nothing was received but what was faithfully expended
in carrying on their new settlement etc. (v) The
petition of the Nottoway Indians, was penn'd by a very
turbulent and seditious person, who turned their humble
suit for one thing into a clamorous grievance upon
another, as they themselves declared, when they
understood what it contained etc. Refers to Minutes of
Council 10th Aug., 1715. This petition was brought
into the House of Burgesses, without any communication
to the Governor and Council, contrary to the rule in
dealing with Indian affairs etc. The Indians were
committed for their obstinate refusal to deliver hostages
for their fidelity as by their Treaty they were obliged
to do, and for such an insolent behaviour as was never
before seen at the Council Board, and which strangely
startled the Governor and Council to behold all of a
sudden in those Tributarys etc. The same methods
have frequently been taken by the Governors here when
the Indians have misbehaved themselves, and have
been found the best means of bringing those savages
to reason. Besides it was judged of pernicious consequence for the Indians to be possess'd with a notion of
the Governor and Council being subordinate to the
House of Burgesses, like as two or three little buzie
fellows living in their neighbourhood had endeavoured
to infuse into their heads, persuading the Nottoways
that by the influence they had in that House, the Indian
affairs should be otherwise ordered, in spite of the
Governor and Council: so that their correction was
contriv'd more to root out of their heads a dangerous
notion, than to inflict on their bodies any severe
punishment; for all that was done to them, was a
light iron shackle put upon each of them for two or
three days, without confining them, but letting them walk
with the same about the town where the Burgesses
were then met in Assembly; and tho' the Chief person
of the Indian Nations is distinguished among themselves
by the title of King, yet every one knows that those
Kings are of no great consideration among the English,
nor of much authority among their own people; and
as to the Nottoway Nation in particular, there is not so
great distinction between their King and the people,
as there is between a Corporal and the private centinels
of a company in regular troops. The Querist would
brand him with the murther of the said Nottoway King,
who is still alive and in as good health as he was when
put in irons, etc. (vi) Does not doubt to stand acquitted
when his adversary instances names etc. (vii) "I have
been endeavouring for some years past to have all the
laws of the Colony to be brought to light, and have
lately transmitted home a compleat collection thereof,
in order to be printed and published for the better
information of all our Justices here, who are too apt to
suppose laws that never were in being, and to neglect
the execution of others that are actually in force: nor
can I wonder to find them frequently guilty of such
errors, when I know they have not the opportunity of
perusing all the Acts of Assembly, seeing there has not
been one entire body of them in the possession of any
man, or in any office within the Government. If then,
in so material a concern, as that of levying money upon
the subject, I gave the Justices to understand there was
no law empowering or directing them to lay a poll-tax
for payment of the Burgesses, yet I publish'd nothing
untill I had the opinion both of H.M. Attorney General
and of all the eminent lawyers in this country," etc.
Refers to letter of 24th Oct., 1715, etc. (viii) " I readily
acknowledge that I countenanced the prosecution of a
woman for the whipping her slave to death etc.: for how
unpopular soever the doctrine may be in this country,
I still dare to stand to my charge given to a Grand Jury
here, vizt., that in this Dominion no master has such a
sovereign power over his slave, as not to be lyable to
be called to account whenever he kills him; that at
the same time the slave is the master's property, he is
likewise the King's subject; and that the King may
lawfully bring to tryal all persons here, who shall be
suspected to have destroyed the life of his subject etc.
By the 116th Article of my Instructions, H.M. commands
me to endeavour to get a law passed, whereby the wilfull
killing of Indians and negroes may be punished with
death" etc. Refers to enclosure iv. etc. (ix) A heap of
mistakes. The Assembly of 1715 was called together
on account of the Indian war in Carolina etc. None of
the Rangers were employed to keep guard in Christanna
etc. (x) "The experience I had in the Tuscaruro war
how much the Indians may be overaw'd by the very
show of a considerable body of forces, gave me all
imaginable reason to hope that my appearing on the
frontiers at the head of a body of armed men, would
have the like effect on those then in war with South
Carolina, and who had intimated to me their desire of
re-establishing a peace. This I proposed, (refers to
speech to the Assembly), but named no sum of money for
defraying the expences. Had the Assembly yielded
then to my measures, the peace between the Indians
and South Carolina had been sooner concluded, and the
Colony of Virginia might, with a far less expence than
£2000, have acquired so great a reputation among the
savages, as would have secured its frontiers for many
years against their incursions." Refers to Minutes of
Council, to show that the negotiations began with the
Indians. Continues: As to my being the head, and
having stock in the Indian Company, that Society
made me the compliment of choosing me their Governor,
and I in return adventured £100 in their stock: and this
I presumed could be no crime, since I coppyed after so
great a pattern as H.R.H., who (if our publick prints
be true) acted the same with the South Sea Company.
But as to my having the greatest stock in the name of
Katherine Russell, I deny the assertion to be true.
(xi) The scheme I laid before the Assembly (see No. vi.)
for regulating the militia was in reply to their address
desiring me to propose a method by which the Militia
might be rendred more usefull etc. I hope your Lordps.
will approve the same, and not judge that I have endeavoured to destroy a profitable people, by desiring them
to imitate the justice and policy of their Mother Country;
where no such unequal burden is laid upon the poor, as
that of defending the estates of the rich, while these
contribute nothing themselves. For according to the
present constitution of the Militia here, no man of an
estate is under any obligation to muster, and even the
servants and overseers of the rich are likewise exempted:
the whole burthen lyes upon the poorer sort of people
who are to subsist by their labour; these are finable
if they don't provide themselves with arms, ammunition
and accountrements, and appear at musters five times in
a year; but an officer may appear without arms, or
he may absent himself from duty as often as he pleases,
without being lyable to any fine at all; nay, and if it
be his interest to ingratiate himself with his men, he
will not command them out; and then the soldier not
being summoned to march, is not lyable to be fined etc.
There is not one officer that knows how to exercise his
men when he calls them together. I could not imagine
that my endeavouring a reformation thereof, would be
imputed to me as a crime, etc., etc. By my scheme
persons of estate must have contributed to the arming
and paying of the men who were to be train'd up for the
defence of their estates; and I cannot but pity the
simplicity of the vulgar here, who at every offer of a
Governor to make their Militia usefull, are set on to
cry against him, as if he was aiming to introduce a
standing army, arbitrary power, burthensome taxes
etc. And as for their abettors, who choose rather to
risque their whole country, than to be brought to clubb
for its defence, I wish they or their posterity may not
have cause to repent of their present folly, when an
enemy shall happen to be at their doors: for tho I will
allow the Virginians to be capable of being made as good
a Militia as any in the world, yet I do take 'em to be at
this time the worst in the King's Dominions, and do think
it's not in the power of a Governor to make them
serviceable under the present constitution of their law
etc. It is evident from my message to the House of
Burgesses, that I left it to them to adapt my scheme to
the circumstances of the country. (xii) No J.P. has
been removed, but in Council and with the entire
concurrence of the Board. And as to Military officers,
I never granted a Commission to superseed another,
but upon death or resignation; except once in Col.
Byrd's Lieutenancy, who writing me word that the old
Militia officers under his command desired their quietus,
sent me a list of new ones, and I then being a stranger
to the principles of that gentleman, trusted to his
information, and accordingly signed Commissions: which
I confess caused great dissatisfaction in that part of the
country, untill I repaired thither in person, and pacifyed
the gentlemen there by producing their Colonel's letter;
and shewing thereby how I had been deceived and
they misrepresented. (xiii) One Justice was turn'd
out for acting contrary to law and to his oath, by being
of council in causes wherein he sat as a judge etc. (xiv)
I formed the plan of that part of the Act for preventing
frauds in tobacco payments, and it is with much satisfaction that I have found it has succeeded according to
my intentions, in advancing the price of tobacco, raising
the value of the quit-rents and of all publick payments,
and establishing such a standard of justice, that no
man has yet had the face to condemn any part of it
which I projected: but it is true some other
clauses were added to it by those who now clamour
most against the whole. Extraordinary pains were
taken to procure grievances against it, but not ten men
of any figure in the country would join in them. What
all considering men desired, was not the repeal but
amendment of the law; and this I was so far from
opposing that I assisted the Council in framing a bill
wherein all the hardships, which had been complained
of either by the merchants in England or the planters
here, were removed; but the House of Burgesses threw
it out upon the first reading, which shews that there
was not so much ground for the great clamour made
against that law, since the Representatives of the people
did not think fitt to amend any part of it when they
had it in their power, etc. The law is not a loss to H.M.
revenue in generall, for it restrains the exportation of
no other tobacco than what would in all likelyhood
be burnt at the Custome House. (xv) Except the lands
in dispute between this Government and North Carolina,
(on which no person is allow'd to seat untill the determination of that controversy), I know of no restraint
upon any of H.M. subjects from taking up land in any
part, but it is true that some time after my arrival here,
observing many undue practices in relation to the
unpatented lands (among which was one great abuses
of some persons entring for vast tracts, containing much
more land than they were able to cultivate according to
the Royal Instructions. and holding them by the connivance of the Surveyors for many years, without either
offering to sue out patents or sometimes even so much
as to survey the same; so that for want of patents
I found the Crown must loose its quitt-rents, and for
want of bounds the people must a long time be debarr'd
from the adjacent lands) I therefore judg'd it best,
and had the Council's concurrence, that the Surveyors
should no longer have liberty to admit, solely of themselves, these excessive large entrys; but that for all
tracts exceeding 400 acres, leave should be first obtained
from the Governor in Council to enter for the same etc.
No man has been denyed the liberty of taking up as much
land as he could reasonably be suppos'd of ability to
cultivate etc. Instead of 12,000 acres which the
Querist says were taken up, to my own use, in the name
of William Robertson, and leased to the Germans, the
whole quantity surveyed at the time of composing his
queries, amounted to no more than 1287 acres. And tho
by the Patent for that tract, whereon the Germans are
seated it will appear to contain 3429 acres, yet what is
added to the first survey is part of a tract taken up by
one Mr. Beverley, and voluntarily yielded by him for
the conveniency of that settlement. And as I don't
know that H.M. has in any of his Instructions restrained
a Governor from taking up land to his own use, as well
as any other of his subjects, so I hope it will not be
accounted any breach of my duty if for the security
of that part of the frontiers, and for the settlement
of a number of indigent people, I have been at the
expence of surveying and purchasing rights and patenting
a tract of land to which no other person had any pretensions. But because the entring for this 1287 acres in
a borrowed name, may carry with it some colour of
fraud, I beg leave to inform your Lordps. that patents
for land being sign'd by the Governor, it would be
improper for him to grant a patent for himself; and
therefore it is necessary to make use of another person's
name in the original grant, and such has been the
constant practice of former Governors, whenever they
had a mind to take up land for themselves. When the
Germans arrived, they had not wherewithal to subsist.
Besides the expence of £150 for their transportation,
they are still indebted for near two years charge of
subsisting them. I cannot therefore imagine myself
guilty of any oppression, by placing them as tennants
upon my own land, when if I had pursued the common
methods of the country, and taken the advantage of the
law here, instead of being tenants, they might have been
my servants for five years. Nor are the Germans
unsensible of the favour I have done them etc. The
terms, upon which the Germans are settled, will not
appear very like oppression, seeing they have lived for
two years upon this land without paying any rent at
all, and that all which is demanded of them for the
future, is no more than 12 days work a year for each
household; which is not so much as the rent of their
houses, without any land, would have cost in any other
part of the country etc. I hope your Lordships will
be of opinion, that my taking up land, and building
houses for people who were not able to take it up or
build for themselves; my advancing money for their
transportation and subsistance, when they must have
been sold (according to the custom of this country) into
servitude or have famish'd; and my allowing them to
live at such easy rents, is far from what the Querist
would here charge me with. I shall very readily yield
him up the profit I have made by those people, provided
he reimburses me what I have expended on their account
etc. In reply to paper signed W.R. refers to the Council's
Message to the Burgesses 1715. I have voluntarily gone
through more labours and hazards for the publick, than
any man in the Government; and particularly at once
when the frontiers were most infested by the Indians,
I went into severall countys, drew out the Militia and
offered to march out myself at the head of but 200
men; yet could not engage such a small number of
voluntiers, even upon great pay, to follow me, notwithstanding their wives, their children and all they had
lay then at stake; and even tho' I called to some whose
father's blood had been newly spilt by those savages,
etc. With respect to one heavy charge and very unjust
calumny, vizt. that my whole study is to enrich myself
at the publick charge, I bid defiance to all mankind
to produce a single instance of my accepting any sort of
gratification for any place or office in my disposal, though
privately pressed to do so etc., or of taking any fee, but
what has been look'd upon as the undoubted right of my
predecessors. Refers to the lavish style in which he has
kept up the honour and dignity of the Government and
celebrated H.M. birthday, and to the Assembly's confidence in him as shewn by their entrusting the publick
moneys to his management etc. Signed, A. Spotswood.
Endorsed as preceding. 18½ pp. Enclosed, |
|
452. ii. Deposition of Charles Griffin. Jan. 4, 1716 (17).
In Jan., 1714, he was engaged by the Governor to educate
the Indian children at Christanna. The Saponie Indians
express much satisfaction with their present habitation
and thankfulness to the Governor for placing them so
conveniently etc. The Governor presented each of
their Great Men with a cow and a calf, but deponent
never heard that this was other than a bounty, or
that it was in consideration for quitting their land.
Signed, Cha. Griffin. Same endorsement. 1p. |
|
452. iii. Copy of Lt. Governor Spotswood's Circular letter to
the Council of Virginia. Williamsburgh, Sept. 27th,
1715. Warns them that he proposes to consult them as
to the powers of the Justices to lay a levy for the Burgesses, in order that the Justices may be saved from
exceeding their duty, "the extraordinary proceedings
of the late House of Burgesses against Justices, for
their refuseing to certify certain grievances, having
awakened these gentlemen to a more than ordinary
circumspection as to the sphere they are to move in.
They justly hesitate at assuming of themselves, a legislative power in imposing taxes, after seeing an House so
violent to punish them for acting above the degree of
Ministerial officers," etc. Same endorsement. Copy. I
p. |
|
452. iv. Report by the Attorney General of Virginia upon the
trial of Frances Wilson for whipping her slave to death.
Mrs. Wilson was brought to trial by the Governor's
command, upon information laid by me. At the trial
it was urged on her behalf that by the law of Virginia
she ought not to be molested for the killing of the sd.
slave. The Court gave judgment that she ought to
be tried. The jury brought in a verdict of Not Guilty.
Since Col. Spotswood had the Government, no person
lawfully accused of any capital crime has not undergone
a legal trial etc. Williamsburgh, Dec. 20th, 1716.
Signed, John Clayton. Same endorsement. 3pp. |
|
452. v. Inquisition upon the body of Rose, a negro woman.
Nov. 26, 1713. We find that by hard useage she is
come to her deth, we finding no mortall wounds but only
stripes, etc. Signed, Andr. Woodley, Coroner; Fran.
Lee, John Bidgood, junr., John Harrison, Nicholas
Miller, Edward Miller, John Miller, John Fineash (his
mark), Richard Bell (mark), John Harris (mark), John
Bedgood (mark), Thomas Wren (mark), Richd. Wren
(mark). Copy. 1p. |
|
452. vi. True bill presented by the Grand Jury against Frances
Wilson for the murder of her negro woman, Rose, by
giving her 40 mortal strokes upon the back part of her
body, according to the evidence of Mary Lupo. Copy.
1p. |
|
452. vii. Account of payments to Rangers, 1715, 1716, =
245, 279½ lb. tobacco. Same endorsement. 2½ pp. |
|
452. viii. Lt. Governor Spotswood's proposals to the Assembly
for a new regulation of the Militia. Aug. 12, 1715.
Same endorsement. 2pp. |
|
452. ix. Address of the Grand Jury of Virginia to Lt. Governor
Spotswood, praising his just and prudent administration
and praying him to take his place on the General Court
Bench. Oct., 1716. Signed, Thos. Nelson, foreman,
J. Pratt, Jer. Clowder, W. Dandridge, John Story,
Richard Sayer, Franc.Lightfoot, Augn. Moor, Wil.
Robinson, David Bray, Reubn. Welch, Cha. Chiswell,
Miles Cary, Tho. Jones, John Armistead, Wm. Mcclenahan. Same endorsement. Copy. 1p. [C.O. 5, 1318.
Nos. 21, 21 i.–ix.; and(without enclosures), 5, 1364.
pp. 500–505.] |
Jan. 17.
Whitehall. |
453. Council of Trade and Plantations to Mr. Secretary
Methuen. Enclosecopies of letter and affidavits received from
Carolina (? from Thomas Walker, v. Aug., 1716) relating to the
settlement some pirates are making upon the Island of Providence. Continue:— We think the matters therein of such
importance to the welfare of our trade and Colonies in those parts
yt. we must remind you of our several letters and reports upon
this subject and particularly of those of 13th Sept. and 8th Dec.
last that you may receive H.R.H. pleasure thereupon. Autograph
signatures. 1p. Enclosed, |
|
453. i.–iii. Copies of affidavits referred to above. [C.O. 5, 382.
Nos. 18, 18 i.–iii.; and (without enclosures) 5, 1293. pp.
68, 69.] |
Jan. 24.
Whitehall. |
454. Circular letter from Mr. Secretary Methuen to the several
Governors of Plantations, to William Keith, Depty. Governor of
Pensilvania, and to the Governor and Company of Connecticut,
and of Rhode Island. The King arrived here on Saturday the
19th inst. in perfect health to the great joy and satisfaction of
his subjects, and H.M. having been pleased to command me to
continue in my present employmt. has at the same time thought
fit to order that the Foreign Affairs in the Northern Province
should be under the direction of Mr. Secry. Stanhope, and that
those of the Southern Province should be under my care. This I
thought proper to give you notice of, that you may for the future
address to me what you shall from time to time have to offer for
H.M. service, and I doubt not of your diligence to inform me of
all occurrences that may be usefull, and fit to be laid before H.M.,
and on my part I shall be ready on all occasions to show you how
truly I am, Sr., yor. most humble and obedient servt. Signed, P.
Methuen. [C.O. 324, 33. pp. 66–68.] |
Jan. 24.
Whitehall. |
455. Mr. Secretary Methuen to the Lords Proprietors of
Carolina. Same as preceding, with the omission in the last
paragraph of the words and I doubt not … laid before H.M.
[C.O. 324, 33. p. 69.] |
Jan. 26.
Carolina. |
456. Governor and Council of Carolina to the Lords
Proprietors. We take the liberty once more to address your
Lordships upon a very melancholy occasion, which is the deplorable state of your Province etc. To be silent at such a time wou'd
not only argue remissness but the greatest stupidity etc. We
are defending ourselves, with a handful of men, against numerous
and potent Nations, and we have no allies of any importance but
the Cherikees, whose Kings and head warriors are now with us.
The charge we are at to maintain them, and the demands they
make are so unreasonable, that we may properly say, we are
become their tributaries. We buy their friendship at too dear
a rate, if the wellfare of the Colony did not depend on the same.
But my Lords to defend ourselves, and pay this annual tribute
is a tax this country cannot long bear; £50,000 a year is a
burthen we must sink under; and thô the pressure be born some
little time, yet without speedy succours of men, many of our
inhabitants will rather chose to leave their houses and land (as
several of them have already done notwithstanding the most
severe laws made to prevent it) and carry off their slaves, and such
other convenient moveables than endure a lingring war and
an insupportable tax. These are plain but necessary truths,
such as your Lordships ought to know. The Province is now at
its crisis, and upon your Lordps. sending of us relief, or soliciting
H.M. on our behalf, depends the fate of this once flourishing
Colony, which otherwise will be deserted and forsaken. Signed,
Thomas Smith, Nich. Trott, Fran. Yonge, Robt. Daniell, Saml.
Eveleigh, Ch. Hart. Endorsed, Recd. (from Mr. Boon and Mr.
Beresford), Read 10th May, 1717. 2pp. [C.O. 5,1265. No. 63.] |
Jan. 29.
Whitehall. |
457. Mr. Secretary Methuen to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. You are to transmit to me in order to be laid before
H.M. an account of the quantitys of Naval Stores which are
furnished by H.M. Plantations in America, together with your
Lops.' opinion, what encouragements may be proper to be given
in order to procure greater quantitys of such Naval Stores from
those Colonys. Signed, P. Methuen. Endorsed, Recd. 30th,
Read 31st Jan., 1716/17 ¾ p. [C.O. 323, 7. No. 70; and 324,
10. p. 97.] |
| Jan.31. |
458. Certificate from the Deputy Remembrancer that Robert
Johnson has given security etc. Signed, J. Hardenge. Endorsed,
Recd. 2nd, Read 4th Feb., 1716/17. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 1265. No. 53.] |
