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| [June 21.] |
591. Lt. Col. Charles Floyer to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. Recounts his service. He had a brevet for Lt.
Col. in Col. Jones' Regiment in the Leeward Islands, with which
he was serving, and a promise of the Regiment, which has
now been given to a younger officer, a stranger to the Regiment,
and a then prisoner of France. Prays that his case be considered, etc. Endorsed, Recd. 21st, Read 27th June, 1709. 1 p.
[C.O. 152, 8. No. 20.] |
| [June 21.] |
592. List of poor Palatines, (names, trades, religion) arrived in St. Catherines May 1st—June 11th, 1709. With abstract.
Total, 6519. Endorsed, Recd. 16th, (from Mr. Tribbeko) Read
21st June, 1709. 115 pp. [C.O. 388, 76. Nos. 68–70.] |
| June 23. |
593. Mr. Tribbeko and Mr. Ruperti to the Council of Trade
and Plantations. Request assistance in work of relieving the
German Protestant Refugees, etc. Signed, John Tribbeko, A.
Ruperti Endorsed, Recd. Read June 23, 1709. 4 pp. [C.O.
388, 76. No. 75; and 389, 36. pp. 430–432.] |
June 23.
Whitehall. |
594. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Lord High
Treasurer. Submit preceding Memorial. [C.O. 389, 36. p. 433.] |
| June 23. |
595. London Society for Mines Royal to the Council of Trade
and Plantations. Further proposal for employing German Protestant Refugees in Welsh mines. Signed, Moses Stringer and
7 others. Endorsed, Recd. Read June 23, 1709. 4½ pp. [C.O.
388, 76. No. 76.] |
June 23.
St. James's |
596. Order of Queen in Council. Lord Baltimore's petition
(May 19) is dismissed, the parties having been divers times
heard before the making of the Order complained of. etc. Signed,
John Povey. Endorsed, Recd. Read July 5, 1709. 1½pp. [C.O.
5, 720. No. 6; and 5, 1264. No. 75; and 5, 1292. pp. 141,
142.] |
June 26.
Antigua. |
597. Governor Parke to the Council of Trade and Plantations.
I had not the honour to recieve any letter from your Lordshipps
by this packett except two duplicates. I am the more surprised
at it, because by the last packett, my Agent Mr. Micajah Perry,
writt me word Nivin had delivered in the Articles, and they
were referred to your Lordshipps, he alsoe sent me a coppy of
them, which I have answered myselfe, every article very largely,
which is in a manner a history of my administration. Refers
to other enclosures. I don't doubt but your Lordshipps will be
satisfied when you see them. The affidavits are made by the
very best Gentlemen of the place. What the Lt. Governour
and Councill have done is allsoe upon their oaths as Councillors.
And your Lordshipps will find, if they have any affidavitts to
support any Articles, they are made by Irish Papists, proffligate
wretches, bankrupts, or some that depend on Coll. Codrington,
or others that are affraid of the Court of Chancery. I wish part
of their £5000 they have raised has not been lay'd out to stopp
my letters, for I had not one in this packett, except a single
letter from one Gentleman, who tells me Nevine offered your
Lordshipps £30,000 security to prove all the articles, provided
I might be suspended and Commissioners sent to hear it. I
thinke it a piece of injustice to suspend me upon his request,
or to be called home; but this my Lords I will agree to, that
if Mr. Nivine will give good secureity, such as Mr. Micajah
Perry aproves of, for £3000 to be paid me for my hazzard, cost
and dammages, provided he does not prove before your Lordshipps all or ye greatest part of the articles, or soe many
of them, for which your Lordshipps shall think I deserve to
be removed, upon such condition I desire I may have leave
to come home to answer them before your Lordshipps, for I
am very sure your Lordships will doe me justice; but if they
are to name one to command in my roome, and Commissioners
are to be sent here to heare it, I may conclude I shall not
have justice, for these reasons, first noebody will come here
as a Commissioner but one of a small or decayed fortune, and
such a man (let his character be what it will) is lyable to
corruption, especially if great sums are offered, and I know
Codrington soe well (though he is as covettous as a Jew) yet
to gaine his ends and have his revenge, I know he would give
£10,000, and I don't know but that sett of men would make
up the sum they have raised as much more. Men need be very
virtuous to withstand such a temptation. Then Nevine will
have the opertunity of makeing himselfe acquainted with them
and come with them, and though he is the most insolent fellow
alive, yet when it is to gaine his ends, he can fawne like
a spanniell. When these Commissioners comes over, to be sure
they must not live with me, and there are noe public houses
fitt to entertain them, soe that in course they must live with
my enemys, or my friends, and your Lordshipps knowes, revenge is much more industrious then friendshipp, it being alsoe
observed that friendshipp is coldest in hottest climates, though
mallice is most inveterate. All these considered, I begg that I
may have my cause brought before your Lordshipps, and that
I may have noe Commissioners sent out. I once did think it best
to have Commissioners on the spott, but these reasons which
have been since given me, have altered my mind, I only fear
bribery, for I am very well assured they can doe me noe harme
if I have justice, for I have done nothing contrary to law,
or my Instructions, and notwithstanding this claymour now
against me, I had been very easy notwithstanding all Col.
Codrington's mallice, had I had less regard to the doeing my duty.
It is plaine I have quitted my owne intrest for the publicke
good, for before I had recieved your Lordshipp's last instructions
about my house-rent, I sent that message to the Assembly to
lett my sallary alone and pay other people, and never demanded
of the people of St. Kitts the 100,000lb. of sugar due to me
on the same score. I shall with impatience wayte your Lordshipps' commands, etc. P. S. Col. Jones is my inveterate enemy,
and did your Lordshipps' but see him, I dare say you would
not thinke him fitt to command a foot Company. Mr. Harley
is his relation and got him this post. I don't thinke either
he, or the Lt. Governour of Nevis ought to comand in my
absence, any more then a man ought to be foreman of a jury
upon the life of a man whose estate he is to enjoy, provided
he be brought in guilty. Signed, Daniel Parke. Endorsed,
Recd. Sept. 10, Read Nov. 17, 1709. 4 pp. Enclosed, |
|
597. i. Governor Parke's Reply to the 22 Articles of Complaint. (1). I alwayes look'd upon the people in this
part of the world to have the sharpest and most penetrating witt of any I ever mett with; and therefore I
must have been guilty of the greatest folly and weaknesse, if I could thinke to impose upon them after
so gross a manner, etc. (2). It is very true I did
all I could to have justice done Mr. Chester for murdering a harmless, honest Gentleman, but I had as
bad success in this as I had in Mr. Pogson's case. I
had no difference with Mr. Chester, nor did I threaten
the Justices, but I told Col. Gamble it was remarkable
he should act now as Justice, that never would before.
I confess I told the Councill that I never knew baile
taken in England for willfull murder, and that I thought
it very extraordinary that when Mr. Chester was by
a mittimus signed by themselves sent to prison, the
Marshall neither sent him to prison nor confined him
to any house. The Coroner could not sitt upon the
body that night, but sent an order to the Constables to
summons a jury against the next morning which they
did by taking the next they mett with, by which means
severall strangers were returned of the jury, as masters
of vessells, etc. Mr. Chester and his friends were so
allarmed at this jury, that immediately messengers were
sent into the country for to get his Freinds to towne.
His Friends Dr. Mackinnen and Mr. Morgan went out
of towne to meete the Coroner and desired him to discharge the jury, telling him the deceased being a gentleman, he ought to have a jury of gentlemen; and the
Coronor, who did not mistrust the juggle, discharg'd
that jury, and presently there apeared a number of Mr.
Chester's friends to be sworne, and one Mr. William
Glanville was made Foreman, who himself, not long
before I came to the Goverment, had had a jury of
inquest upon his servant-maid etc. see supra. One Mrs.
Wright, landlady to the deceased came and inform'd
me all this as I was going to Church, and all that
I did was to order the body to be brought into the
open street (after the jury had viewed it) that every
one might see ye wound, which plainly apeared behind
his eare, but this, and the evidence, was of no weight
with the jury, etc. All my brow-beating of evidence
was, I desir'd the Coronor to aske this fellow and his
wife some questions, which they answered soe as a
London jury would have had little regard to their evidence, etc. |
|
I must confess I have a very extraordinary quiet and
innocent people to governe, for tho' it be the last
Island settled, yet in three yeares I have been here
there has noe one inhabitant [been] punished, neither
hanged, whipped, pilloried, or so much as putt in the
stocks; the reason is this. I have of late been served
with Deputy Marshalls, that have been inhabittants,
and have such engagements with the people they durst
not doe their duty, and if I order the J.P.'s or Constables to doe what in other places is thought their
duty, they looke me in the face and tell me it is not
their duty, but can assure them had I an absolute
power, would a beene arbitrary, the stocks, whippingpost, ducking stoole and gallows, too would have been
severall times putt into use; the Deputy Marshall that
gave Mr. Chester his liberty was very much in his
debt, and if he had not been so, I have no doubt but
he would have found meanes to have made it worth
his while to have got such a jury as he desired; here
are abundance of honest Gentlemen that would be very
glad to assist me to have offences of all kinds punished
(knowing it is for the good of the Island) but as yet
myselfe and they have not been able to effect it, but
in a little time I hope to doe itt, if I have not a
Marshall of their owne choosing putt upon me, and
have that protection I ought to have at home whilst I
doe my duty here. (3). The severall persons they
speake of in general termes is onely the one that is
mention'd, (vizt.) Col. Codrington, whose person I suppose he thinks equivalent to a multitude. I thinke it
was my duty to ask him what pretence he had to
Barbuda and by what authority he presumed to apoint
a Deputy Governor, Barbuda being almost as bigg as
Antigua, and at one time there was about 80 families
upon it, who were drove off only to make a pasture for
one man's; whereas might that Island be settled by
poore people, it would raise fresh provisions not only
to supply these Islands, but Barbados too. I could
not doe anything in itt without the consent [? of the
Council], otherwise I would have settled itt, and given
grants to all people that would goe and live upon it,
and I could have brought up 150 or 200 familyes
from Anguilla, Spanish Towne and Turtola, which are
at present so many Families lost in effect to the Crowne
of England, those small and barren Islands lying over
St. Thomas's, that what cotton they make there, they
sell it to the Danes. These ffamilyes have formerly
been drove off these Islands by the rich men's ingrossing their land, and live very poorly on these barren
Islands, and would be glad to come and settle on
Barbuda, provided they had a good title made to the
land; for they might not only make great advantages
by raising horses, cattle and sheep, and all sorts of
fowles, but also by cotton and Guiney corne, which
would be sold at this Island, and the cotton sent for
Brittaine, and now it is of noe advantage at all to the
Crowne, to this Government, nor as he manages it, to
himselfe. I hope your Lordshipps will lay this before
the Queen, that I may have orders to grant the Island
to people that would settle it; for Coll. Codrington
cannot have any just right to itt. I can't think a
Governour has power to grant a whole Island at once,
nor could a patent be granted on that Island by and
with the advice and consent of the Councill there, because there never was any Councill apointed there, nor
any records kept, nor Deputy Secretary to record them,
nor any Ministeriall officer to putt him in possession;
nor is there any on Spanish-Towne, Turtola or Anguilla; indeed there is a Deputy Governor upon each,
but they regard him not, they live like wild people
without order or Government, and have neither Divine
nor Lawyer amongst them, they take each others words
in marriage; they thinke themselves Christians because
they are descended from such, but I have got a parson
to goe to them lately out of charity, to make Christians
out of them; I would visitt them myselfe, but that I
durst not leave these four Islands during the warr;
now according to reason, I should thinke if he have a
pattent (which I very much doubt) it can be of no
vallue, it not being possible such a pattent should pass
as is directed by the Commission or Instructions; suppose Col. Codrington should also have pretended he
had a right to Nevis, Antigua and St. Christophers,
and would have pretended to have made Deputy Governours for these Islands (for Barbuda is as much
named in my Commission as they are) does the Law
abhorr I shall demand bye what authority he pretends
to hold what I have a Commission for from the Queen?
(4). (5). These are the same Articles as were sent
before, and answered to your Lordshipps' satisfaction.
Additions answered. (6). The writts have been alwayes issued according to the ancient custome of this
Island, but they made a law to alter them, and during
the time that Law was in force, the writts were issued
according to that Law, but that Law being rejected at
home, the writts were issued as before. This appears
by the records, and everybody knowes the constant
custome was, that no one ever pretended to sitt as an
Assemblyman, except he was Free-holder in the Division
where he was chose. They cannot produce one president to the contrarye, nor was it ever offer'd at till
now by Mr. Edward Perrie, and they were so well
satisfied of it, that before the last election he was made
a freeholder. The reasons they get a majority in the
Assembly [are], against an election they make sham
freeholders, and the Register being on their side, they
can doe it and my friends not know it till too late; if
the Register was my friend, my friends could and
would I believe doe the same. (7). The custome is here
as it is in England and all other Governments, to sweare
those which are return'd members; and Capt. James
Nisbett was return'd duely elected, and notwithstanding
they would have had me swore Capt. Edward Perrie
without hearing the cause, tho he was not return'd.
Refers to House of Commons practice. But before
they would go upon any business, without a petition
or any hearing, they insisted that I should sweare Capt.
Perrie etc. (8). Notoriously false. I was at St. Kitts
several weeks before and after the last Assembly was
called. (Refers to Minutes of Council). So that it was
impossible for me to use menaces in that Election. The
first starting the business of the negative voice was
by the Lt. Governour and Councill. Having passed
some laws, the Lt.-Governour and Councill sent to the
Speaker to signe them, in order to send them to me,
which he refused, tho it had alwayes been the method
when the Generall was off the Island; and the reason
they gave was, in case the Generall did not signe their
law for privilledges, the Speaker should not signe any
of the rest, when they should be return'd; this was
plain by insisting upon their Speaker's giving the last
sanction to lawes, which is taking from the Queen her
negative voice. Nevine and some others of Col. Codrington's faction putt them upon it, for when they
found I gave them no manner of handle for the least
just complaint, they putt the Assembly upon insisting
on such things, which if I granted, I must have betrayed my trust, or, if not, disoblige the Assembly.
They concluded that I would give up the negative
voice, and pass that bill for privilledges, rather than
loose my sallarie for house-rent, which was what they
call £1000 a yeare, and as sugar now goes is really
worth £500; and when they found by a message I sent
them, desiring them to raise a tax and pay off all others,
and lett my sallerie alone, they then offer'd me a bribe;
they sent me a message that if I would pass the Acts
before me, and let their Speaker give the last sanction
to them, then they would not onely pay me my sallery,
but make me a handsome acknowledgement. I answered
I could not give up the Queen's prerogative, etc. All
this apears in the Minutes now before your Lordshipps,
since which they have desired me to call them together.
The Councill were of opinion, as well as myselfe, that
it putt the Island to a great charge, and to noe purpose,
for as long as they insisted on the negative voice, no
Act could pass. But if they would give it me under
their hands not to insist on the negative voice, I would
call them together, but they refused. I often earnestly
desir'd them to raise a tax to pay off the publick creditt,
and that they might not thinke it was for my own ends,
tho' I had my whole yeares sallerie due to me, I desired
them to take no notice of that. I appeale to the
Treasurer's Bookes, whether I have not been a very
good husband for the publick; for I have putt the
Island to very little more charge in three yeares than
Col. Johnson did in one; they have raised but one tax
in my time, and that to pay off the debts contracted by
Col. Johnson, whose table they maintained, and to
whome they gave £ 850 gratuity, which by a trick they
found for it he tooke contrary to his Instructions for
putting them to above £5000 charge to doe what they
ought to be at the charge to have undone. For instance,
there were severall great gunns, 24 pounders, which
were to guard the principal harbour, St. Johns; these
gunns he removed at a prodigious expence to the topp
of Monkes Hill, where they were of no manner of use:
for if Monkes Hill had been attacked, if they should
have fired those gunns often, the concussion wou'd
have throwne downe the wall, which for the most part
is made onely of loose stones without mortar; at the
same time left the harbour, and consequently the towne
exposed; the bigest gun left being a 9 pounder, except
2 very bad 12 pounders, at some distance from the Fort,
to defend the Roade, but they were found too short for
that purpose, not being able to protect a shipp rideing
in the Roade from a privateere that cutt her out. He
putt them to a great expence to raise part of the inward
area of the Fort (without any designe of throwing up
a cavalier) by which meanes everyone that stood there
would be exposed to the very knees to the fire of an
enemy, etc. He built a great number of wooden houses
contiguous, by which meanes one bomb or carcass would
have fired the whole Fort, and severall little square
houses on the walls, because it looked well at sea, and
a plattforme with 6 small six pounders on it to defend
Falmouth Harbour, tho' a mile from it. I asked Col.
Johnson how he could be guilty of such strange blunders; he told me there was in the Assembly a very
strong faction for Monk's Hill, and that the taking
of Nevis and St. Kitts having putt them into a very
great streight, they were for making Monkes Hill very
strong; I told him he had not at all added to the
strength, but quite contrary; he said he knew that well
enough, but they themselves would be the Ingenieres,
and he was only to governe them till I came, and was
willing to get what he could from them. and if he had
not humoured them, he should have got nothing. I
find he was the wiser man, tho' I cannot much commend
his honesty; at the same time they tooke up a great
quantity of provisions and sent it to Monkes Hill some
time after this freight was over; I came, and then all
this foolish extravagancy was to be paid for, and like
very honest people, they voted to pay the publick debts
in sugar at 20s. per cent., the private people tooke
the same advantage and paid their debts in the same
manner, yet any man might buy sugar at 12/6 per
cent. and at ten; so that it was not better nor worse
than compounding the debts of the Island for 12/6 in
the pound. I opposed this all I could, and to be even
with me they never would give me an order for my
sallerie till all the shipps were gone, and that there
was nothing in the Treasurer's hands; so that to this
very day I have not my first yeares sallerie paid me;
there was one Capt. Mutton that putt in, being bound
for Jamaica, he was laden with provisions, they bought
his provisions and obliged themselves to pay him money
sterling in England, but have not paid him. His
owners have putt him in prison for selling his cargo
contrary to his orders; and this was long before my
time, so that it is no new thing among them, severall
instances of the like nature, as the pressing of sloopes
belonging to Roade Island and New England, for the
hire of which they have never paid. It is no wonder
the same men are my enemies for doing my duty etc.
The Assembly say they were well disposed to raise a
public leavy, if I would allow them their privileges,
tho' in a message to them I offer'd them all the privileges
of the House of Commons. etc. (9). There is not a
man in this Island except Codrington's faction but will
reade this Article with detestation to thinke of their base
ingratitude and villany, etc. I tooke more paines to
putt this Island in a posture of defence than any of my
predecessors ever did. At my first coming I order'd
a general muster of all the forces, but the Councill and
officers disswaded me from it for fear least some Irish
Papists or other amongst us might give the enemy an
exact account of our strength; I then viewed the several
Regiments; I did the same in all the other Islands.
Their musters ought by law to be once a month, and
whenever I was on the Island, if I had notice and was
able to goe, I hardly ever missed seeing each Regiment
exercised, and alter'd their dayes for that purpose,
and tooke some paines to teach them their wheelings,
which Col. Codrington never taught them, etc. etc. I never
turn'd out but one officer, and that was a Captain for
being a notorious coward, and everyone succeeds according to his Commission. Col. Blackman and his
brother Col. Williams both layd downe their Commissions, but I courted Col. Williams to keep his Commission more than it was decent for me to doe. The
reason Col. Blackman lay'd downe his Commission was
this; the Quakers being excused from bearing armes
are made orderly men to summons the troopes on extraordinary occasions, and by law the Col. has power to
send those that does not appeare, when there is an
alarme, to one of the fortes, there to be kept prissoners,
untill he or the Generall himselfe discharges them;
accordingly Col. Blackman on such an occasion sent
three of the Quakers prissoners to the Fort at Saint
Johns, their friends came to me to get them discharged,
I sent them to Col. Blackman from time to time for
7 or 8 dayes together, and thought it very extraordinary
that he should have no mercy on three Quakers for not
doing their duty, when he excused 5 or 6 at a time
on Nevine's account because they were drinking with
him; therefore I sent an order under my hand to discharge them, which he took as an affront. I have
endeavoured all I can to get such a law as they have in
Berbados passed here, for regulating the Militia, by
putting larger fines; sometimes the Assembly has answer'd my message by saying it would be too great a
hardshipp on the subject, but to my last message they
answer'd, they humbly desir'd me to divide the Horse
into two bodyes, for that it was too great a fatigue for
some that lived to windward when they met at St.
Johns to come to muster. This Island is very small,
and I don't thinke there are six men to ride 8 miles
to come to muster, let it be where it will. Col. Codrington called this body of horse, tho' under 100 men,
the Regiment of Carbineires, commanded by a Collonell,
two Lt. Cols., two majors, 4 captains, 4 Lts., and 4
called Brigadieres; the Regiments of Foot are in proportion; all the men both horse and foot will not
make one good regiment, and yet they are divided into
four. In viewing one regiment, the Lt. Col.'s company
amounted but to 4. etc. As for the disposition made
in case of attack:—Here is a Law that gives a very
great power to the Generall and Councill of Officers.
By the orders made since my arrivall will be found,
what I am charged with for acting not onely contrary
to the opinion of the Councill and Councill of Officers to
be false, there never being above 2 or 3 orders ever
made by myselfe and Councill of Officers, which were
for a meeting of the troopes at St. John's in case of an
allarum, and for hireing standing guards, being forced
to draw off the Queen's troops to defend St. Kitts and
Nevis etc. I never called the Councill of Officers but
when the Assembly would no longer allow me any
nigroes to carry on Monk's Hill, etc. As for what I
am charged with in the Minutes, was onely my opinion
given, but never proceeded to an order, except that of
ordering all the troops to meet in a body at Saint
Johns. I appeale to anyone whether or no it is better
to keepe a small force together in one entire body or
divide them into three, which was the standing order
before I came. It was alwayes Col. Codrington's
opinion, and he had infused the same into the most of
the officers, that it was better to attack the enemy into
their boates before they landed, and at their landing.
I am of a quite contrary opinion. It was my opinion
to have all the troops rendezvous at Saint John's, and
wherever I found the enemy designed to land, thither
to march and to keepe out of reach of the enemyes
cannon-shotts from their shipps till they had landed
part of their men, and then fall upon them, and then if
the enemy fired, their owne men would have been in as
great danger of their shott as mine. As for retreating
from pass to pass, and at last by unknowne paths to
retire to Monkes Hill, is a mere jest, there being no
pass in the Island but a place called Crabb Hill in a
remote part of the Island, where the enemy has no
business to come, and Monkes Hill is to be seene almost
all over the Island; the woods are like small English
copps, if they can't find the paths to goe through, they
may easily goe above. And if I had been obliged to defend Monkes Hill, I would rather choose to draw up
my men without the walls than within, for there is a
hill within half musket shott that commands it, and
most part of the wall is onely loose stone, such as the
Duke of Beufort makes about his trees at Badminton,
that if the enemy brought up but 3 or 4 field pieces
to the opposite hill, they would make the stones so
fly about our eares, there would be noe standing in
the ffort. When I first came, I would have had them
made a fort in some other place; but finding there was
a strong party that were fond of this place, and that
they had built small houses there for the reception of
their women and children, I told them the only thing
that was to be done, was to scarpe down the hill to
make it inaccessible, and if they would spare me some
nigroes, I would goe and live there untill it was done.
I arrived in July, and untill February following I could
not perswade them to anything; and then wee heard
there was a French squadron coming out, which putt
'em into a fright, and then they consented to allow me
some slaves to scarpe downe Monkes Hill; accordingly
I carryed my bedd there, and was their inginiere and
overseer for severall weekes, untill wee heard there
was no danger for that yeare; I had gone by this time
halfe round almost the hill though not halfe finished,
and designed to have made a good covered way; I
desired them to spare me but two per cent of their
nigroes, and promised I would live upon the hill till I
had finished itt, tho it was to me a very great fatigue,
but they were growne such good husbands, they would
not comply with my request, the danger they thought
was over for that yeare, and by the next they hoped
for a peace. Whilst I was scarping down the hill,
Col. Lilly came from Berbados, by order of the Board of
Ordnance, to view the fortifications of these Islands;
he told them, as I had done, that Monkes Hill might
be taken sword in hand. They were so angry, they
passed a vote in the Assembly never more to goe on
upon Monkes Hill. Everything went on very well, and
the people were in good humour untill the hurrycane the
last of August following, which threw downe a great
part of the wall, and all the houses but one on Monks
Hill. I could not perswade them to let me have any
nigroes to goe on with until the end of November
uppon hearing of M. Ducass's coming, I then easily
perswaded them to let me have some nigroes to work
there and also to make a line about the towne. Refers
to Minutes of Council. I am charged with doing this of
my owne head, whereas they mad'e a law for it. Nor
did I in my life nor ever will putt them to one peny
charge without a Law to justifye me, and all I gott
or proposed to gett, was only a great deale of fatigue,
riding 20 miles a day for 3 weekes etc. My reason
for desiring to make a line about the towne was, all
the houses for the women on Monkes Hill were blown
down, etc. etc. The men I had, with the nigroes I
could have armed, with the cannon I should have
planted on the angles would have defended my line
against any force can well be brought here. I had
not above 3 per cent of their nigroes allowed me for
the towne, and yet in 3 weekes I had brought my
line quite round, and if they would have allowed me
tenn (which I earnestly desired), I had finished them
and made them as good as the lines in Flanders, which
bid defyance to the Confederate armies for three campaignes, and at last were entered by surprize. They
allowed Col. Johnson what number of nigroes he pleased
to do what had better been left undone, and found his
table and £50 the weeke for his trouble for 17 weekes.
He put them to very neare as great expence in the
little time he was with them as I have done in three
yeares, tho' I heare it is said in London I had a good
table kept for me all the time, yet I never had anything
allowed me, except a mutton and a few turkies, the
Treasurer sent me on the hill, and a pipe of wine,
which I never meddled with, but I heare was sold after
I came away. They make no scruple also to report that
the merchants and shoppkeepers bribed me, which was
the reason I was so zealous for defending the towne;
when I was laying out the lines, an old Gentlewoman
indeed used to send me sometimes a tankerd of wine
and water to drink; and one Mr. Proctor, a merchant,
made me a present of four sacks of oats for my horses,
there being not any at that time to be bought; this is
all the bribes or reward I ever had. As to the standing
guards, they would be of no use, if the enemy were
landed, they being only to prevent privateers from
taking off nigroes. As to moving the great gunns, the
Assembly consented, and some of them that have signed
this Article, were very zealous to have it done. There
are severall guns up and downe the Island more to
please some leading man that lives neare the place than
of any real use, any further than to give some lazie
Gentleman a pretence to get a Commission to command them, by which meanes he is excused all duty in
the Militia; and these are called platforms, tho not
one stone lay'd one on another, and a gun or two
buried in the earth; when I came to examin into it,
I found there were hardly any fitt to bring away, except
two from Willoughby Bay and 6 small ones on Monkes
Hill. They were useless for defending the harbour
etc. The guns are still there, for before I could bring
them to St. Johns, Ducass sayl'd to Leeward, they no
sooner had an account of his sayling, but all the nigroes
were according to custome taken from the workes; I
desir'd the Assembly to let me have one p.c. of their
nigroes to finish the lines and the scarping Monkes-Hill,
but I could not obtaine it, nor to make good the labour
that was due by the law they had made. It was once
thought my zeale for the publick workes was an agrievance, but, to make an article, I am accused of neglecting them. The truth is Col. Codrington and his
creatures were not willing I should have the honour
of finishing any publick worke, and opposed everything
that was for the publick good, because he himself had
neglected the publick workes, being of too lazie a
temper, neither did he understand the Engineer's business. To conclude, they basely and villainously insinuate as if by making the lines at Saint Johns, tho' done
by a law, and ordering all the troops to meete there,
was with a design to deliver up the Island to the enemy;
and yet Nivine, that drew those articles etc., for ought
anyone here knowes may be a Papist, for I never could
learne that he was ever at Church etc. I appeale to
the Earle of Manchester who was ambassador in France
what my behavior was to the Pretendor when I was
in France, whether I did not disowne him to his face.
My zeale for my country has sufficiently appeared this
war. Refers to his 3 campaigns under the Duke of
Marlborough, in which time I was in two battles, and
was at the taking of 14 strong townes and forts, whereof
Loudan was one, and had the honour of being sent to the
Queene by the Duke with the newes of the glorious
victory of Blenheim, for which her Majesty gave me
her picture and a thousand pounds, and told me she
would take care of me, and sent me back to the Duke
with another express; I joyn'd the army at Philippsburgh, and that long and glorious campaigne being
ended I had the honour of waiting on the Duke to the
Courts of Berlin and Hanover, where I received severall markes of those Princes' favour; I had also at
my coming to the Hague a gold chaine and meadall
given me by the States worth 1500 florrins. etc. Notwithstanding I am charged with an unsoldier-like behavior, yet not one of those that have signed the articles
are competent judges. Yet if the enemy had appeared,
I should have acted as the majority of a Councill of War
advised, for I have seen too much of the world to take
that wholly on myselfe for which, if I had succeeded,
I should have been thought a rash fool, and if I had
miscarry'd, I should have forfeited my life. |
|
Why I have such difficulty in getting them to spare
nigroes for any workes [is, that] everyone is desirous
to have a ffort neare his own plantation, that he may
the easier remove his effects there upon alarum; when
wee expected Ducass, I could not perswade them to let
me have a nigro for Monkes Hill or the towne except I
would consent that a campe should be lay'd out on a
hill called Waldron's, tho' I told them it was impracticable by reason the hill was all in woods, etc. I
was obliged to let them throw away about £1000 upon
what could be no use, all because 3 or 4 of the
Assembly lived neare that hill. Another party were for
a hill called Horne's Hill, where might be made a good
Fort, but they were outvoted, the Towne party were
the weakest, there being a kind of a warr between the
shop-keepers in towne and the planters, the tradesmen complaine the Planters pay them bad sugar, and
made them take it at 20/s. the hundred for their debts,
when it was sold for 12/6 p.c. and for 10/.; the planters
complaine they sell their goods at excessive rates; both
which complaints are too true. I am of opinion if an
Enginiere were to make choice of a place, he would
choose it where Col. Long's house and worke stands,
and were this to be putt to the vote in the Assembly,
not two men would vote for that place, for none of
them lives neare it but Dr. Mackinnen, who has one
maxim never to give his consent to what a Governour
proposes. I sent them from Nevis 14 great gunns, and
would have had them made a small plattforme on Creple
Gate Point, which is a propper place to secure the
Roade of Saint Johns etc. I disobliged Nevis by sending up these gunns, tho' they still have more gunns
than men to traverse, etc. They let these gunns lye
six weekes on board untill I came up, and they were
asked £150 to land them. I got the soldiers and some
saylors, and by giving them a little drinke and fatigueing myselfe two dayes, I landed them at the propper
place, and did not putt the country to one peney charge;
the Assembly indeed thanked me for what I had done,
but they would have pleased much more to have built
a plattforme for them; they promised me from time
to time to doe it, but never did, though it might have
been done for 4 or £500. (10). My holding Courts
of Chancery is looked upon with a great deale of horror
by Mr. Nevine and all those that are in danger of
just and legal decrees that will make them restore the
right owners what they have kept in their hands many
yeares, and which they could not be made to doe by the
laws of this Island; by holding this Court I broake all
Mr. Nevine's measures, for he had such an ascendant
over Chiefe Justice Wattkins, that whoever retained
him was almost sure to carry his cause, and he made
his markett accordingly, for 50 pistolles was but a
common ffee, if the cause was of any consequence:
and severall that had just cause of suite, if they found
Nevine was retained against them, they gave over all
thoughts of it; and everybody that had bad titles, or
had any apprehensions of being sued for great sums
tooke care to secure Nevine, who never failed of having
a large retaining fee. I have often told him that I
never would be governed by any law or president that
he should avouch; for that I have often knowne him
impudently to averr that to be Law that I knew myselfe to be otherwise. As for Injunctions, I never
read any, and the Lawyers tells me my Lord Chancellor
never does; when I see the Secretary's name to it,
that it has past the Office, I signe it in course; and
if he has made any gennerall injunctions, let him suffer
for it, or on his oath declare if ever he had any such
direction from me, either to pass such or any before a
bill was filed; but all this was from one injunction
done by his Clerke, but had no ill consequence, for
I had enter'd imediately that it was his mistake, and
intended only for the action depending etc. And whereas I am charged with making arbitrary and unjust
decrees, I never made but one since my arrivall, but it
is not to be imagined what good that one decree did,
for it was against the Chief Justice and he and I were
then very good friends, and this decree was the occasion of our difference, for when people saw, when I
satt in Chancery, I neither vallued Chiefe Justice nor
friend, those that were afraid of just decrees thought
it best to compound with their adversaries in time.
The decree referred to was in favour of Andrew Martin
who had been sent from England to recover a debt.
Justice Wattkins, acting as executor of the debtor, had
kept Martin out of his money for two years. I was so
careful in this matter of decrees that in another case
in which Martin was concerned in behalf of one Jordan,
though I believed he was right, I made no decree, it
not being proved so as the law requires. This Martin
is to be heard of at the Bull-head in New Gate. When
any case has appear'd intricate and the Councill were
doubtfull, I have sent it home, to have the opinion
of two able Chancery men upon it, as in the case of
Giles Wattkins, brother of the Judge. Col. Thomas
Morriss brought his action at common law for some
nigroes before Judge Wattkins, who gave possitive charge
to the jury to find for his brother, which they did.
Col. Morriss after this preferrs a Bill in Chancery
against Wattkins for the same nigroes. Wattkins's
Councill demurrs, declareing the cause did not lye
before me in Chancery, it having been try'd by a jury
at Common Law. Here I must owne, I was at a stand,
for I am noe lawyer. The Lt.-Governour, who is the
only Gentleman amongst us that understands anything
of the Law, was not possitive, and the Councill could
not advise me; at last I perswaded both parties to
state the case and send it home for the opinion of two
able Chancery men. I told both parties I should be
governed by the opinion of the Chancellors at home.
For my arbitrary proceedings, though I am sole Judge,
yet I never sat but I had the Lieut. Governour and
Councill for my assistance, I have alwayes asked their
opinion and have been constantly governed by it. In
the decree against Judge Wattkins wee were all unanimous. It is impossible to imagine what a clamour
there was in this Island about that decree and the
attachment to oblidge him to comply with it; they cry'd
out I had trampled and broke in upon their constitution,
and the Island would be ruined if I was not removed,
and that was the first beginning of caballing, etc.
People subscribed to get me removed in proportion to
the horror they had for the Chancery; but all the
Councill and those gentlemen that have unquestionable
titles to their estates, nor any demands from home,
commended my steddy and resolute proceedings and
firmly stand by me, etc. I begg to informe your
Lordshipps why it is so difficult for any man to come
by his debt in this Island. Dec. 22, 1698, they passed
an Act for establishing Courtes, which is confirmed
at home, some part is very good, for you soone obtaine
judgment, but when you have judgment, you are never
the neare; for by the Act you are to give 20 dayes
notice before you can levy an execution, in which
time the debtor may remove his cattle and house-hold
goodes, for you are not suffer'd under 18 months to
levy your execution upon his nigroes; the Act setting
forth what shall be lyable to be seized and what not,
by the first, second and third execution, and what time
there must be between the several execution, and still
20 dayes notice to be given; so that the debtor knowing
what you can levy every execution upon, has that time
to remove it; but what is worst, if your debt be so
large that you can afford to make it worth the Marshall's
while to be so very diligent to levy the execution,
you are no nearer your debt than before; for the Law
sayes, what taken in execution shall be appraised by
two planters and two merchants, and they must all
meet and agree, and the penalty if they do not meet
is but 40s., so that a man must be very ill belov'd that
can't find one man that will either not meet, or not
agree with the others, if he does meete. There is
another very extraordinary clause, every Freeholder's
person is as sacred as the Duke of Sommersett, Lord
High Chancellor, or Archbishop of Canterbury; his
person is not to be arrested, and every man is a Freeholder that has tenn acres of land, which in some parts
of the Island may be purchased for £10, so that lett
a man owe what he will, if he have but £10, he is
safe enough, and let him owe never so much, he has
time enough to dispose of it before his credittors face;
but then they will tell you he cannot goe off the Island
without giving security to pay his debts, but that is
easily evaded by buying a small boate, which will
carry him to one of the Dutch, French', or Danish
Islands, from whence he may goe where he pleases.
Your Lordshipps may see in the first Minutes of Councill sent home, how often [I] desired the Assembly
to noe purpose to repeale this abominable Law and
lett the Common Law of England be in force, or make
some good one. I believe the Chancery and my zeale
to repeale this Law is their greatest grievance. I am
charged with bringing bonds for ⅓rd or ½ the vallue
of the debt; all this is false; I never had any bonds
at all brought before me. This Article is concluded,
as the rest are, with a scandalous lye. Extravagance
rather than avarice has always been my fault. I confesse I live worse than ever I did in my life, but
take care to maintaine my dignity whenever any stranger
comes upon the Island, and would live better if there
was a markett or provissions were to be had, tho' at
any rate, and yet as bad as I live, I have 16 servants
about me, and spend my full sallerie, which will not
goe farr, considering fresh beefe is at 9d., and all
other meat at 12d. per lb., and everything else in proportion. I brought over with me a good French cook,
and everything necessarie for living like a Generall,
but the fellow in a little time desir'd me to discharg
him and send him home, for feare, if he stay'd much
longer, he should forgett his trade, so that I sent him
and severall others back, paying for their passages and
wages to their arrivall in England, and three months
more, when I might have made a great advantage by
selling them, and have found presidents for it. I appeale to the Minutes of Councill, what an avaricious
temper I was of when I quitted £1000 a year and
£1000 gratuity rather than pass a law which would
have given away the Queen's prerogative, and putt in
the power of the Assembly to tyrannize over the people.
Let Lt. Sherard (who is now in London) upon oath
declare, what a large offer he was desir'd to make me
from a gentleman of Montseratt, if I would suffer the
Danish sloops to come and goe unmolested, and what
answer I made him. The King of Dominico's sons
came downe to me some time ago, to complaine that a
Jamaica privateer had landed there and killed some
of their men, and ravished their women; I promised
to doe him justice if ever that privateer came into my
Government, and to putt him in a good humor, I
gave him a paire of pistolls garnished with silver, and
cloathed him and treated him and sent with him a
caske of rum and another of sugar; if I had not done
this they would have taken their oportunity to have
been revenged, having formerly landed on this Island
and cutt off some of the inhabitants; the Island ought
to have been at this charge, not I. The Weymouth
coming to our assistance, at my request, after we had
lost our guardshipp, the Adventure, putt me to upwards
of £200 charge, this country money; had they not been
of an avaricious temper, they would have made Capt.
Legg a present of 500 pistolles for the service he did
us; but insted of that they sent him, with an ostentatious, rediculous letter, one paragraph of which was a
lye, with a reflection on Governor Crow, signed by
almost all these that signed these articles, I say their
present, thus introduced was one small bullock and
6 indifferent sheepe. I undergo some fatigue in always
holding a Chancery Court when anybody, poore or rich,
has any business; and the reason there has beene no
more decrees is, I perswade them to agree amongst
themselfes; and whereas in some other Governments
the Chancery Court is a Revenue to the Governour, for
Governour Crowe's Secretary gives him £500 the yeare
for it; I have no manner of advantage whatsoever by
all I doe in Chancery; I grant injunctions, subpœnas,
etc., and make decrees without either fee or reward.
(11). I never threatened to displace, or have I ever
turn'd out a Judg, or so much as a J.P., except Coll.
Hodges of Montserratt, which I did at the request of
the principal inhabitants; as for Judge Wattkins, tho
I had several very great complaints against him, as
supra, I never threaten'd to remove him; I sent for
him when I was setting in Councill and told him that
I hoped he wou'd take care to give no occasion for
any more such complaints, and checked those who made
frivolous complaints, and one Mr. Mallett a lawyer,
who drew up a complaint against him, Judge Wattkins
having committed him for his undecent behaviour to
him in Court. As to the mandamus, there never was
but one ordered, and that never issued. I am no
lawyer, and cannot tell if it was or was not agreeable
to the Common Law of England, for the lawyers on one
side averred it was, and those on the other side, it
was not, etc. The Chiefe Justice refusing what was
agreed to by all the other Judges on the Bench, complaint being made to me, I called the Councill and they
unanimously gave their opinion he ought to signe the
process, and if he refused it, then to issue out a mandamus, whereupon he immediately sign'd the process.
The Judges that complained against Wattkins have
signed this article. I beg to informe you the true
intrigue of Wattkins laying downe his Commission, for
I did not designe to remove him, for I knew it was
what they desired; nor did it at that time signify anything to remove him, for he satt till the Courts were
over, and then there was no occasion for a Chiefe
Justice for six months; therefore it was contrived for
him to lay downe his Commission to give some colour
for this base and false article; and they made a great
jest of it, and offer'd wagers, that the Generall would
be removed before Christmas and Wattkins Chiefe Justice againe before the Courts began etc. This Gentleman was made Chiefe Justice by Col. Johnson at the
request of Col. Codrington, tho he had been guilty of
the murder of Capt. Weatherly, who was run through
by him for words spoke, the poor Gentleman having
no sort of weapon about him, was cleared; but had
he been tryed before my Lord Chiefe Justice Holt,
upon the statute of stabing, a Midlesex jury would
have gone neare to have hanged him. I thinke a man
with such a staine upon him not fitt to beare any office:
had he not laid downe, I designed to have desired
leave of your Lordshipps to have removed him before
the opening of the Courts. (12). Being informed that
several boates had come loaden on shoare at an un
reasonable time of night, I presently suspected they
had landed prohibitted goods, and it was most likely
to be brandy, from on boarde one Reade. After the
Councill broke up about sunsett, I sent for Capt. Newell
and order'd him to place centinells at Mr. Chester's,
Mr. Rose's and some other warehouses, where I thought
it most likely to bee. I then ordered the Collector and
Deputy Navall Officer to search Read's shipp and the
warehouses. They asked for a warrant. I order'd the
Secretary to draw one, which I signed; Mr. Brett
also copied the said warrant, which I also signed.
Whilst this was doing, Mr. Chester came to me and
told me that I had putt soldiers at his ware-house
doore; that he had only got a little clarett and brandy
for his owne use, and he hoped I would not order it to
be seized; I told him I was obliged to give orders to
seize it, but I promised him, when it was condemned,
to restore it halfe back; he seemed dissatisfied, and
went away and stood on the bridge, which was between
the warehouse and where I stood; there came several
to me and told me the towne was alarumed at my setting
soldiers at the merchants' warehouses, and to satisfy
the people, I order'd the soldiers away, which I have
since very much repented; but before I did so, I deliver'd the warrants to the Collector and Naval Officer
to execute them; then as I stood alone, Mr. Chester
came back, and seeming very uneasie, I told him I was
obliged to doe what I did, being sworne to the Acts
of Trade; as to my part of it, he should give me what
he pleased; by this time it was neare 9 at night, my
usuall time of going to bed; I went home not doubting
but the officers would have seized it, but the next
morning enquiring about it, I was surpriz'd when they,
told me, they could not find it. I have been since
informed there was to the vallue of £1500 in brandy;
if I had seized it, I had a right to ⅓rd as Governor
and ⅓rd as seizing of it; what reason had I to quit
£1000 for £150 to an enemy; I have been informed
they saved it by taking up the ffloore and hoisting
of it up; others told me, while they were searching
one place, it being in the night, was by a great number
of nigroes, removed to another. As to the £150 Mr.
Chester allowed me, this was on account of negroes
which he had supplied to me at an excessive rate, etc.
etc. (13). I do owne I have strictly charged the Custom-house officers to doe their duty, and not to suffer
that smugling and clandestine trade that has been for
many years carryed on to the Dutch, French and
Danish Islands; for if great care were not taken, in
a few yeares foreigne states wou'd reape the whole
benefit of these Islands; for that severall large sloops
were heretofore kept for no other use but to carry
sugar to Curacoa, and bring back from thence nigroes,
linnens and other Europian goods etc.; and it being
a common practice here to putt sugars on board without taking out a cockett, pretending to doe it before
it was shipped on board the vessell designed to transport
it to Europe, by which meanes an opportunity was
given to the unfaire merchants of defrauding the Queen,
I gave orders the Law should be strictly putt in execution. Pursuant to these orders, several parcells of
sugars etc. have been seized and justly condemned,
and to encourage the under-officers, I gave them my
part. The 4½ p.c. has considerably encreased since I
came; yet notwithstanding wee had a hurrycane, if I
might be allowed the overplus, I would desire no other
sallerie; and I don't doubt but none to encrease this Revenue
every yeare. This is a great grievance to the little
smugling factor or planter, but none to the generous
fair trader, etc. It is true I heard it whisper'd that the
tobacco and butter referred to belonged to Mr. Barbottaine, but he had the wisdome to disowne it; for
they were seized going to Martinica; for being informed
that they used to loade the flaggs of truice with tobacco.,
provissions and cordage to fitt out French privateers,
I gave strict orders to search all flaggs of truice, and
Capt. Grey, of the Hector man of warr had the good
fortune to seize one full of French goods, with invoyces in cant names, but truely Mr. Chester had 2 or
£300 in goods in his owne name, amongst which were a
great many pieces of lutestrings and alamodes. The
Naval Officer told me the butter and tobacco were kept
till they were spoiled, no owner appearing for it. Notwithstanding all the care I have taken, yet they do
trade by putting into bye-places, and it is impossible
to prevent it, except I had two or three armed sloops
on purpose. And for the Judges I made to condemn
them, when I came here, I found Col. George Gamble
Judge of the Admiralty Court, who laid down his
Commission; whereupon I made Mr. Herbert Pember
Judge, and notwithstanding Nevin's base reflection, there
is not a man in my Goverment that has a fairer and
better character; he is a gentleman and was bred up
to the Law, and came over with his family in as
handsome and credittable a manner as anybody ever
did into this Island. Lett them shew any advantage
ever was taken of a faire trader; there never was any
advantage taken of a master that had lost his register,
etc. Instances to the contrary. (14). The Councill,
reading this Article, could hardly believe it possible
men could be guilty of so much baseness that the very
same men that had addressed me to exempt the Island
sloops from paying powder, should make it an article
against me, I did it in response to an Address from the
Assembly, but told them it would be thought extraordinary in me, and I would superceede my order very
soone, unless they passed a law to the same purpose.
There was a great quantity of powder in the magazine.
After the hurrycane, there was like to be a great
scarcity of powder, there having been a great quantity
destroy'd by that storme; and the Assembly not having
made a Law, I superceeded my former order. Notwithstanding their villainous wording this article, it
is not so strange a thing in these Islands for the
Governour's order, made with the advice and consent
of the Councill and Assembly, to have the same force of
a Law; even the Lt. Governour's order; though I must
confesse I thinke it not right. This was the only
order of the kind I ever gave. (15). By my Instructions, myselfe and Councill are to regulate all fees;
the first place I had occasion to have the fees settled
was at St. Christophers, and there it was not only done
by the Councill, but for the greater sanction, by the
Assembly too; the Deputy Secretary collects them, if
he has taken more than was so settled, I desire he may
be punished, or make oath he did it by my order; they
were so inconsiderable since the first yeare I gave
them to the several Deputy Secretaryes of the other
three Islands for their encouragement etc., and I had
given my ffees to the Deputy Secretary of this Island,
if that would have obliged him, but he was soe linked
in the interest with Nevine and Col. Codrington's party
that I had no reason to give away anything to a man
that I found would doe me what disservice he could;
he knowes I order'd him not to take anything from
poor people; and had the Councill or Assembly ever
found fault with the ffees, I would have quitted them,
tho' they are as low as any other ffees in ye Island,
and less in proportion to the ffees in England than
are all sorts of goods; my ffee for the Great Seale
was settled by the Councill before my time; in 3 yeares
I don't thinke I have had 6 ffees for it; I would
have no ffees settled for what I do as Chancellor, etc.,
for I would give no manner of handle for them to say
my zeale for doing Justice was only to enrich myselfe;
all my ffees are for registering of vessells, lett passes,
for letters of administration, probates and lycences of
marryage, and letters of guardianshipp; the registering
vessells and lett-passes I have given now to the Deputy
Naval Officer for his encouragement, and all my other
ffees amount to no more than 113 pistolles. (16).
Refers to Capt. Roach's affidavit. It was at least six
weekes after I registered his brigandine, that he came
and made me this noble present; I never tooke my ffee
of Mr. Chester for my register, and daresay he had as
many vessells registered as my lawfull ffees had come
to more than would buy 10 very good barrells of
flower; and his were so much damnifyed with salt water,
my nigroes could not pick any of it fitt to eate; so that
this present was not only not worth one farthing but
cost me above 3s. a barrell to send it to St. Christophers,
where it was throwne out of doores etc. In Berbados
and other places, it is the custome when any Guiney
shipp arrives, for the master or owner to present the
Governour with one or two, three or four, according
to the number of slaves they bring, and yet never anybody thought this was a bribe. Mr. Chester once got
£800 by my giving him timely intelligence: this putt
him into so good a humour that the next nigro vessell
he gave me two nigroes, which he sold for me for £100
this country pay; I wonder this is not also putt downe
as a bribe. (17). The only one that I ever made was
Mr. Pember, he is a sober gentleman of a good family
and bred up to the Law in the Temple, of as faire and
good a character as anybody whatever. In making
J.P.s., I putt in all the men of estates in the division,
friend or foe, upon the Chiefe Justice's laying downe his
Commission in granting the new for the Judges, I
lay'd it before the Councill (as I do everything)
and they advised me to the men they thought most
propper; there were to be but six, and three they advised me to were three that had signed the Articles:
I had no regard to that, but putt them in, thinking it
for the service of the Island, wch. shall alwayes have
the greatest weight with me; I owne part of this is
very true, I have made Justices of the Peace of most
wretched characters, nay even the Chiefe Justice Wattkins, if that be a wretched character for a man to
stab another, that has no weapon in his hand; I made
also the Commissioner of the Customes, Mr. Edwd.
Perrie a J.P., tho he has had a molatto bastard, and
now letts one Keate Attkinson live with him, who has
all her life-time been a profligate woman and is another man's wife; and yet I dare say this good man
is on the wrong side of fiffty. The Justices of the
Peace may doe me good, and take a great deale of
trouble from me if they would act as they ought,
and keep good orders; but this they won't, because
it will disoblige; it is true wee have stocks and whipping
post; and I got them to putt up a ducking-stool, but
it is only for forme sake; but no inhabitant was ever
punished since I came; I saw two women fighting
in the street, and would have had them both duck't,
but one of them being a house-keeper's wife, tho' a
notorious jade, her person was sacred, and not to be
punished, but the other being a soldier's drabb, I had
her duck't. When I came over I renewed all Commissions, and was a stranger to everybody; if there
were any new ones added, they were added by the
Councill, for I knew them not; there has been no new
Commissions for the Peace, therefore none could be
left out or added; there are several of these 43, that
have signed these articles, in the Commission of Peace,
nor shall I displace any; and yet I think it a very
scandalous character for any man to set his name to
22 articles, that he knew himselfe to be false, etc.
(18). The Councill are of opinion that by the late
Act I am obliged to grant Commissions to every one
that desires them and gives securitty accordingly; and
those Gentlemen, on purpose to affront me, that I should
be forced to give a Commission to one Hall, a ffellow
of a worse character than Ham, and has also cheated
me, fitts out a privateere, and demands a commission
for him, and were in hopes I would have refused them,
but I gave him one, tho' myselfe, they and everybody
else knew him to be a very great villaine; and after
they had thus affronted me, they in a little time discharged the privateer. When any man gives me a
petition for a Commission, I referr him to the Judge
of the Admiralty for him to give in good security, as
the Law directs; and on his certificate that he has so
done, I order a Commission. This Ham did the same,
and for the scandal throwne on him in this article is
false, as they tell it; and it is false to say he never
apeared till after my arrivall, for long before he had
a Commission, he was a house-keeper in Saint Christophers, and it is almost a whole yeare since he deliver'd up his Commission, and yet he lives there still;
he has no pardon from me, nor never asked for any;
if anyone will let me know any crime, for which he
ought to be punished, I will soon order him to be
taken up; as for killing 5 or 6 Spaniards, it was to
get from them, they having taken him and made him a
slave, which is their custom, etc. (19). This is notoriously falce, and the affidavitts of Col. Rogers himselfe, Col. George Gamble and Mr. Joseph French makes
appeare; what I said was, complaining of the ingratitude of the people and how I had been deceived in my
expectations as to the profitts of my Government, that
it was represented to me in England to be three times
better than it is, and if it were not for the sake of
my friends, I did not care how soone I was out of it,
and that I had rather be Captaine of a Foot company
in England than Gennerall of the Leeward Islands.
The people here are in extreames, very good or very
bad; all those that are my friends, are so because they
think I have acted like an honest man; I have no
places absolutely in my gifft, worth anybodeye's acceptance, and yet I have disobliged severall, because
I wou'd not consent to doe some injustices, by suspend
ing those few that are in places of profitt, and useing
my interest to get them for themselves, etc. They
would have had the Treasurer removed without assigning
any cause; because two or three leading men in the
Assembly had a great mind to his place; and because
I would not doe it, they were angry with me, and would
have had me passed a Law, which would have made
the Treasurer so meane, as that he must have quitted.
They settled his accompt with all imaginable niceness,
and after all it was found the Island owed him £4,800;
and he told them if they would pay him, he would quitt
his place; I never had the least obligation to the man;
but I think whilst he faithfully discharged his duty,
I ought to protect him, etc. I appeale to all with
whom I ever keepe company, if it has not constantly
been my custome, after I had dranke the Queen's, the
Prince and Duke's health, to drinke the prosperity of
this Island, and every one knowes that the other Islands
are angry for nothing elce, but that they thinke I
favour this Island more than them, tho' in that they
are mistaken; if one Island wants what another has
to spare, I alwayes supply one from the other; and
if I send the troops to Antigua, and take care to be
there myselfe, when I have an account of a French
squadron, it is because it is the Windward Island,
and the richest and most likely to be attacked; and
from thence I can assist the other Islands if attacked:
but if I should be to Leeward and have the troops
with me, and Antigua should be attacked, I could not
assist them time enough. I have no interest in Antigua,
but a very good one at St. Xtopher, and that Island I
thinke much healthier, and very much cheaper to live
at, etc. (20). I am very sure I never said what I am
here charged with, I think Lt. Reyly, Mr. Reyly's son,
one of the Commissioners of Excise, was with me, and
can inform your Lordships. There could be no occasion
for my saying so, for there was not at that time any
faction against me; for Col. Codrington then pretended
to be my friend, tho' I knew otherwise. There was
a discourse about Sir B. Granville and the difference at
Barbados, and I was excusing some of his actions that
had been misrepresented. Mr. Nevine's chamber for
3 months together was a perfect office for everybody
to bring in what they knew or heard. People were sent
to the rest of the Islands to gather what they could
against me; and they sent to Col. Ward at St. Christophers by no means to come to any agreement with me,
for they would pay him more than he demanded, and
accordingly he broke an agreement with me, which he
had made. They had, once a weeke, a general meeting.
and a feast to engage all they could, and have offer'd
money to several to sweare what they desired; at that
meeting they had at Mr. Perrie's, I sent them a letter
to let them to know, if they were drawing up any
articles against me, if they pleased to give me a copy,
I would answer them, and signe a tickett for one or
more to goe off the Island to carry them home; I declared to all the Councill, and bid the Secretary tell
Mr. Nevine, if he would give security, as the law
directed, I would give him a tickett to goe off, but
he scorn'd to be governed by the lawes, and pretended
to goe off without for feare of being stopp'd; and
yet there was not a child in the Island but knew of
his going, and he went off publickly etc. My ffriends
would have had me tooke him up for scandalous words
spoken of me, and several times perswaded me to
disperse their factious and seditious meetings; but I
never would; but told them I desired my actions might
be enquired into, etc. After he went off, I could easily
have taken him up at Montseratt, etc. (21). I not only
exacted one tenth, but also of one privateer sixteen
shares, and in another fourteen, and in another one
fourth part; but they were all of my owne fitting out;
etc., yet for all this I lost by my privateeres. I
cannot but smile at their ingratitude, they have quite
forgott why 'those privateers were fitted out. After
the hurrycane, having lost both our men of warr, the
Assembly desired me to take up a sloope at the publick
charge to be fitted and man'd for a private man of
warr, and to give a commission to one Capt. Dodson,
who had been Lieut. to Capt. Doyly, which I did; with
orders to cruise to keepe off the enemy's privateers from
insulting us; and if she had taken a galloone, it had
not been a peny advantage to me; and thinking to
oblige them, I bought two sloops myselfe, and fitted
them at my owne charge; the publick privateer tooke
nothing at all, and all that mine tooke were some nigroes
from Marygalant and Guardeloupe, and one brigandine
loaden with sugar and ginger bound for France, and
one small sloope of little vallue, which I made into a
privateer; the prize sugar and ginger could not be sent
for England, because of the great duty upon it, therefore
I sent it in a sloope for Curacoa, with orders to sell
it for pieces of eight, and to fitt the sloope and bring
me up the rest in money; I gott Col. Panton to manage
all this for me, and by his account I was brought
something in debt, for the sugar and ginger did not
sell for so much as was lay'd out in fitting the sloope.
As soon as I had the Act for encouraging privateers in
the West Indies, I sold off all mine, and since that
Act I have given commissions to everybody that petitioned for one, and gave security to observe the instructions; and this I have done without any fee or
reward; it is true, before this Act I did refuse com
missions to one or two that were strangers; but not
because they refused to give me 10 p.c., for I had reason
to believe they would only stay here till they had got
men, and then would goe to Curacoa, which would
have been a loss to the Islands; I also refused to one
or two that had been guilty of roguish actions, who
would have willingly given me the tenths; it being a
custome long before my time. I don't understand,
before this Act passed, I was obliged to give commissions to every idle fellow that asked for one; though
now every master of a little sloope will have a Commission; and I grant it in course; I had the 10 p.c.
but of 2 or 3, and that was before the Act, and not
for giving a Commission, but for finding them with
great guns; for I bought more guns than I wanted
for my owne vessells; and let Capt. Roach have some
for his sloope commanded by Hall, and also to one
Darby Dunavon and one Akers; I got by this 10 p.c.
in all about £150; I had about £90 paid Lieut. Sherrard
for me by Coll. Hodges of Montseratt and the rest paid
me by Hall; I should have had more indeed, but Hall
both cheated his owners and me too. (22). Evesdropping is an employment fitt for such as Nevine.
When this Regiment came over at first, I was obliged
to keepe good part of it in the towne. I gott an house
for an hospitall for them, and kept a guard there, and
another at the Magazine, and six more at the Little
House, they have made such a noise about; the rest
were either in the Fort or lodged where they could
about the Towne; there was scarce a morning but I
had a great many complaints of some disorder or other
committed by the soldiers in the night, upon which I
gave out orders that the tatou should beate every night
at 8 o' clock, and if any soldier was found in a punchhouse, or out of his quarters after that time, he should
be sent to the guard and punished; my orders were
not punctually obeyed; for still some of the inhabitants
complained, which made me goe the rounds myselfe in
the night, but not in disguise or to bring my person
or authority into contempt, but quite contrary, etc.
Nor did I think myselfe in any danger, tho I used
to weare a bayonett, which I alwayes wore in England
when I hunted, being lighter than a sword, for I had
two stout soldiers of my guard that kept behind me
armed; this was farr from being a secrett; for I
never went but I sent severall to the guard, which
were punished. Nor did I disguise myselfe, till I
found the soldiers used to sett centinells to watch when
I came; then I only pulled off a laced or embroider'd
coate, which I had worne that day, and putt on a plaine
one, or sometimes without my coate, in a waist-coate
only, and made my two soldiers keepe at a greater
distance; I have sometimes tooke Capt. Newell along
with me; I did once or twice disguise myselfe by
borrowing of Capt. Newell a granadeer's coate and
capp; but never was discover'd; but have since told
of it myselfe; by this meanes I brought the towne in a
little time to be as quiett as the city within the wall;
and before I did this there was somebody or other
wounded and crying out murder every night, firing
gunns and pistolls all houres in the night; I also
saved the towne from being fired. This was a great
grievance to Nevine, who seldome went sober to bed;
but it had this good effect, to make him and his drunken
companions drink at their owne houses, and there remaine all night for feare of being sent to the cage;
for I ordered the Constables to send all disorderly
people there, but in this I was not obeyed. One way
Nevine had to ingratiate himself was, he never would
be entertained in any cause by a stranger 'gainst an
inhabitant; then he would promote feasting and play,
tho the pretence was for shooting and to play at quoites,
in which he would engage all the young merchants,
debauching them with drink etc., and teaching them
to game. They took it in turnes to make the feast,
which seldome cost less than £50. I was at two of these
feasts, and I discouraged it by telling some whose
employers and fathers I knew that such feasting and
gaming was not fitt for them etc., by which meanes
it was broke off; this was another mortification to
Nevine etc. Refers to Minutes of Council and Affidavits (see June 20). I could a sent more, but I think
two to any one poynt, if people of any reputation,
and no wayes depending on me, are as good as 200.
All the affidavitts I send are made by the best people,
and those they have taken, by profligate wretches,
necessitous bankrupts or those who have the Court of
Chancery in great horrour, etc. I hold a Court
of Chancery whenever any desire it, and take no
fees. This is a great grievance to such people,
considering, that by a law in the Island, confirmed at home, no man neede pay his debt, except
he himselfe pleases, and whereas in all other places
in the world the debtor is afraid to disoblige his credittor, it is here just the reverse; for there is nothing
more, common than for a debtor to tell his credittor,
I will not pay you, because you have disobliged me,
knowing very well he cannot recover it by law, tho'
he has his bond. The repealing this Law I take to be
worth the Parliament's consideration; for I have often
press't it to them, it being both for the honour and
good of the Island, it should be repealed, but to no
purpose. P.S. I could have avoided all the trouble
and expence these articles have and are like to give
me, if I had pleased; for Capt. Buor can informe your
Lordshipps that Nevine told him, that he might tell
me, that if I would make Dr. Mackinnen my friend, I
should live easie, which was as much as to say, if the
Generall will make Nevine his friend; I told them I
would, as vacancys happen, sweare Dr. Mackinnen and
Thomas etc. of the Councill, and accordingly putt them
on the list sent to your Lordshipps in the ffront; but
this would not doe, the Lt.-Governor, the Treasurer,
and everyone that had any place of honour or profitt,
must out, to make roome for that sett; and Nevine
was to be chiefe Minister; had I done this, they
would have left Codrington; for some of those hate him
in their hearts. And were your Lordshipps to know
what these men were but a few yeares ago, you'd
admire at their impudence, and because I would not
do all this injustice, to gratify them, I am everything
that is bad; and therefore the Island must be in danger;
just so I remember, because the Queene would not
gratify some great men, that were willing to governe,
they presently cry'd out, the Church was in danger,
etc. Signed, Daniel Parke. Endorsed, Recd. Sept. 10,
1709. 51 large closely written pp. |
|
597. ii.-xxvi. Duplicates of Nos. 589, 589. iff. [C.O. 152,
8. Nos. 43, 43. i.–xxvi.; and (without enclosures)
153, 10. pp. 427–432.] |
June 27.
Antigua. |
598. Lt. Governor Yeamans to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. The restless spirits of some men, on pretentions
for the publick good, has allready complained to your Lordships
against Col. Parke etc., are still at worke and so very busey in
frameing projects, which are in such a clandestine manner
and unusual secrecy endeavoured to be carryed on in their private
caballs, that every man in post (tho' never so circumspect
in discharge of his duty) has cause to suspect there's someevill forgeing against him; and being privately informed somewhat of this nature is perticularly aimed at against myselfe.,
refers to his character with the Council as expressed in their
letter, etc. Signed, John Yeamans. Endorsed, Recd. 20th Sept.,
Read Nov. 17, 1709. 2 pp. [C.O. 152, 8. No. 44; and 153,
10. pp. 433, 434.] |
June 27.
Baibados. |
599. Representation by Messrs. Sharpe, Cox and Walker to
Governor Crowe, Sept. 1, 1708, with their observations thereon.
Signed, Wm. Sharpe, Alexander Walker, Saml. Beresford. Endorsed, Recd. June 27, Read Aug. 10, 1709. 21 pp. [C.O. 28,
12. No. 35.] |
June 28.
(N.S.) Fort Kykoveral Essequebo. |
600. P. Vanderheyden Rézen to the Directors of the Dutch
West India Company. Signed, P. Vanderheyden Rézen. Endorsed, Read Oct. 20, (N.S.) 1709. Dutch. 8 pp. [C.O. 116,
20. No. 18.] |
June 28.
Whitehall. |
601. The Earl of Sunderland to the Council of Trade and
Plantations. I am commanded by the Queen to referr to
your consideration the enclosed petition, H.M. being desirous
to have your opinion how far it is practicable and may be
for H.M. service and the benefit of her subjects etc. Signed,
Sunderland. Endorsed, Recd. 8th, Read 11th July, 1709. 1 p.
Enclosed, |
|
601. i. George Ritter, Burgess of Berne, to the Queen. Prays
permission for 4 or 500 Swiss Protestants to settle as
H.M. subjects, with their own minister, upon the S.W.
branch of Pottomac River in Virginia, etc., near the
settlement of Francois Luis Michell. Prays for free
passage and freedom from taxes for the first 10 years,
etc. French. 3½ pp. |
|
601. ii.–vii. Petitions of Christopher de Graffenried and Luis
Michell to the Queen, for the settlement of a Colony of
Switzers in Virginia. With Map etc. 8 pp. [C.O. 5,
1316. Nos. 20–27; and (without enclosures) 5, 1362. p. 394.] |
June 28.
New York. |
602. Col. Vetch to Mr. Secretary Boyle. I could not so far
neglect my duty and the many obligations I ly under to you
as not to tender the most grateful acknowledgment of the same
to you, by those few lines you will see by the Journall of my
transactions since I landed in America, transmitted herewith
to my Lord Sunderland, that I have at least made good all if
not more then I proposed to your Lordship and the Ministry,
though not without a vast fatigue and a great expence, which
I doubt not your Lordship and the rest of the Ministry will be
pleased to consider off, which have wrote the Duke of Queensberry, my Lord Sunderland, my Lord Treasurer, and my Lord
Sumers, and doubt not of your justice and favour with regard
to the same. I doubt not but your Lordship remembers that
after your Lordship had agreed to the putting my scheam in
practice for reducing Canada and Newfoundland, that I gave
in a memorial to the Cabinet Councel, praying that after the
success of the affair had made the truth of my proposals, and
the advantages of the same appear, that I might be left Commander in Chief of Canada untill the Government should be
regularly modelled, wch. my Lord Sunderland was pleased to
give me some assurances of, concerning which I wrote both
to my Lord Treasurer and his Lordship from Portsmouth that
the General of the expedition might have a perticular instruction
about the same, there appearing now nothing (humanly speaking)
which can disappoint this noble designe, the success of which
(I am almost morally sure) will be attended with more advantageous consequences to Great Britain's Empire then the many
millions have been expended in the European wars (save the
too late arival of the Fleet from Europe) for which we impatiently wait, I have therefore in case it should have been
forgot, put the above-named Lords of the Ministry in mind
of what they gave me reason to expect, and that in case it
should have hitherto been neglected, they will please by the
first express directly to Quebeck to send me such a Commission
and power; have likewise proposed to my Lords Queensberry and
Sunderland the forming a regiment out of the volentiers of the
Country troops, who go upon this expedition, whose knowledge
in the use of birch canoes and snow-shoes makes them more
serviceable then our European troops by much, and will in a
short time discipline the others in those exercises. This regiment to be left in garison at Quibeck under my command as
Collonell, and under me by such other officers according to their
ranks as have most signalised themselves in the present expedition. I have likewise proposed to their Lordships the absolute
necessity of allowing us a brigantine and sloop to attend that
place after reduced, as well to cruise off the mouth of that
great River, in order to give us timely notice of the appearance
of any Fleet to attack us, that so we may have time to get
the troops downe to Quibeck from Montreal and Trois Rivers, or
if need be to send them express to Old or New England, to
acquaint them of our circumstances, that so they may send
us the necessarie supplys, to the obtaining in all which, I
humbly begg your Lordships favour and assistance, which I
doubt not after your perusal of the papers directed to my
Lord Sunderland, and the Duke of Dover, your Lordship will
be convinced are absolutely necessarie for the good of the
service etc. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd. June 19,
1709 [? 1710]. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 1091. No. 16.] |
| June 28. |
603. Col. Vetch to the Earl of Sunderland. To same effect
as preceding. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd. Aug. 20.
2 pp. [C.O. 5, 9. No. 23.] |
June 28.
N. York. |
604. Col. Nicholson and Col. Vetch to [? the Earl of Sunderland.] This being the first oppertunitie which hath offered
since our departure from Portsmouth Mar. 11, wee could not
but judge it our duety to give your Lordp. a short abstract of
a Journall of our proceeding. Describe their departure in the
Dragon, being obliged to leave behind some officers who had
failed to come on board. Wee made the best of our way out
of the Channell, the wind came cross about seaven at night,
so that for five weekes afterwards wee had not one days faire
wind, our busking so long to windward in such stormy weather
had pretty much chattered our ship, as well as rendered our
water a little scarce, which upon the Captain's application (copy
enclosed) was the cause of our going to Boston. Accordingly
wee landed at Boston upon April 28th about 6 in the evening,
and as soon as wee had waited upon the Governour, and delivered H.M. letter to him, wee sent away an express that same
night with the letters from H.M. to the Governours of Road
Island, Connecticote, New Yorke, Jersies and Pensylvania, covered with a particular letter to each of them containing the
substance of H.M. Instructions, and what was proper for them
to be doing towards advancing the Expedition before wee arrived
in theire Governments, etc. Next morning at Boston the Governour and Councill mett, to whom wee communicated H.M.
Instructions, which were received with all the duetifull obedience
becoming good subjects, and all the marks of joy and thankfulness which became the subjects of so great favours, etc. That
same day wee sent to find out a fitt person and a vessell to
send to bring us an account of the state of Newfoundland, and
accordingly found Capt. Pickering who perfectly well knew
all that countrey, and was then master of a fine bergentine,
which was ready to sayle for that place, when wee arrived'
and brought the news of St. Johns being taken by the French.
Him wee dispatched as a flagg of truice to bring off the English
prisoners in case any Frenchmen had mett him, and a small
quantitie of provisions, which was to be pretended was to
maintain the sd. prisoners on their voyage home; but with all
gave him private orders (coppie enclosed). May 2nd arrived from
Road Island Coll. Wanton, one of the principall men of that
place, he came in place of the Governour for whom we had
wrote; but the yearely election of a Governour happening to be
that weeke, the Governour wrote us the reasons why he could
not come, not being sure his power would continue; but sent
Col. Wanton to recieve H.M. further orders from us, and to
assure us of a very ready compliance with the same. etc. Wee
gave him a coppie of what part of H.M. Instructions related to
that Collonie, and a letter to the Governour with directions what
necessary preparations to make before wee should come there,
which would be in a few days; and so dispatched him againe
to Road Island; he being the leading man of the Councill of
that Goverment, having setled with him their Quota of men,
which was to be 200, for whom wee acquainted the Governour,
who must gett their Assembly (which was then sitting) to lay
on a subsidy for maintaining and paying the sd. 200 men for
foure months at least, for providing transport, pilots, surgeons.
and all other necessaries excepting arms and amunition. May
3rd. The Governour and Councill and wee began to enter upon
the particular preparations to be made both for raising the
troops and providing everything necessary for them, which wee
first digested into the following heads, and then tooke the most
expeditious methods could be thought of to put them in execution.
First wee laid an embargo upon all shipping except coasters,
as well to prevent the Frenches having intelligence, as to hinder
the exportation of provisions untill such time as enough was
secured for the present expedition, the which embargo wee
caused likeways to be laid forthwith in all the Goverments concerned in the expedition. Finding it impossible to keepe the
enterprize secret in the severall Goverments, wee caused scouts
to be placed all along the fronteers to prevent either Indians
or Christians carrying any intelligence by land to the enemy.
Secondly, wee began to modell the men who were to be raised
by those Goverments, who were to act by sea in conjunction with
H.M. troops who were to come from Brittain; the which troops
wee formed into three regiments as followeth; the New England
men were resolved to make 1000 effective men besides officers
to 2 regiments, one of which to be commanded by Sir Charles
Hobbie as Coll., the other by Col. William Taylor, one of the
present Colls. of their Militia. The third regiment to be formed
of the Road Island men and New Hampshire men to be commanded by Coll. Wanton, the which wee hope will make about
400 good men, to each of those regiments wee assigned one of
the officers, a second which wee judged fittest for the same to
be second major to teach them the exercise of their arms, thirdly
wee directed them to provide surgeons, chaplains, pilots. etc.
Ordered all persons who had been prisoners in Canada and
were able for service to be taken up thorow all the countrey to
go upon the present expedition; fourthly wee contracted with
builders for tenn flatt-bottom'd boats to carry 60 men each at
least for landing our men, to be built conforme to H.M. Instructions, and see one of them finished, for each of which wee
were to give £23, etc. Then wee setled a method of sending
expresses from Albany to Boston, and ordered baraks or wooden
houses to be built upon an island by the harbour mouth' for
putting ashoare any such men might be aboard the fleete was
to come from England, then upon the desire of the Governour
and Councill wee published a Proclamation as well to satisfie
the countrie troops, they should not be left in garrison at Quibeck
or Mountreall (if reduced) unless they are willing, as to acquaint
them of H.M. further bountie and encouragement. The Governour and Councill signed an Address to H.M. for her care
of them (the Assembly not being to sitt untill May 25). Having
done all could be untill the Assembly satt, wee prepared for
our departure for Road Island, having hired 11 carts to carry
the stores designed for the land expedition as farr as Bristoll,
being about 60 miles where they could be embarqued, wee then
hired a sloope to bring them and ourselves as farr as New
York, which is about 70 leagues further. Just as wee were
preparing for our departure from Boston, wee received an express
from New York, May 6, signed by the President of the Councill,
that my Lord Lovelace dyed the 5th, this wee feared might prove
a great retardment to the service, so wee resolved to make all
possible dispatch thither, to give the necessarie directions for
putting in execution H.M. Instructions. They likeways acquainted us that the Assembly, which was then sitting, designed
to continue so, untill our arrivall, that so they might be ready
to comply with H.M. orders. Att this time the Commissioners
from Boston to New York returned to Boston, who had been there
to solicit my Lord Lovelace with the people under his command,
and the five Nations to joyn with New England against the
French. Wee arrived the 13th at night at Road Island, next
morning the Governour and Councill métt; and gave us an
account of what steps they had taken in order to comply with
H.M. commands. And indeed wee must do them that justice to
acquaint your Lodsp. that they had taken care both to provide
their men, transport, provisions and all other necessaries, and
their Assemblie had made dew provision for payment of the
same, as their Address to H.M. herewith transmitted does make
appeare. Att this place wee mett with one Coll. Church, who
was employed by Coll. Dudley to raise about 200 whaling Indians,
who were very dexterous and nimble upon the water in their
whaling boats. This Col. Church who being bred up amongst
those Indians demonstrated to us the vast use those whale boats
could be of in the great River of Canada, being farr nimbler
then any pinace, able to carry 15 men each being about 36
foot long, yet so light that two men can easily carry one of
them, those wee found would be of so great use for surprizing
of places or vessels in the night, their padles making no noice
as oares do, that Col. Dudley and wee agreed to cause provide
35 of them, which will carry 500 men upon any suddain and
and secret design. The Goverment of New England provides
15 at their charge, and the other 20 is to be paid for by H.M.,
their common price being always £6 per boate this countrie
monie, so that the 20 will not cost H.M. quite £100 sterling.
Wee sett out from Road Island the 16 of May designing to call
upon Coll. Saltonstall the Governour of Connecticote, who was
upon the 12 of sd. month (which is the time of their yearly
electing their Governours) elected anew for that year. Wee had
upon our arrivall at Boston sent him a coppy of that part of H.M.
Instructions which related to his Goverment, which he had communicated to his Councill and Assembly, whose hearty concurrence with the same, he had before signified to us by an
express; and that they were getting everything in readiness
according to H.M. orders. Wee called upon him at Newhaven,
where he had left a letter to acquaint us that he could not
leave the Assembly for some days untill they had finished everything, but follow us to New York in 2 or 3 days. Accordingly
wee proceeded on our voyage, and on the 18th of May arrived
at New York, the 19th the Lt. Governour Coll. Ingoldsbie
summoned ye Councill att Fort Ann; where wee presented to
them H.M. originall Instructions, coppies of which wee had
transmitted them before. After they had been read over in
Councill, and wee had acquainted them with severall things to
be done not exprest in the same, and their having given us an
account of Coll. Rensler and Mr. Robert Livingston, Secretarie
for the Indian Affaires, having been sent to Albany to dispatch
the spys according to the Instructions to my Lord Lovelace,
then it was thought convenient to send for the Lower House.
Wee severally made a speech to them, giving them a short acct.
of the designed expedition withall shewing H.M. great care and
concerne for their welfaire, in sparing such a number of troops
and summe of monie for their releefe att a juncture when both
men and monie were so much wanted for carrying on the great
affaires of Europe etc., and witha'l recommended to them a hearty
and expeditious compliance with H.M. commands, the season
of the year being so farr advanced; wee gave the Speaker H.M.
Instructions to Col. Vetch to lay before the House, as also an abstract of what steps they had made in the Goverments through
which wee had passed; which might be of some use to them by way
of president. Then they appoynted a Committie of the Assembly
to attend a Committie of the Councill, which were joyntly
ordered to waite upon us att the Councill Chamber, in order to
concert the particular preparations which were to be made,
etc. Col. Gookin, Lt. Governour of Pennsylvania, to whom wee
had wrote to meete us here, wee tooke along with us to the
meetings of the Committies of Councill and Assemblie, that so
he might see the methods of our proceeding with them, and be
able to informe his Councill and Assembly of the same, whither
time would not allow us to go. Col. Saltonstall arrived in three
days after us, who was likeways daylie present in all the Councills
and consultations, and shewed a hearty zeale for obeying every
part of H.M. commands. All the Governours of the severall
Provinces concerned in the land expedition being here at New
York together, wee began to fall upon modelling this land armie
which was now a raising, my Lord Lovelace death having made
considerable alteration in the sceam of affaires: Col. Vetch in
order to lay a right foundation for the sd. modell, gave in a
memoriall to the severall Governours, shewing the necessity of
their joyntly appoynting a Commander in Cheefe over the sd.
Armie. Upon which the severall Governours with the Councill
and Assembly of this place unanimously addressed Coll. Nicholson
to take the sd. command upon him. To this Coll. Nicholson
shewed a great deal of aversion, aleadging the greatness of the
charge and his inabilitie for it; but willingly offered to go along
as volunteer to give them all the advice and assistance he could,
though when he came to this place, he had no other designe,
then in returning to go by sea with Coll. Vetch. However upon
the pressing instances of the severall Governours, the Councill
and Assembly of this place, and Coll. Vetch his declaring that it
was his opinion that the Expedition could hardly go on unless
he undertooke it, Coll. Schyler who was to command next to
him, and upon whom the five Nations, and all this and the
neighbouring Goverments have such dependence and trust declaring he would not go unless Coll. Nicholson undertooke the cheeffe
command, which Col. Schyler said he knew would be very
acceptable to the Indians, rather then H.M. service should be
retarded, he accepted, etc. It was agreed upon unanimously in
the next place, that Col. Peter Schyler should have the next
command to Col. Nicholson etc., then was setled the troops of
the foure Goverments in foure batalions, etc. Wee could not
forme them according to the scheam in H.M. Instructions, but
the regular companies neither being so full as was expected, and
there being but one Capt. who was able to go upon this command,
wee judged it better for the service and to prevent debates upon
command to modell the foure regular companies into a batalion
by themselves, to be commanded by their owne proper officers,
and the rest in three distinct batalians. Wee have likeways sent
along with the armie foure small field pieces which they will
be able to carry along with them over the Lakes, the charge
of them as also of the cohorn mortars, as also the harquebuses
with swivels, blunderbushes etc. is committed to Col. Redknap,
who was here as Engenier, who for his assistance hath along
with him one of the Bombardiers Coll. Vetch brought from the
Tower, and twelve matrosses which he raised at New York by
vertue of an order of the Board of Ordinance to him for raising
80 matrosses for the train of the present expedition (the rest to
be raised at Boston, they being to go from thence by sea along
with himselfe, where the other three bombardeers he brought
over from the Tower dayly exercise them in exercise of the great
gunns). These things being adjusted, wee sent away from hence
about May 26 a detatchment of about 400 of the regular and
countrey troops of this and Connecticote, with about 200 Indians
with carpenters and proper artificers to go directly to the Wood
Creek, there to make a Fort to secure the forces in, and to
build canoes for the use of the armie which is to follow them,
where wee designe to make a strong stockadoed fort for the
securitie of our provisions and magazines untill our troops have
made themselves masters of Shambly on the other side of the
Lake, where will be a convenient place for another store howse;
wee having with the advice and consent of all the Governours
concerned in this land expedition thought it absolutely for the
good of H.M. service, and the present Expedition, that all the
Indians who can be raised, that are fitt for service, should be
encouraged to go upon this Expedition, and it being havie enough
upon the severall Governments to victuall and pay their respective
Quotas, to whom they are oblidged to give foure times the pay
of Europe, each man being allowed at least 18d. per day, besides
their provisions, and generally £10 per man advance monie
besides, wee have therefore judged it for the good of H.M.
service to provide a small reward either of a gunn to such as
want them, or as much strouds or duffalls as will make them an
Indian suite, which does not exceed three yards to a man, for
which Coll. Vetch hath drawn bills upon my Lord Treasurer as
is desired in the Memoriall to H.M. herewith transmitted, etc.
The arms in the Magazine of New York being extreamly out of
order, having been entirely neglected for want of a proper
store-keeper, and an armourer, as by report of the Committie
of the Councill appeares, and there not being a sixpence in the
Treasury here to pay for anything, wee were necessitate to
engage to the severall gunnsmiths to pay them for mending
and cleaning the sd. arms before they would medle with any
of them, an acct. of which expences is charged to H.M. amongst
others. Then a new Proclamation was issewed by us and the
Governour [s] of the Countrey[s] concerned in the land expedition
to assure their severall men either of arms or the value of
them in monie to such as brought good arms. The Assembly
of the Jerseys being conveened about this affaire at Perth Amboy,
wee went downe to meete them, at the desire of the Lt. Governour and Gentlemen of the Councill, betwixt whom and the
Assembly there hath' been for some time a great variance,
as your Lordps. will perceive by theire severall complaints against
one another to H.M. These misunderstandings and fewds do
not a little retard H.M. service, as well as ruin the countrey.
Upon our arrivall, after being received by the Lt. Governour
and Councill, and communicating to them H.M. Instructions
relating to their Governments, the Howse of Commons were sent
for to whom wee made a speech severally as at New York, with
relations to H.M. Instructions, and that their hearty and speedy
complyance with the same was expected to which all the rest
of the Goverments wee had been in, had shewed them a faire
example, then they desired a conference with us and the Councill,
in a Committie of their whole Howse, where after wee had
answered any objections which were only raised by the Quakers
who made a half of the house, they came at last to a resolve
to raise £3000 for H.M. service for this present juncture; but
would not have it named for paying or raising souldiers, that
being against the pretended principles of the Quakers. And
indeed, might wee be allowed humbly to offer our advices to your
Lodsp. wee should think it absolutely necessary that H.M.
should send over an Instruction to her severall Governours,
where they are, to allow none to be of the Councill or Assembly
of those parts, but such as qualifie themselves by taking the
oathes appoynted by the Act of Parliament, this would totally
exclude them, whose very principles ought to exclude them from
all Goverment, for what betwixt their pretended conscientious
scruples against having any hand in warr, and the jarrs betwixt
the Councill and Assembly, the bill for raising the men and
monies in the Jersies is not yet agreed to, and they are like
to be worse in Pensylvania, where the Assembly are mostly
all Quakers, though att the same time all H.M. subjects in both
these Goverments are very willing and ready to comply with
H.M. commands; but the Goverment being in Pensylvania wholly
in the Quakers' hands, and mostly so in the Jerseys, wee feare
they will hardly be prevailed with all to raise men, if they do
monie for carrying on warr, however hope wee shall have numbers
enough, to effectuate the matter without them, for which reason
wee must raise all the Indians wee can to supply their want. |
|
Your Lordship will percieve by the foregoing Journall, as well
as by the Addresses, Minutes of Councill, Acts of Assembly,
and other publick papers, that wee have spared no pains to
fullfill H.M. orders, which all the Goverments everywhere gave
a hearty complyance withall, so that your Lodsp. will percieve,
that hitherto the state Coll. Vetch gave H.M. and your Lodsps. of
the Ministry hath answered what he promised in the Scheam.
And though the Quakers should not performe their part, yet
wee doubt not but both by sea and land, wee shall have considerably above the number ordered in the scheam, and hope
that the Christians and Indians together who go over land will
make a body of 2000 men, and the troops from New England,
Road Island and Newhampshire including Indians and saylors
will make about 2000. So that in all humane probability nothing
can occasion the designes miscarriage, except the too late comeing
of the fleete. The bergentine wee sent for Newfoundland is
returned to Boston about the begining of June, etc. Your Lodsp.
may easily beleeve that travelling foure or five hundred miles by
land and sea with so manie officers along with Coll. Vetch and
in so publick a character, could not be without a vast expence,
for the officers' whole months pay, would not have payd for
their horses' hire; could not be expected to go upon their own
expences, so wee hope your Lodsp. will please to lay the state
of this matter before the Queen, who wee doubt not by your
Lodsp's. and my Lod. Treasurer's advice, will give him an allowance conforme to his disbursements, he having been necessitate
likeways (having such a vast deale of writing and being oblidged
to keepe coppies of all letters and papers of moment as well
as to transmitt duplicates to your Lodsp. of the same) to hire
a good clerk to whom he is oblidged to give 5s. per day untill
the Expedition be accomplished, which is but the pay of a common
labourer here, hope your Lodsp. will speak to my Lod. Treasurer
to order the payment of the same amongst the other accts.
And when the Expedition is over shall not faile to give your
Lodsp. and the rest of the Ministry a new and impartiall acct.
of the same attested by the principall people concerned in the
Expedition. Signed, Fr. Nicholson, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed,
Recd. Aug. 20. 8 closely written pp. [C.O. 5, 9. No. 25.] |
June 28.
New York. |
605. Col. Nicholson and Col. Vetch to the Council of Trade
and Plantations. We could not but judge it our duty to acquaint
your Lordships of our safe arrival here, and in short of the
success hitherto of our negotiation, which your Lordships contributed, so heartily your endeavours for advanceing. We have
met with the wish'd for success in all the Governmts. who are
concerned in the same, save those of the Jersies and Pennsilvania,
the first of which hath one half of its Assembly Quakers, and
the latter the whole number is almost so; whose pretended
principles being against fighting, they have not as yet raised
either men or mony for the expedition, and indeed, as their
principles are inconsistant with Government, so their practice
is to oppose all good order, and especially any directions from
the Crown, as we have but too visibly seen at this time, for
wch. reason we have joyned with the Gentlemen of the Councell
and Assembly of Jersies, who are not Quakers in representing
to H.M. the necessity of giving an Instruction to her Governors
not to admitt any into the Councell or Assemblys but such as
qualifies themselves as the Act of Parliamt. directs. This we
doubt not your Lordships will think fitt to advise H.M. to doe
when it comes before you, as likewise to advise H.M. to proper
methods with relation to Pensilvania, who have wholly refused
H.M. commands. And though we hope they shall not be able
to obstruct this noble enterprise, the success of which we doubt
not will be attended with such consequences as will sufficiently
convince both your Lordships and the Ministry that nothing could
have been enterprised which could have contributed so much to
the honour and advantage of the Crown and subjects of Britain,
than this present expedition, which the Quakers have not been
wanting to their power to obstruct, etc. Signed, Fr. Nicholson,
Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd. 20th, Read 23rd Aug., 1709. 1 p.
[C.O. 5, 1049. No. 106; and 5, 1121. pp. 370, 371.] |
June 29
Whitehall. |
606. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Earl of Sunderland. Enclose letter from Mr. Graves, April 4, reporting
that the French and Spaniards have taken possession of the
Bahama Islands. This being a matter of such consequence to
the trade from hence as well as from the Northern Continent of
America to Jamaica, we thought it our duty to transmit a copy
to your Lordship. [C.O. 5, 1292. p. 138.] |
June 29.
Whitehall. |
607. Mr. Popple to Mr. Burchett. Encloses letter from
Col. Jenings, March 21, relating to the great want of guardships
for Virginia, etc., to be laid before the Lord High Admiral.
[C.O. 5, 1362. p. 392.] |
June 30.
Admiralty Office. |
608. Mr. Burchett to Mr. Popple. Reply to preceding. Some
time since the Guarland a forty-gunn'd ship sayl'd for Virginia,
and is ordered to cruise between the Capes; and another ship
for the same service is ordered to be bought at New England.
Signed, J. Burchett. Endorsed, Recd. Read July 1, 1709. 1 p.
[C.O 5, 1316. No. 19; and 5, 1362. p. 393.] |
| [June 30.] |
609. Memorial of Col. John Higginson of New England.
Whereas the French inhabiting Canada are endeavouring might
and maine to gaine over to their religion and intrest all the
Indians at Canada and places adjacent the Eastern Rebells,
and those inhabiting about Missipa Ruio and on the backside of
Carolina, Virginia, Pensilvania, Jersey, New Yorke and part of
the Maques, it may be considered the danger those Plantations
wth. the Massathuset and New Hampshire will be in when they
have brought that to pass, their barbarities and makeing our
people slaves to the heathen shew what wee may expect from
them in time to come. For preventing whereof, and as an
addition and advantage of the Crown of England, itt will be
highly necessary that Canada be reduced to the Crown of England. Nova Scotia and Canada did formerly belong to the Crown,
etc. It is a country proper for the produceing Naval Stores,
there being a great quantity of mast trees, white and other oak,
pine, spruce, firr etc., and the land is supposed to be propper
for hemp, and good hemp has been produced there by the
inhabitants for their use, and a great quantity of pitch, tarr,
rosen and turpentine may be produced there. It is a healthfull
place, etc. and as good for fishing as any in ye world, and
provisions of all sorts may be raised there for thousands of
famileys, the meadows bear as good wheat as any in America,
it is stored with many good harbours, where good towns and
villiages may be erected, there is alsoe store of sea coales. If
H.M., the Parliamt. of England, and the Gentlemen Commrs.
for providing stores for the Navy were sensible of the great
advantage it would be to the Crown to take and settle Nova
Scotia and Canada with a Colony of suitable people, whose
business should be to provide stores, it is not doubted but the
Navy of England might in a little time be suplyd with considerable stores from thence on reasonable termes, and spare the
vast quantities of ready money which they are now fore'd to
disburse to foreigners etc. And it is proposed that whoever
comes to settle the countrey there shall be a saveing to all or
any of H.M. subjects to have a free liberty of fishing on those
coasts, harbours etc. Port Royall is to these Northern Plantations as Dunkirke to England, a den of privateers, etc. Sea
coal is not known to be in any part of H.M. Dominions in
America, but only in Nova Scotia, and the wood is soe much
consumed in New England that it is fear'd in a few years they
will not be able to subsist without sea-coale for their fireing,
and the French will not even in peace permitt the English
to get sea-coale there, but have in such case formerly taken
their vessells that went for that purpose. Endorsed, Recd. from
Sir Stephen Evans, Recd. June 30, Read July 8, 1709. 2 pp.
[C.O 5, 865. No. 17.] |
June 30.
New York. |
610. Thomas Byerley to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Announces and deplores death of Governor Lord Lovelace.
Lt. Governor Ingoldesby is so influenced by my Lord Cornbury
and his party that whatever his Lordship desires is put in
execution, etc. Prays to be appointed to the Council, etc. Set
out, N.Y. Col. Doc. V. p. 80. q.v. Signed, T. Byerley. Endorsed, Recd. 29th, Read 30th Aug., 1709. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 1049.
No. 110; and 5, 1121. pp. 395, 396.] |
