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Dec. 27.
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449. [WALSINGHAM] to COBHAM.
Pinart, at his late audience, upon the arrival of his courier, told
her Majesty, amongst other things, that the king was minded to
send M. Lansac hither ; and that this determination of his grew
upon some motion from you. She said she could not believe that,
both because you had no commission to make any such overture,
as also that she saw no necessary cause of his repair hither. She
has therefore willed me to signify to you that if the same determination
continue you should seek by some good means to 'impeach'
it, as of yourself, without direction from her.
Endd. : Part of letter to Sir H. Cobham, 27 Dec. 1581. 12ll.
[France VI. 85.]
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Dec. 28.
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450. DON ANTONIO to WALSINGHAM.
I am very sorry that my affairs should have given annoyance to
the queen, since I desire nothing but to satisfy her in regard to
them ; but it seems that my troubles are not yet at an end. It is
many days since I heard that Henry Knollys was not getting on
well in the charge I gave him, and was not obeying me. I should
like to complain to her Majesty ; I abstained from doing so because
he was so nearly related to the Earl of Leicester, to who I am
under so great obligations ; but I wrote to him about it, and his
reprehensions have not sufficed to amend it. Before when I sent
for him to come to me, to send him on an enterprise for his own
honour and profit, he would not do it, and as I am informed with a
little silliness [? cum pouco tonto] said certain superfluous things
which I did not expect in him, so that all which her Majesty may do
in the matter would seem to me very prudent. But all the same I may
remind you that because he did not keep the instructions I gave him,
I do not deserve to be punished, and that in like manner the ships
are not to blame for what the captain does. Wherefore I shall
take it as a great favour from her Majesty to order my ships to
come and fetch me, and chastise those who are to blame for the
insults done me. I remind you likewise that I ordered the ship
which some Portuguese took [?] to come to me that I might avail
myself of it as my subjects' property, since in such times it is right
they should help me, intending nevertheless to pay for it ; and
that I have some subjects to whom this good work is not due.
I am sending Diogo Botelho to her Majesty ; he will tell you
what he is going for, and I am confident that upon occasion you
will do me the kindness which you have so many times offered, and
which I hope to deserve. And since you will give him full credit,
I stop here.—Tours, 28 Dec. (Signed) Rey.
Holograph. Add. Endd. Port. 2½ pp. [Portugal I. 69.]
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Dec. 29.
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451. STOKES to WALSINGHAM.
On the 27th your servant Walter Williams came to this town,
from whom I received yours of the 14th, with one to the Four
Members of Flanders. I well understood the contents of your
letter at large, and incontinently I delivered yours to those of the
Four Members that are still here in this town, namely, Bruges,
the 'Free,' and Ypres ; for now they are removing to Ghent, so
that there are none here now for Ghent, and those that are here
seem to be very sorry that the interest of the £33,337 and odd
money due to Palavicino and Spinola in June last has been so long
after the day unpaid. They humbly desire her Majesty not to take
it in evil part, so that Bruges and the 'Free,' for their part of the
first half-year's interest, have given me their bills for the same
payable in Antwerp at 4 or 5 days after sight, each bill containing
£193 8s. 0½d. flemish, so that the two together amount to
£386 16s. 1d. flemish ; which bills I have sent to George Gilpin
and Renold Copcott at Antwerp, who shall have good payment of
them at the day. For Ypres they have made answer that their
part for this first payment shall be speedily paid to Renold Copcott
at Antwerp, for they say their money lies ready there or at Ghent.
For Ghent, since none of them is here, the magistrates of this
town wrote them speedily, and sent your letter to them that they
might make speedy payment of their part in Antwerp as aforesaid ;
which they doubt not will be speedily done, for the money has
been long in readiness. So in this order the Four Members of
Flanders have appointed their payments for the first half year's
interest due in June last. For the payment of the interest
for the other half year, due on the last of this present month, I
have used such speeches to them as you wrote me ; and they
answered, forasmuch as this debt touches the whole General States
now assembled at Antwerp, they cannot of themselves do anything
in the matter. But whatever order the States shall take for the
payment of the same, they will see such part as they shall be
appointed to pay, paid with as much speed as may be.
This is the answer they made me, and I have written it to George
Gilpin by your servant Walter Williams, who went yesterday morning
towards Antwerp. They humbly desire you to stand their good
friend towards her Majesty, for surely at present their State stands
in great danger to be overthrown, for their enemies the Malcontents
grow stronger, while the French and their other soldiers for want
of a good commander spoil all where they lie, and obey no man ;
so that there is a most lamentable state for want of good government.
—Bruges, 29 Dec. 1581.
Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 137.]
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Dec. 30.
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452. FREMYN to WALSINGHAM.
I wrote to you last on the 23rd, since which nothing has occurred,
the enemy having undertaken nothing. Today M. de la Rochepot
departed, going to join his troops, with M. de Villiers as his Maréchal
de Camp. They have some enterprise in hand. It continues to be
reported that the Prince of Parma is retiring to Italy, to be viceroy
of Naples. He is now at Namur with all his Council. Archduke
Matthias comes in his place. The Duke of Aerschot is dead.
His Excellency starts tomorrow morning for Zealand, to receive
his Highness, this being for divers reasons the best for their personal
safety.
The Gantois are offended with his Excellency for not returning ;
which has made them murmur, an easy thing for folks of their
humour. They seem to me not to desire his Highness's reception
at present ; besides there are so many factious people that it is a
pity to see affairs so managed. A good head is much required, as
you may see by his Excellency's Remonstrance, who has all possible
trouble to manage these fickle and inconstant people.
The Prince of Epinoy with his wife came to this town yesterday,
glad to have got out of Ghent. God grant that his Highness's
coming may bear some good fruit to affairs here ; there is nothing
else for the present distress.
The Antwerp people are saying and murmuring that his Excellency
was withdrawing to Holland under the pretext of his Highness's
coming. That is how men of honour are subject to tempests and
storms from the people, who are naturally insolent and cowardly.—
Antwerp, Dec. 30, 1581.
Add. in English (as are all Fremyn's letters at this time in his own
hand). Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XIV. 138.]
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Dec. ?
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453. Some notes in Burghley's hand : rates of pay for officers
and men in the Low Countries. "Mr Norris as general or master of
the captains of all men of war beyond the Meuse, per mensem,
1,500 guilders, and as colonel of the Englishmen he has 1,200
guilders, out of which he pays the serjeant-major, lieutenant-colonel,
provost marshal, and drum-major." Some officers' names,
including "Verdugo, a captain Spaniard."
Parts of 3 pp. [Ibid. XIV. 139.]
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Dec. 30.
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454. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
Since I last wrote, the king has returned to this town, having
been much 'cheered' by the Duke of Aumale. After the christening
of the duke's child he presented to the duchess his gossip, 'in
open show,' a jewel worth 2,000 crowns ; besides giving her, as I
hear say, a jewel worth 4,000 crowns in a more secret sort.
Since coming to this town he has begun his Christmas solemnly,
according to the manner of their Church, and kept his chamber one
day, because he felt some pain in his eyes. Notwithstanding, on
St. Stephen's night he went in a coach privately with the Duke of
Joyeuse, waited on only by four or five lackeys, and came to visit
the Duke of Epernon, my next neighbour, with whom he remained
above an hour in cheerful conversation.
Marshal Biron is come to this city accompanied by divers gentlemen,
met and brought to the town by sundry principal personages,
and courted as one who has been a chief conqueror against those of
the Religion.
It has been told me that the Dukes of Guise and Nevers, and
M. 'Chapelle Urzin' with other chief Catholics had a secret
meeting and conference on Christmas Day in the afternoon, where
new considerations were propounded, to be remembered and
added to their Catholic League.
The Duke of Florence has written to la Chapelle-des-Ursins a
very amiable letter, 'requiring he may enjoy' his accustomed
goodwill and friendliness towards his Excellency ; desiring further
that M. de la Chapelle would by all means endeavour to procure
their Majesties' good liking in such sort that the Marquis of
Ponts, eldest son to the Duchess of Lorraine, might marry his
daughter.
On this M. de la Chapelle has moved their Majesties, using
sundry persuasions, and alleging that besides that they shall bind
the Duke of Florence perpetually by that alliance, they may also
by this means break off the marriage sought to be compassed by
the Duke of Savoy, who seeks to have one of the Duke of Florence's
daughters to wife ; so that he will thereby become the more willing
to marry the Princess of Lorraine, a match which the Queen
Mother desires, if Monsieur her son should not like that princess.
Notwithstanding these persuasions, the Queen Mother favours the
Duke of Florence's desires but slowly.
Whereas in my former letters I told you what was delivered to
me concerning the practice for the surprise of Saint-Jean-d'Angely,
it is held to be of 'traught' [qy. truth]. The 'said' prince called
before him all the Papists that were in the town, and manifested
to them the evil intention there was towards him ; requesting that
they would depart out of the town and remain absent for a few
days until he had given some better order for the defence and safety
of those of the Religion that were with him.
M. Strozzi has written to the Queen Mother from Poitou and
Languedoc, he having now gone to Bordeaux, that he perceived by
sundry 'shows' which he declared particularly to her that those
of the Ligues would give occasion and constrain those of the
Religion to take arms for their defence.
I hear the king is discontented that the Duke of Mayenne has
excused himself from coming this New Year's-tide to the feast of
Saint-Esprit ; and has resolved to have the Dukes of Joyeuse and
Epernon now named in the election, that they may be created
knights of that Order next year.
I solicited M. Brulart, on the king's going to Anet, to know
whether his Majesty would make any answer to the last letter I
delivered him from the Queen. He deferred it to his return, and now
having again requested M. Brulart to put him in mind of it, he says
that certain matters have been sent to M. Pinart to be treated on,
so that when the king knows how those matters pass in England,
he will write to the Queen.
The young Count of Brissac has now returned to this town ; and
as I hear, Count Vimioso has separated from Don Antonio.
By letters from Strasburg it is understood that the governors of
the town have taken the public 'Lector' from Dr. Sturmius.
Those of Geneva have sought to be 'encantonned' with the
Swiss, of which there is now some hope.
The other day, by order of the Privy Council, there came a
secretary to me with a supplication that had been exhibited to the
king by a French merchant, complaining that he had been robbed
by Captain Clarke, an English pirate. The secretary requested me
in the king's name that her Majesty might be advertised of it, in
order that the merchant might receive restitution of his goods,
which were sold, as he 'pretended,' in the West of England. I
enclose a copy of his complaint ; wishing you a prosperous and
happy year.—Paris, 30 Dec. 1581.
Endd. Marginal notes by Walsingham. 4 pp. [France VI. 85.]
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Dec. 30.
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455. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.—Advertisements.
A gentleman of the Court came to visit me the other day, by
whose language it appears that 'Hipolito' [the king] would give
the world to understand that though 'Splendor' [Monsieur] passes
the marriage without passion, he means not to suffer such a
reproach. Notwithstanding, I hope this humour will pass over.
'Hipolito' shows himself kind to his two minions in their loves, as
Madame de Sauve knows and finds by present experience. The
king's sickness appears in his face. 'Hipolito,' speaking of the
Duke de Mayne, said he was a person that might easily be persuaded
to change his purpose ; adding how he had such about the King of
Navarre, who upon occasion would not fail him.
The Pope's nuncio had audience, and another Monseigneur
whom the Pope has sent to the king. They had long audience of
their Majesties. It seems since that they are well edified with the
message. I hear it concerns the affairs of the Grand Master of
Malta, and the causes of that Order.
The Spanish Ambassador causes it to be 'vented' that his
master will marry one of his daughters to Monsieur, and that the
Queen would consent to it.
The Duke of Mayenne would come to this feast, but he requests
his Majesty to assure him that he may [be ?] of his Council des
affaires d'ètât. The king said that 'capitulating' with him is to
give him the law, wherewith he has been somewhat displeased, as
he uttered : Voilà comment 'il m'aymount,' et puis ils 'disont'
qu'il 'm'aymount.'
Advertisement is now come that the King of Spain has taken
from the Duchess of Lorraine a town called 'Tortone,' for which
she is to have in recompense 116,000 crowns ; wherewith there
runs today a rumour of war with Spain. But it is only a noise or
brag, which is often heard at times in this world with us. The
king has been long in Council this morning, and they say to give
order for 'provision of wars' ; but a more peaceable advice will
take place, so much he mislikes the wars.
They say that 'Oriens' [the Queen] has proposed to 'Splendor'
to have Calais.
There has been some little 'gearre' [qy. jar] among the great ladies
in this Court about the placing of the new-married Princess of
Conti, and especially between her and the Duchess of Nevers.
It is given out that 'Splendor' has appointed the Prince of Condé
to be his lieutenant.
I enclose the names of those who are said to be 'in election' to
be knights of St. Esprit.
Add. Endd. with date. English words in italic are cipher,
deciphered by Walsingham. 2 pp. [France VI. 86.]
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Dec. 31.
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456. THE DUKE OF ANJOU to BURGHLEY.
Please pay, on and out of the sum of £60,000 which I am to
receive at your hands, to Mr. Horatio Pallavicini, gentleman, of
Genoa ['Genevoy'], the sum of £10,000 sterling ; which I promise
to deduct and abate from the £60,000.—London, this last of
Dec. 1581. (Signed) François.
Endd. by Burghley, with notes of payment to Pallavicini. Fr. ¼ p.
[Ibid. VI. 87.]
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Dec. ?
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457. OPINION as to DON ANTONIO'S PRIZES.
Don Antonio being in possession of the Isles of Terceira happened
to take a ship and goods of certain of the King of Spain's subjects,
coming from San Domingo and brought them [into the] said Isles,
and from thence the same . . . . . . by way of merchandise
into England.
The question is whether the Queen [ought] by the way of justice
to cause restitution to be made of the said goods to the King of
Spain's subjects.
First in this case it is to be considered whether there be lawful
wars between the King of Spain and Don Antonio.
For if their wars be lawful, there is vo doubt that those goods
being once brought to Terceira, and so intra praesidium hostium,
are good [? prize] into what place soever they are afterwards
[taken].
Now whether these wars be lawful or not, it seems not to be convenient
should enter into the determination thereof, but to [? leave]
it to be determined between themselves ; for although the title of
Don Antonio be doubtful, yet forasmuch as he was first in possession
of the kingdom of Portugal, before the King of Spain and came
quietly in vacuam possessionem, neither did any fealty at any time
to the King of Spain, but was expelled by the King of Spain out of
his possessions, which was naturalis, by force, and retained civilem
possessionem animo, it may probably be said that he may lawfully
make war for the recovery of his possession, though his title were
but coloratus ; namely, whereas there is no superior of whom he
may have redress by the way of justice ; for this case is taken to
be within the rule of nature, vim vi repellere.
And if the King of Spain should happen to take any of the goods
of Don Antonio, and bring them first into Spain and afterwards
into England, it may be supposed that he would take it reasonable
that her Majesty should leave the matter to be tried between themselves.
And so the French and other princes likewise have used to
do in questions that have arisen in controversies between other.
Endd. by Walsingham: Reasons set down in the cause in controversy
between the King of Spain and Don Antonio. (See Span.
Cal. No. 172.) 1¼ pp. [Portugal I. 70.]
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1581.
Feb. 12.
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458. JOHN JOHNSON to BURGHLEY.
'Aleretho,' the 12th of February, 1580.—According to my bounden
duty I am to certify you of all such things as are suspicious or
contrary to her Majesty's laws, if it be in my knowledge. So it is
that there is one Robert Sawman, that dwells at 'Harseydown'
near Southwark, who has 'fratched' a small bark to a town in
Biscay called 'Alleretho' (Laredo), in which place I have remained
about my affairs for the space of this month ; and being there, the
said Robert Sawman arrived in the town as merchant and pilot of
the bark, 'with whom' he brought as passengers from England a
Spaniard and an Irishwoman. The woman professes to be a Spaniard
born, and how she went over with the Spanish ambassador to
England, with whom she has hitherto remained ; and now she is
come over again to Spain to see her husband who dwells at a place
called 'Colendres' (Colindes) three miles from 'Alleretho.' Which
is nothing so ; she has no husband here, and whether she has
remained in the Spanish ambassador's house so long as she reports,
I know not. But 'if it please your honour, my Lord,' there is great
murmurs here and secret talk among the common mariners and
masters of ships that she has brought over certain money and
packets of letters. Which indeed is to be suspected, and it is to be
thought that she is a fit instrument for such a purpose, inasmuch
as she can speak as good Spanish as if she had been born in Spain,
good Irish and English ; and it makes the matter more suspicious,
that so soon as the Spaniard that came with her came ashore at
'Allereth,' he was conveyed away out of town with a small packet
very closely packed. He did not stay, and whither he went, or what
he was, I cannot learn. But the woman stays here still, and at her
first coming she stayed with this Sawman all one afternoon in a
Spaniard's house where all Englishmen usually lodge. In this time
there resorted great company of Irishmen to her, whom she had
great talk with here in secret ; and that night she went from our
lodging, and has ever since remained in an Irishman's house here.
The next day, being the 13th of the same month, I chanced to
accompany Sawman from 'Alleretho' to 'Colendres,' at which place
I laded oranges. By the way I 'reasoned' with Sawman concerning
the woman, who answered me, he did not care what she brought
over, or what she was, 'for' says he 'the Spanish ambassador gave
me his word to save me harmless whatever should befall' ; and that
the ambassador requested him she might have passage. Therefore
he was assured that the ambassador would save him harmless. So
if you are not acquainted of her coming over with the Spaniards,
you have to use your accustomed wisdom herein, for she is coming
over again to England with Sawman about six weeks hence ; but
whether the Spaniard comes with her I know not, but if you please
I will learn what I can, and give you to understand thereof at large
at my coming over, which, God willing, will be the next fair wind.
Further I have to tell you that since the woman's coming over
here, there has been great murmuring and talk among the common
sort of Spaniards of certain Spaniards that were executed and put to
death in Spain [sic : qy. Ireland] and of divers said to be imprisoned
in London ; whereas before there was news that all Englishmen in
Ireland were put to death by the Spaniards. But this sudden
alteration has caused the 'most sort' of the Spaniards to use extraordinary
words and speeches that I judge to be untrue. But this I
can certify you with truth, that since her coming over there has been
taken up for the king's use all the wheat that has been brought to
Biscay by English, Bretons, or other nations. Also all the wheat
that was brought down from Castile by the Spaniards was taken for
the king ; but for what purpose I cannot tell you, but the common
sort of people give out that it is for provision for Ireland, but I think
it not to be so. I cannot certify you anything therein.
But the abuse of western men is much, in the bringing over
abundance of wheat, tallow-candles, and leather, without any licence,
or paying her Majesty any custom ; as also other 'lowabell' [qy.
allowable] goods, which are carried over without any customs paid,
as if you will give me a hearing at my coming over to England,
I will give you to understand more at large.
Add. Endd. : One Sawman and an Irish woman 'comen' thither,
doubted to be spies here, and carriers of letters thither. Also a note.
To speak with the officer of the customs. 2 pp. [Spain I. 64 bis.]
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1581.
Probably
about end
of April.
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459. W. WAAD to [WALSINGHAM].
Referring to the bearer hereof for the particular report of our
journey, and the course of the proceedings now in hand, I thought
good to set down somewhat at large what at sundry conferences
with the count and 'Il Sr Roderogo' I have understood from them,
whereby you may have further sight into their meanings and
intents.
At the first time 'Il Sr Roderygo' presented me to his Excellency,
he told me that he had two special cares : the one to convey
himself out of the realm of Portugal, the other to get thence such
sums of money as were gathered to furnish the charges of the
enterprise, which both in his own person and other merchants [sic]
had already 'sorted' good issue, and others daily lay in wait
to take the like occasion ; whereby, according to the advice I
received from you, I took occasion to praise that their determination,
wishing all the rich merchants to retire out of the realm, which
they say all the nobility affected to the king intend, for the safeguard
of their persons, and better setting forward of their enterprise.
"We have" quod he "two things to recover, the realm and our
honour ; for if we had lost the one with the safeguard of the other,
the case were tolerable. But the loss of honour is so deep a note
of infamy as nothing can efface but the virtue of our own hands,
which must recover both. Therefore I will that we with our own
hands recover our lost country. Howbeit, to say something in our
excuse, it was the pleasure of the Cardinal that would have it so,
and the fault of others was obedience to their Prince."
Here I took occasion to say that they might use a proverb which
in England in all time was ever approved, that Cardinal never did
good to the realm ; but the pleasure of the last that he spake of was
coined by the stamp of him that is the head of that college, to whom
indeed they might attribute the very cause of all that has happened ;
and still laboured [sic] all Christendom against them, having
espoused the cause of the Spaniard, to whom long since he had
betrothed all his power, both temporal and spiritual, as by the open
forces and certain 'inbrelios' was plainly shown.
He told me 'he came not hither rather than into England, but
lying first in his way,' and had not to negotiate here, for already he
had full promise of the king and queen, which he meant to put in
execution. And if the Queen would show like forwardness, he
doubted not but his master's affairs would proceed well. "The
king" quoth he "says he will do anything if the Queen of England
will. Her Majesty affirms the like, the French King declaring
himself ; so that both will, and neither, do anything." I told him
it lay only in the French to remove all those doubts, and to
'resolve' divers other princes and states that desire or 'attend' the
same ; though none have so great occasion at this time as her
Majesty to proceed circumspectly in these times, and thereon
depended the ground of their safety ; for by the difference in
religion quarrel is picked against her, and already she has
been constrained within her own dominions to 'expulse' the
enemy. Whether France has performed what they undertook,
his Excellency, who has heard the promises and seen the effects,
can judge. What they might have done is easy to be known ;
which example would have been 'as acceptable as of encouragement'
to all Christendom, who not only blame their doubtful
proceedings and full of suspicion, but attribute all the greatness of
the King of Spain rather to the weakness of the French negligence
than to the might of the Spanish force. "But" quod I "the
person of your Excellency, who understands both these doings and
how to negotiate, may so govern this matter that all lots may be
removed and to the benefit of all Christendom, your state succoured,
your king restored, and your honour recovered. How much her
Majesty desires it, I leave to the information of the ambassador,
Il S Roderigo. And I can assure you that her Principal Secretary,
by whose command I offer my service in this cause, embraces it
with earnest affection, which I am able to affirm ; and you may
make full account that the credit which his wisdom and integrity
has in her Majesty's favour will be employed to the furtherance of
this service."
"I have" quod he "all such power as the king may give, only
reserving his Crown ; and more than he has, for I have the consent
of the people to ratify all that I shall do for the benefit of the
realm. Therefore I am to offer her Majesty those conditions or
privileges which shall be greatly to her liking. 'Mary,' her Majesty
will consider that a simple merchant that ventures his whole stock
to increase the same, makes hazard, having fear of all the elements,
to perish in the sea, to strike on rocks, to stick in sands. And her
Majesty will not stick to make some small venture where she may
reap perpetual and inestimable benefit to herself, her realm, and
subjects."
Then speaking of the forwardness he found in this nation, and
great offer of such as he little looked for, that already he had 80
ships at his command in readiness, I said in general terms that it
imported much to consider the quality of the persons he dealt with.
To this he answered straight, "That" quod he "you may mean in
respect of Lansac, 'whom I content myself shall deceive me' for I
will answer for him. I know his 'bring up' in the Spanish Court,
the presents he has had of the king, and the conceit her Majesty
has of him for certain English ships he took. But she is perhaps
more beholden to him than she weens, for at the solicitation of the
King of Spain he provided certain vessels to be employed against
the Turk, as he was borne in hand ; which being ready the King of
Spain would under his conduct have used against her Majesty, as
like to Infidels, which he refused. And he had already six ships
bound to the Indies, which voyage he has stayed, only to accompany
me."
He told what offers the King of Spain made himself, of whose
liberality he acknowledged his liberty, 'redeeming him' out of
captivity ; which goodness he would acknowledge with all 'particular'
service, and his life. But always his honour and conscience excepted
which bound him to the service of his king Don Antonio.
He told me further that there was grudge always between Don
Antonio and him, so that nothing but mere equity brought him
into this action.
'At other times repairing to him,' he seemed to have great hope
in her Majesty. But since he has dealt with the king and Queen
Mother, is quite discouraged, and utterly despairs of having any
help from her Majesty.
The Queen Mother imputes all the fault of the loss of Portugal
to her Majesty, accusing in hard words her hardness, which she
said to be so strange and extreme that with the spending of 60,000
crowns she would not assure her own State, and do singular
benefit to all the rest of Christendom ; that she had besought her
to enter into this league, but she hearkens rather to the Spaniard ;
that the French king offers to enter into the league with two parts
of the charge, and demands of her but one part ; how she has
already disbursed in this cause 32,000 crowns, with sale of her own
lands. Besides they bear the Court in hand that the King of
Navarre of set purpose broke the last peace by procurement of the
King of Spain, of whom he received money to that effect ; that the
king himself has been 'travailed' [since his?] tender years with
wars, having in person been in four battles, and after with great
voyages much broken, and continually troubled with discontent of
his nobility, with the unkindness of his brother, with the
commotions of those of contrary religions, with the jealousies of
the House of Guise. In such sort a number of lets still cross his
good dispositions. [Walsingham notes in margin : Queen Mother's
description of the king's troubles.]
That the Queen, so loath to enter into this action, has yet been
content underhand to nourish the factions in France and
Flanders ; but in so honourable and profitable a resolution as this
is, both for her especially and for all Christendom, though she had
been besought by all means, would . . . . nothing, but when
the . . . . . should . . . . . themselves, retire her stake.
Hereto I discoursed at length, showing not only at this present
the doubts that the French gave, but how hitherto they have shown
themselves to their own hurt inseparable from the King of Spain.
And he himself should see the heat wherewith they embrace this
matter at first, wax quickly cool. I showed him how the Venetians,
that proceed in all their dangers with great circumspection, though
they desire nothing more, cannot as yet be brought to believe that
the French will break with the Spaniard ; that there is never a
prince in Christendom that can assure himself of the French, which
makes them seek to the Spaniard.
Remainder missing.
Marginal notes by Walsingham. 4 pp. [Portugal I. 73.]
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May 22.
|
460. The DUCHESS OF SAXONY to the QUEEN.
Request on behalf of Andrew and Walter des Kragen, that they
may have leave to bring cloth out of England at the old rate of duty,
not that lately imposed 'doubtless for good and moving reasons' on
the Hanse Towns.—Dresden, 22 May, 1582. (Signed) Anna.
Add. Endd. German. 1½ pp. [Germany II. 19 bis.]
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May 21.
[sic.]
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461. English version of the above.
Endd. 2/3 p. [Ibid. II. 19 bis a.]
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May 20.
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462. The DUKE OF SAXONY to the QUEEN.
From yours of April 5, written at St. James's, which reached me
only the 16th inst., I learn that rumours had reached you of an
intention on my part to forbid English merchants to trade in my
dominions on the ground that privileges enjoyed for some centuries
by the Hanse Towns in England had been unjustly overthrown. I
do remember to have heard a year and a half ago that certain
English merchants at London had entered into partnership and
had by public authority obtained that the cloth trade at London
should be left free to none but members of the society ; and that for
this reason, whereas till then cloths had been imported into
Germany by the Hanse Towns, and sold at a moderate price, the
cost of them was immensely increased, to the public detriment of
all Germany. But up to now I have heard no more of the matter,
nor have I thought of depriving anyone of the power to transact
business, or enact anything of that sort, to cause annoyance to you,
from whom I remember to have received benefits, nor to your people
for whom I have special liking.
Wherefore, these things being so, I praise your kindness and
prudence in having an excellent opinion of me, and not being easily
persuaded that I should decide anything against British merchants
without sufficient enquiry ; and your fairness and justice in saying
that you do not wish to shirk any prince's judgement in this matter.
And so it will be that if the Hanse Towns have referred, or shall
hereafter refer, this matter to the Emperor and the Estates of the
Empire, and if you were to declare and set forth your reasons, the
whole thing would be equitably and amicably settled ; whereby the
rights of neighbours might be permanently welded (sarta) and
protected. As I perceive that you already of your own accord
incline in this direction, you leave me no further reason for to
beseech or warn you. Rather you have so bound me to you by the
fairness and courtesy of your letter, that I shall never allow myself
to be lacking in aught that may be to your service.—Dresden,
XIII Cal. June, 1582. (Signed) Augustus.
Add. Endd. Latin. 2 pp. [Germany Il. 20 bis.]
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1581 ?
|
463. A brief statement, in an eighteenth-century hand, of all
marriages proposed or contracted between the Royal Houses of
France and England, from Charles the Simple in 904 to the Duke
of Anjou in 1581.
Endd. Fr. 2¾ pp. [France VI. 88.]
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|
464. Another copy. [Ibid. VI. 88a.]
|
|
1581.
|
465. Document in French requesting 'M. de Walsingham' to
send orders to 'le sieur Arondel' [A. of Tolverne], vice-admiral, to
cause restitution to be made without delay to the bearers of all
that is missing out of two ships belonging to them, one of which
was laden with wines for MM. de Lansac, de Borcq, and others,
and the other with salt for the king's magazines in Normandy ; such
as cables, hawsers (hauisères), sails and other gear, as contained in
the memorial presented to him, which were in the ships at the time
of their seizure by him ; and also to have satisfaction made to the
owners of the said wines for so much as has been sold by him or
his, as well as what was sold by the pirates to private persons, and
to the owners of the salt, of which 38 barrels have been sold, with
part of the wine, by one named Thomas 'Grandfil' [qy. Grenville]
his servant, and in default of payment by the said 'Grandfil,'
that he will send him at once to the said Secretary with the rest
of the pirates, that reasonable order may be taken.
Endd. : Memorial for the French ambassador. Fr. ½ p.
[Ibid. VI. 89.]
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1581.
|
466. "An Estimate of the charges for the defraying of
6,000 French footmen comprehended under three regiments ;
(added in Walsingham's hand) each regiment
containing 2,000 men."
Captain, 35 crowns, 20 sous ; lieutenant, 18cr. 40s. ; ensign, 12cr.
—and so on, the total for 200 men being 737 crowns per month.
Total for the three regiments, including provost and archers,
marshal of the bands, physician, apothecary and surgeon, 23, 358
crowns.
Endd. with date. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 140.]
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1581.
|
467. Notes of the debts due from the Low Countries incurred
between 4 Dec. 1576 and 18 July 1581. Begins with: 'Authority
given by the States to Monsr Swevingham to come into England
to borrow of her Majesty £100,000, and ends with: 'The States'
bond for incorporating the £4,000 and odd into the principal debt
of £28,000, and for payment of it with the principal.
Partly in Burghley's hand, and endd. by him. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. XIV.
141.]
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1581, or
later.
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468. "A note of the Debts, drawn out of the original
bonds, which the States-General of the Low Countries
are owing to her Majesty."
Begins with : 'The States-General stand indebted to her Majesty
by a bond bearing date the 19th of January 1577 at Brussels 'into'
the sum of £20,000,' and ends with : 'Another bond of the States-General,
bearing date at the Hague, the 8th of July 1581, for the
sum of £4,616 13s. 1d.' The total is £98,374 4s. 4d.
Endd. : Note of debts of the States-General. The copy hereof
delivered to the Commissioners. 3 pp. [Ibid. XIV. 142.]
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1580-1581
|
469. Notes, in the handwriting of Burghley and his secretary,
of the chief persons in France, their alliances, friendships, enmities
etc.—Marshal de Retz is noted as an enemy to Villequier and
Bellegarde, Matignon as having taken Montgomery 'contre sa foi,'
Bishop Lenoncourt as 'a favourer of those of the Religion and
Montmorency,' and so on. Of the Duke of Uzés it is said : 'He
has been of the Religion ; a Guisard inasmuch as the 'Duke of
Guise saved his life on St. Bartholomew's Day.' La Vauguyon
'hates la Mothe-Fènelon.'
Under Mignons du Roy are entered d'O ('joneur à toute outrance') ;
des Arches [sic] ; La Valette ('neveu du Mar. de Bellegarde') ;
Saint Luc (plus sage que les autres . . Guisard').
Then follows a list of the Governments of France, with their
governors and those of the towns ; also the principal noblemen and
gentlemen in each, and the frontier (or seaport) towns, baillages and
séneschaussées. (Rubempré appears here as governor of Abbeville.)
Corners torn off. Endd. with date 1581 (the heading is 1580).
Fr. 22 pp. [France VI. 90.]
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1581.
|
470. Statement of the forces under the Duke of Mayenne in
Dauphiné ; viz. 10,000 foot, 2,000 horse, and 40 guns.
Apparently part of the same series as the last, but separately endd.
Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 91.]
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|
1581.
|
471. Three papers, in a hand ca. temp. Charles II., containing
(1) a brief statement of the facts of the treaty for marriage,
with a list of the Commissioners of 1581 (somewhat incorrect) ;
(2) some account of the negotiations for a league offensive and
defensive, and
(3) of the conversation on this subject between the Queen and
the Commissioners, and of the instructions subsequently given to
Sir H. Cobham in respect to it.
All endd. ½ p. and ¾ p. and 2 pp. [Ibid. VI. 92, a, b, c.]
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|
1581 ?
|
472. Draft in Burghley's hand of a clause binding the French
king to allow his Protestant subjects the right of exercising their
religion ; probably intended for insertion in the treaty of alliance.
Endd. by Burghley : For the Protestants of France. Lat. (endd.
in English). ¾ p. [Ibid. VI. 93.]
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1581 ?
(or later?)
|
473. Draft, in hand of L. Tomson, of clauses for a declaration
of alliance with the Queen of England on the part of the Duke of
Anjou. 'We will defend her person, honour, safety, the good and
repose of her Crown, her states and realms, against all of whatsoever
dignity and condition they may be, without any exception . . .
king, commonwealth, or people,' etc. Fr. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. VI. 94.]
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1581 ?
|
474. NOTES FOR A TREATY.
The Queen will not be bound to any number certain, but will aid
as her power shall serve ; as was in an article of a Treaty made at
Cambray.
The greater number of treaties contain aids with numbers certain,
some at the costs of the prince invaded, and some (but few) at that
of the confederate not invaded, at the will of the party not invaded,
with reference to his power, and 'with charge of his conscience.'
And so would her Majesty now proceed. And so was it in a treaty
between the Emperor and King Henry VIII, and in a treaty between
King Henry VIII and Francis the French king, anno 1525, made
by the Regent of France.
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1. She would give him therein such support
as she should please, without coercion.
|
The Queen knows
not why she should
be at any certain
charges either for
Monsieur or for
Don Antonio.
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|
2. But rather than that he should leave his
actions in the Low Counties, she would 'yield'
to aid him, though she will not say at present
to what quantity.
|
The Queen knows
not why she should
be at any certain
charges either for
Monsieur or for
Don Antonio.
|
|
She knows not why she should be at any
certain charge, considering the Queen Mother
has, as it seems, an interest therein. And the
action to 'impeach' the King of Spain in
Portugal shall be to the advancement of title,
and so the French king may permit his mother
to proceed therein without breach of league
with the King of Spain.
|
Touching aiding
of Don Antonio.
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|
She has favoured Don Antonio to the value of £40,000 in
provisions and shipping, and all lost for lack of good 'answer' from
the French king for conjunction with her in this aid ; and besides
offered the service of 4, 5, or 6 ships, but he would not accept them.
He has hired 8, and is sending them away, so that the lack has not
grown from her means.
|
|
In hand of L. Tomson. 1 p. [France VI. 95.]
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|
1581 ?
|
475. "Means that have been suggested to meet the depredations
and piracies which have been and are ordinarily
practised on the common subjects of the king, and the
Queen of England."
Proposal on the part of the French king for a joint Commission
to enquire and decide upon the injuries done to the subjects of both
sovereigns. Orders to be given to the admirals and vice-admirals
to assist the course of justice, and in case of their failure to do so,
the plaintiffs to be allowed to appeal to a committee of Councillors
of the other country, to be deputed for the purpose, who may try
inferior judges who have failed to do justice.
Some notable person, merchant or other, from each country,
assisted by an officer of justice to be appointed by the Commissioners,
shall take the necessary steps to verify and recover lost property.
He shall have free access to all ports in both kingdoms to make his
enquiries, and their Majesties will order all local officials to afford
him all facilities.
Governors of provinces, admirals, and other local authorities
shall have orders to attend to the execution of all sentences pronounced
by the said Lords of the Council, on their own peril (sur
peine de s'en prendre à eux).
Endd. Fr. 2/3 p. [Ibid. VI. 96.]
|
476. Another copy of the above.
Endd. : Deliberations touching depredations. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid.
96a.]
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|
1581 ?
|
477. "THE SPANISH AMBASSADOR'S COMPLAINTS."
In May 1580 an English pirate called George Burd took a Spanish
ship going from Rouen to Bilbao with 35 bales (fardeles) of linen
goods and cloths belonging to Spanish, to the value of more than
5,000 crowns.
In October '81 an English pirate took a Spanish ship, master
Francisco Abad, coming from Spain to Rouen, with 100 sacks of
wool value 6,000 crowns, and took them to Ireland, where they
were distributed for conveyance to England.
In May '81 Englishmen brought to Lyme a smack (? çafra) of
Bilbao, and treacherously slew the sailors in their sleep, and the
constable (el conde estable) having caught one of the delinquents let
him go. The Lords of the Council gave letters for the restoration
of the vessel and goods, and the persons in whose power they are
refused, saying they would not do it without orders from Sir
Christopher Hatton.
They write likewise from Genoa that a vessel belonging to Mr
Cotton of Hampton, the captain of which is the son of Philip
Buet (?), whose father was executed here for robbing a ship of
Martin Visante's in the Straits, took a Catalan vessel in the
Mediterranean, with a passport from the King of Algiers, and took
it to the city of Algiers, where it sold all the men for 30 crowns
apiece. Some Genoese have written this who were in the city at
the time.
Endd. as above by L. Tomson. Sp. 1½ pp. [Spain I. 79.]
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|
1581 ?
|
478. "THE SPANISH AMBASSADOR'S COMPLAINTS."
In the year '78 a ship of 'Hari Conols' (Henry Knollys) named
Arminia Ilarias Frances (sic) took a vessel bound from Rouen to
Seville, and in it 40 bales and a coffer of linen goods, all the
property of Spaniards, value about 8,000 crowns. No restitution
has been made, though it is proved they took it to 'Estrechenferi'
(qy. East Itchenferry).
Henry Knollys with the pirate ships of Don Antonio that
are at the Isle of Wight (Duyche) took a ship coming from
Portugal with 400 chests of sugar and other merchandise of the
value of over 20,000 crowns, all Spanish goods.
Likewise he has taken another ship belonging to Hernando de
Montalvan, coming from Ayamonte in Spain, laden with fruit and
resin. This ship having got dismasted in a storm and coming in
between Hampton and the Isle of Wight below 'Castillo de Cuc'
(qy. Cook's Castle, by mistake for Cowes Castle) was taken.
A ship of Lyme, which went with powder and harquebuses to
Tercera, brought thence sugar and ginger, plundered out of Spanish
goods coming from the Island of San Domingo, value over
15,000 crowns. The goods are at Lyme.
The ship of the pirate Roberts of Bristol and that of William
'Guibus' took two caravels coming from the coast of Brazil, one
of which they brought to England as she stood, and from the other
they took out the cargo and put it in their ships. To justify this
robbery they wrote a statement at Tercera that they were goods
confiscated for Don Antonio, though they themselves took them on
the sea. In one caravel only were about 400 chests of sugar and
other merchandise.
There is news likewise that a ship of Henry Knollys's with the
other pirates in the Isle of Wight has taken three other ships, one
laden with Spanish wine, another with French ; the goods in the
third are not known.
Endd. as the last. Sp. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. I. 79a.]
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1581 ?
|
479. WRITTEN from SPAIN and PORTUGAL.
The Pope's legate is so urgent with the King of Spain to send aid
to the Irish that he is making up this mind to it, being persuaded
by the Duke of Alva and other ministers. But the aid is given in
the name of the Pope, in order that it may not be taken against
the king.
An English earl is expected in Spain.
Don Pedro de' Medici's household is gone ; but his people will
be sent with some Spaniards to Ireland.
The Earl of Basterdan [qy. Westmoreland], Englishman, has
arrived with a French page, from Lyons.
It is quite resolved to send Spaniards to the Irish, and already the
Germans and Italians are on board ship. But the Germans do not
want to go ; and upon this news has come that the Catholics there
have had the worst of it.
Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. I. 80.]
|
|
1581.
|
480. An Account of Spain, its possessions, the person and
character of the king, the government, etc. in 1581.
Stitched. Ital. 17 pp. [Ibid. I. 81.]
|
|
1581 ?
|
481. "A MEMORIAL FOR SOUSA."
"There be seven Islands, whereof the principal be the Isles of
Tercera, 7 l. B. 3 [qy. 7 leagues by 3] ; St. Michel 18. B. 4 ;
Fayal 41. B. 1."
"To these islands the ships that come from the East and West
Indies, Brazil, St. 'Thomer,' and the Mine [Elmina] resort of
necessity."?—
And other notes relating to the Azores, the forces there, their needs,
etc. On the back various similar memoranda and notes of future
action ; also some brief minutes of a meeting (apparently) of the Irish
Privy Council, probably early in 1581. All in Walsingham's writing,
except endt. 1 p. and writing on back. [Portugal I. 71.]
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|
End of
1581 ?
|
482. Circular on behalf of Don Antonio to the coast towns,
requesting them "not to suffer or permit any wheat, corn, 'haver,'
meal, biscuit, beans, peasen, pork, cables or hemp wherewith commonly
they are made ; gunpowder, saltpetre, brimstone, metal, or any
the like material wherewith any gun may be cast ; nor any other
munitions of war to be sent hereafter into Spain, Portugal, or any
other dominions being under the jurisdiction of the enemy. For
the said king Don Antonio for this consideration has granted letters
of 'marte and Octroye' to certain of his captains, against all those
who shall presume to convey any such wares to the dominions of
the King of Spain, to make them free prize and confiscate."
Arrangements follow for the granting of passports to those carrying
other classes of goods. "The masters of ships shall be bound
to take a certificate of the Magistrate of the town where they laded
their ships, signed in the margent of the said passport, that they
have no forbidden goods in their ships. Also of him of whom he
has his passport, that they also have paid his Majesty custom for
their departing and sailing towards another country," etc. "The
masters of those ships, so soon as it shall be commanded them in
the name of the king Don Antonio, to strike their sail and show
their passport, that they may let them pass freely without further
search. And if they have no passport to show, yet being commanded
in the name of Don Antonio to strike, do obey, his Majesty
grants them their ship safe, but the merchandise and other goods
will be good prize."
"Signed by the Lord Diego de Botelho, Councillor to the Estate
of the king Don Antonio, and superintendant of his affairs," etc.
Copy. 2½ pp. [Portugal I. 72.]
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|
1581 ?
|
483. — to MARCHAUMONT.
If my good zeal in the service of God, and 'augment' of His holy
Catholic Church (which must be preferred to any other particular
thing of this life) had not induced me, I would rather have occupied
my hands in murdering myself than employ them in writing what
follows ; being much prejudicial to my own nation, which I must
confess easily conceives, aids, and assists such devices and practices
as here I shall signify to you, to the intent that you may in ime
advertise the same, providing convenient remedy for it, as a matter
whereon depends not only the augment of the Catholic religion, but
also the conservation of it in all Europe, and preservation of
M. d'Alençon's life and of all the succession of the nobility of France
that profess the Catholic religion.
The Protestants of this realm were at the beginning much displeased
with the practice of marriage between my sovereign and
the Duke of Alençon, and if to this day they show the same, it is
deceitfully, because with their hearts they desire it may be brought
to pass, being won thereto by the persuasion of the heretics of
France and Flanders, believing that with this occasion they may
profit themselves 'of' his person, and 'coting' him off, establish
with great foundation their religion both here, in France, and in
Flanders.
And this because the Huguenots of France with this last war
have 'tried' that they are not able to defend themselves from the
king's power, and shall be much less hereafter ; and that 'Monsieur
the Alanson' will not favour them as now at her Majesty's request,
being umpire between his brother and them, and that if he should
come to be king, 'as is like he needs,' because he is a
Catholic, and divers other causes, 'must' favour and maintain the
Catholic religion and its professors, and moreover because he might
then marry some Catholic princess and make alliance with some
Catholic king, wherewith the Hugenots shall be in great suspicion
and fear of their state, considering he cannot, being king, make any
alliance but directly against them.
Whereupon, seeing the 'lickle' health of the king his brother,
and the less hope of children, they have determined long since that
there is no better mode to maintain themselves, but for Monsieur
to come hither, where the Protestants will procure to give him some
poison to rid him of his life, that by this means the kingdom of
France may fall to the Prince of Navarre ; which will in time put
the Catholic religion out of France ; and for the same respect, he
will provide, whenever the Queen should 'lack,' that the Catholics
may not prevail in this realm, wherewith all the heretics in France,
Flanders, and this realm assure themselves to continue.
Likewise herein they make account to obtain great commodity,
whenever they have slain Monsieur, that all the places which shall
be got by him in the Low Countries will presently submit themselves
to the government of the Prince of Navarre, being now their practice
to employ in that land soldiers of the Religion ; whom the Prince of
Orange is willing to assist, because this murder is determined with
his consent, perceiving that he may herewith quietly possess
Holland and Zealand, and leave the possession to his sons hereafter,
having in his favour a King of France that may be of his
religion, and England likewise.
This practice has been consulted and agreed upon many days
ago by the heretics of France and Protestants of this realm, and the
Prince of Orange ; who procures by all possible means to induce
Monsieur to the conquest of the Low Countries, giving him to
understand it will be easily obtained. The Prince of Navarre takes
the same course with him, and the Protestants here deceitfully
'show' to be displeased with the marriage, and are glad that Monsieur
takes on him the war in Flanders, procuring 'with' her
Majesty to assist him thereto ; of which practice and device she and
some of her Council that desire the marriage are ignorant. All
which is to the intent that Monsieur may not come to be king of
France, but the Prince of Navarre ; and I assure you that this is
most certain, because I know it of one that has seen writings of it.
That is the cause why I advertise you of it, 'as to whom' is careful
and faithful in the service of his master. I would have done it in
person, if I had not feared the great power and authority of the
parties, the time so dangerous, the loss of goods and lands and the
peril of my life. But I hope some day to show myself to you by
this token, which I pray you to keep.
I have written this in my own mother speech because I dare not
trust any man with this secret.
Headed in French : Please let none but a confidential person read
this paper, for it is of great importance. Add. On the back the
word 'Recusant' appears faintly written in a later hand. 1¾ pp.
[France VI. 97.]
|
|
484. "Loans made forth of the receipt of her Majesty's
Exchequer to foreign states, by the hands of the persons
ensuing, since 29 Dec. 1576."
To M. Hallewin, Lord of Swevingham ; Christopher Hoddesdon ;
Charles Philip de Croy, Marquis of 'Havereigh' ; Richard Martin
and Richard Saltonstall ; Lord Henry Seymour ; M. Jean de Bex ;
Horatio Pallavicino ; John Somers ; Christopher Hoddesdon for
W. Davison (£142,000 in all). Also her Majesty prays an annuity
of £3,337 8s. 5d. to Horatio Pallavicino for interest of £33,374 4s. 4d.
owing to him, which sum is supposed to have been taken for the
use of the States.
Endd. Against the 5th, 6th, and 8th items Burghley notes
'Monsr.' 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 98.]
|
|
1581.
(Nov.)
|
485. The QUEEN to COBHAM.
French version of No. 415.
Copy in hand of L. Tomson. Endd. Fr. 1¾ pp. [Ibid. VI. 99.]
|
