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June 21.
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228. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
Their Majesties granted me access on the 17th inst. when I
signified first to the king that though a year ago I had by command
of the Queen moved him to enter into consideration of the preparation
that the King of Spain was then beginning to frame in Italy
and elsewhere, to subdue the kingdom of Portugal, which he has
since through his practices easily brought to effect, so that now the
principal personages and the people of that realm have been
constrained to dissemble and submit to his obedience ; and though
often by the Queen's order I had moved him to consider how
dangerous that growing greatness of the Spanish king was to be
thought and how prejudicial to all princes, and to him, being his
only competitor ; hitherto, notwithstanding, these motions of the
Queen's delivered by me, and the opinion he had sundry times
signified, that he could not but greatly mislike King Philip's
unjust manner of proceeding, have not as yet persuaded him to
deliver his mind for any certain course or order to be taken, though
he showed he judged it most necessary the rising greatness of the
Catholic king should be impeached. On this he had, as he declared,
a desire to join in advice and forces with the Queen, considering the
cause was of such importance that it required their opinions and
forces to be united together in some convenient manner, whereby the
common enemy's ambition might be better bridled ; so that he had
not only wished me to signify thus much to the Queen, but had
commanded me to confer at Blois with M. de Chiverny, 'Villeclere,'
and Pinart, which conference has hitherto remained unprofitable.
Wherefore the Queen has now commanded me to repair to him, to
remind him of this past course, and to let him know how she has lately
understood that Count Vimioso, one of the principal personages of
Portugal, had treated with him for his aid, and forces to the number
of 8,000 fighting men, whereby Don Antonio should the better
recover that realm and restore the people to their ancient liberty.
Her Majesty is not so sure what passed therein, because she had not
been certified of it from him by me or in any other way.
The Queen had also commanded me to signify to him that
Rodrigo de Souza was sent to her with requests on behalf of Don
Antonio ; in which she has resolved neither to negotiate nor conclude
before she understood how he was affected in that matter. She
besought him therefore to let her know what he had resolved as to
the enterprise of Portugal, and if he would be content that she
should join with him. If he liked it, the particular conditions and
manner might be set down. Therewith I besought him to consider
how much it imported Don Antonio and the Portuguese to have
present support ; as also how necessary it was for the Queen to be
informed of his clear intention therein. I desired therefore that
he would commit the further treating and management of that
cause to some of his commissioners, whereby a conclusion might
grow with expedition.
The king answered that he had been much beholden, and remained
more and more obliged to her Majesty for having that vigilant care
of the cause of Portugal, which truly imported her and him very
much. Upon consideration of that he had commanded those of his
councillors to deal with me at Blois ; which had not any final end,
because the marriage negotiations appeared to grow to some ripeness,
by which means he hoped the alliance would bring forth such
a concurrence in all causes as could by no other course be so certainly
assured. Therefore to give satisfaction to his brother, whom he has
entirely bent that way, so that he thought it convenient to bring the
same to effect before concluding any other cause, there has grown
an intermission of all others.
Concerning those who conferred with me at Blois, Chiverny had
there fallen sick of an ague, Villequier was not present, Pinart
absent in England. And since the cause is of such importance as
to require consideration, he would confer with his mother, and I
should subsequently have answer. He wished me to repair to her
and tell her what I had delivered to him. I then further signified
to him that the Queen had heard of the proclamations which were
published for the stay of all companies of men of war that were
gathered without his commission ; which could not but hinder very
much his brother's 'pretences' for the relief of Cambray, in which
his honour and promise were engaged, having taken them under
his protection. The Queen was therefore moved, for the interest
she has in Monsieur's amity, to consider his brother's honour, and
the great expectation the world conceived of his valour, so far as
not to let him 'take want' in so just an enterprise ; whereby he
himself would receive the greatest renown and the realm of France
perpetual benefit. She supposes Monsieur would never have undertaken
the raising of these forces without conceiving that his Majesty
had a liking of it ; so that if any disgrace happen to his most
honourable endeavours, it could but blemish the king's fame in the
opinion of the world, the rather since it appears clearly that his
brother has done him service towards appeasing the troubles of his
country, by directing the course of his wars into foreign countries.
Their prosperous success must needs redound to the benefit of the
Crown of France.
The king said his brother had not followed his advice in that
action ; because he wished him first to 'accomplish' with her
Majesty and compass the marriage, which most nearly imported
them, for that being brought to pass they might unite with her.
He said further that his brother could not give his word to them of
Cambray, being his subjects ; and that an oath is to be considered
according to the time that the party makes it, as also the estate he
finds himself in at the making of it ; the circumstances whereof
being well considered he found his brother's honour not so much
engaged. He also found the troubles of his realm were not so
much appeased that he could enter into a new foreign war. He
wished his brother had continued his journey towards England,
which would have given them all great contentment ; and doubted
not but the Queen would have advised him to make a better
foundation of his enterprises. For his own part, he would better
like his brother to go to marry than to venture his life in a cause
where so many difficulties concur, besides that he found it strange
his brother would not come to see him. But he said he loved him,
and accounted of him as his brother, and thought himself much
bound to the Queen for having this care of them ; of which he
would likewise confer with his mother, for her better satisfaction.
Thence I went to the Queen Mother, telling her as has been said.
She seemed to say that the king's slack resolution proceeded from
the late continuing of the troubles within the realm, which she
said were not so wholly appeased but that some inconveniences
remain. She confessed however that the cause of Portugal required
present aid, and promised to confer with the king.
As for Monsieur's going towards Cambray, she wished the matter
of the marriage were accomplished before any other enterprise were
proceeded in. She especially misliked an action in which her son
had cause to adventure his person and life ; doubting not that if he
were with the Queen she would otherwise advise him and govern
his affairs. I replied that if she and the king were negligent in
'carrying' respect to the honour of her son, the worthiness of his
enterprise and the benefit to France, what could the Queen or the
realm of England hope for, if they do not in this matter show due
love and respect to Monsieur. She said her son's endeavours were
very honourable, but she did not understand the necessity of following
that action before finishing the marriage on which their contenting
depended. I replied that if the marriage did not take place,
he was always her son and the king's brother, and therfore was to
be respected accordingly. But when the marriage was effected, the
honourable 'carriage' of this action for the relief of Cambray
would give great content to the Queen, and bring the realm of
England more assured pledge of their love towards Monsieur. She
answered that the king loved his brother, and she and they were all
at one. She would confer with the king concerning those matters.
With these answers I was dismissed. Directly after my departure
the king went to Paris, where he supped at M. d'O's, and returned
that evening to Saint Maur to bed. On the 19th Secretary Brulart
sent me the enclosed letter for a present answer touching their
Majesties' meaning till the return of the commissioners.
I told you in my last dispatch of the Queen Mother's being at
Mantes with Monsieur and of her return. I understand there passed
between them much kind dealing and that they parted with many
tears ; so that it is understood the motherly love is not only continued
but rather kindled through Monsieur's wise and stout dealing.
He gave very plausible reasons for his manner of proceeding ;
whereby there now appear many well-willers on his behalf, both
honourable personages and ladies in Court.
And though it was feared the king would have been much
aggrieved with the manner of Monsieur's 'checking' of Marshal
Matignon, the queen had so well delivered the occasions and circumstances,
that albeit the king did say he would have been loath to
have used those words to an officer of the crown, yet in the end he
turned it to merriment, and would know how his brother avoit
gourmand le marchal.
But M. de Beauvais, one of the captains of the guard, a right
honest, valiant, well-qualified gentleman, has received a disgrace
through that cause ; for he understanding the king had excused himself
to Monsieur, saying that le Martier fut prins pour le Regnard, upon
that he was advertised they were 'adventuring companions' and not
soldiers of his troops, as it is understood through the instigation of
Marshal Matignon, and also that the marshal was gone to Monsieur
to plead his own cause ; whereon M. Beauvais thought good likewise
to make his own excuse, because those of the king's guard who
had 'done the fact' were 'under his regiment.' This he did by
writing, of which the king was advertised, and being highly displeased,
has put M. de Beauvais 'Langy' from him, depriving him of all
the offices he before enjoyed. It is thought that Lavalette's indisposition
against Beauvais has the more kindled the king's displeasure.
M. Puygaillard has been sent to Compigne to command the ten
companies of gendarmery, and the king's guards under Captain
Sainte-Colombe and la Motte. They were lodged 'intermingledly'
among Monsieur's troops in villages for seven or eight nights
without any broil happening. I am also certainly informed that
Puygaillard 'made mean' by a person belonging to Monsieur to
be employed in this action under his Highness's command. Some
young minions of the Court and other gentlemen have sent their
horses and arms to certain of Monsieur's followers, meaning to
repair to the camp as occasion serves. Among them are two
brothers of M. d'O.
M. de Chiverny, Keeper of the Seals, having dealt somewhat
overthwartly in Monsieur's causes, receiving from him a 'displeasant'
letter, is fallen very sick.
It is thought that M. de Thou, the king's chief President,
and Monsieur's Chancellor, is likely to be Keeper of the Seals if
Chiverny should decease. The king held a Council at his house
about three days ago, which gives some people occasion to think
there is good intelligence between the two brothers, considering also
how the king allows his chief President to be Monsieur's Chancellor,
who is privy to many secret affairs of State.
A 'careful' servant of Monsieur's lamented the other day to the
king that he declared himself so severely against his brother's
intentions, so that he had not only commanded prohibitions to be
published 'defending' all sorts from assisting him, but had now
dealt more vigorously by an ordinance in parlement. To which the
king answered that all things that were written were not convenient
to be executed ; so it appears that hitherto no one has been 'startled'
or stayed by those commands. I send a copy of the late ordinance
herewith.
The king in private conference has discovered to a servant of
Monsieur's how loath he is that his brother should adventure his
person in battle, since sometimes though the battle has been won,
the general has been taken or slain. He wishes therefore that some
Marshal of France, as Coss or Biron (who has gone from 'Gyen'
to his house as a malcontent) should be the leader in the relief of
Cambray, and that Monsieur might put himself in Saint Quentin or
Peronne by means of a 'slight' surprise. But it is doubted that his
Highness will not absent himself from the fight. The king has dispatched
a confident person to him with certain memorials, and a
letter in his own hand without the sight or knowledge of any secretary,
which the bearer is to bring back when Monsieur has seen them.
The king is taking order with one M. Beauclerc for means to
'recover' money upon certain notes which Monsieur has sent him.
There is also a 'means' to recover 100,000 crowns or more ; the
note of which I send with this.
Captain St. Val [? Saint-Phal] tried to enter Cambray with some
horse, taking some bags of salt ; but they were repulsed, and somewhat
'defeated.'
The Dukes of Guise, Maine, Aumale and the Cardinal of Guise
haunt the Court daily, but have no 'great extraordinary' countenance
from their Majesties.
The Duke of Maine will be dispatched within two days to Dauphin,
but not with so large a force as was at first resolved on,
because upon occasion the Pope has promised to give aid of 1,000
Italians and 1,000 Frenchmen from the County of Avignon for the
maintenance of the war against those of the Religion in Dauphin ;
but there is hope the enterprise may be diverted.
The Captain of Narbonne is come to Court, with intelligence that
the King of Spain has placed all about the frontiers of Spain new
garrisons, and a new viceroy in Navarre. The captain offers to put
some of the King of Spain's places into the king's hands.
It is advertised that Duarte de Crasto has been taken prisoner in
Medina de Campo, being discovered by his wife's brother, a
Castilian. His sisters are married to principal persons in Portugal.
Being thereby well allied, he had resolved to fly his country, and
follow Don Antonio's fortune.
They say that Don Antonio Castro, Lord of Cascaes, has fled from
Portugal. He was one of those by whom the Portuguese were
betrayed, but has repented.
The Duchess of Montpensier would have placed a gentleman of
her's with Count Vimioso, but the count has shifted him off, bestowing
liberal gifts on him.
The Portuguese had laid a train of sundry barrels of gunpowder
under a newly-made wooden bridge, in such manner that the
Spanish king would have been blown up in passing over.
Count Vimioso is expected here next week.
The King of Spain has sent great sums of money to maintain the
war in Flanders.
It is thought that the Prince of Cond will come to serve Monsieur.
Out of Poitou are coming 500 horse in very good order, and 300
from Touraine and Britanny. Monsieur thinks to have 2,500
horse.
The king is willing and bent, as I am informed, to sign the articles
which the commissioners have brought from England, whenever
Monsieur would have it. The king has again sent to his brother
that they may have an interview ; which I think will be at Saint-Germain-en-Laye,
or thereabouts.Paris, 21 June 1581.
Add. Endd. 6 pp. [France V. 93.]
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June 16.
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229. Enclosed in the above :
The French king's proclamations forbidding the levying of troops
without his commission.Saint-Maur-des-Fosss, 16 June.
Copy, in a French hand. Endd. : The last prohibition of the
king against Monsieur's levies. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. V. 93a.]
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230. Another copy, in an English hand. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. V.
93b.]
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June 23.
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231. [ ] to the QUEEN.
Rough draft of the following. 2 pp. [France V. 94.]
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June 23.
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232. [ ] to the QUEEN.
After I had stayed a night and half a day at the place appointed
to hear from Monsieur, du Bex brought me his letter for my
repair to him at Mantes, which I did on Tuesday the 20th instant,
quietly in his garderobe. He began with many thanks for your
mindfulness of him, and of this 'concurrency,' and how much he
was bound to your service, wishing nothing so much as to see a good
end to the matter now in treaty.
When he had heard the manner and cause of my going to him,
and my charge, and more than once heard the point of your desire
to be resolved by the king whether the enterprise into the Low
Countries may not be effectually pursued by means of himself,
Monsieur and the States, without any charge to yourself or your
realm, or drawing your people into war (for otherwise you cannot
without offence to your realm assent to the marriage) ; or else by a
league, as is contained in my instructions ; he said he liked well
that you desired to know the king's mind in this matter so that a
full resolution may be taken, in the time limited in the private
accord. He thought the king did not mean to draw your realm into
an open war for this cause, and he would himself be sorry it should
be so ; but considering that all agreements between princes are
reciprocal the king would perhaps be loath to be bound to engage
himself in that matter, and not be first assured that the marriage
shall proceed. He then asked whether, the king consenting to this
assistance without charge to you, you would 'give assurance to
marry.' I said I was to hear the king's answer on this, and advertise
your Majesty of it, who would send a speedy answer ; for neither
your ambassador nor I had authority to satisfy him therein.
He said that du Vray had told him, as he then remembered, that you
had offered to contribute a third part of the charges ; the king and
he one part, you one part, and the States one part. I said that in
case of a league without marriage, it was assured in England that
rather than the enterprise should fail, you might be moved to a fourth
part, over and beside the monthly allowance which the States have
agreed to give Monsieur ; and that to be underhand or openly, as
might be agreed on. He wished that a speedy resolution might be
taken hereon, and moved me to procure the king's answer and your
resolution with as much speed as may be.
After this, I delivered him your private messages ; the remembrance
of the danger he put himself into, your care for his person, and
very great instance not to put himself in hazard ; and the reasons ;
to use good means and 'sleights' of war in the rescue of Cambray ;
that your Majesty would never forsake him because of that matter ;
your grief that the king had used him so, in 'making defences'
against his enterprise, etc.
He answered that he saw your care of him, but it touched him so
much in honour to relieve those poor men that had endured so long
for him, and to be present with the good company who offer their
services to him in this action, that he thought he could not do too
much for them, knowing how much his presence would advance this
matter. But seeing it pleased you, whom he will obey, he will be the
more careful of himself. This not to be known, for hindering of
the intended enterprise.
To the rest, viz. one chamber in Greenwich, desire of three
hours' conference, the diamonds, etc. he took all to be very great
arguments of your goodwill, which he wished he had means to
requite ; showing me then the [symbol] upon his finger. I mentioned
to him your private letters of credit to the king and Queen Mother,
and my instructions containing your grief for the 'defence' against
his going, and to persuade him by good reasons not to impeach it.
He thanked you very much for it as a matter that touched him
much in honour, praying me to deal earnestly therein ; and added
something of his own, as your Highness shall understand hereafter.
He told me that the king had by letter often desired a very
private conference with him ; to which, upon earnest protests by the
king that it was for matters which he would neither write nor utter
to anyone, and promising all surety, he consented, but no time nor
place was yet appointed. Of this he wished me to remind Sir
Henry Cobham whom he had acquainted with it, praying him to
move the king to write a few words thereof to you with his own
hand, whereby he would assure himself of the more safety. Of this
you will hear more by your ambassador's present dispatch.Paris,
23 June 1581. [The rough draft has the following, crossed out : The
party to whom your Majesty sent by me a little three-cornered
letter has told me that there was commission to treat of a league
and marriage together, and to make one with the other, and not
otherwise, though the commissioners pressed for the marriage and
promise to be first. And so he thought the king would decide
now.]
Headed : M. to the Q. Maty. Draft. Part of endt. with date in
L. Tomson's hand. 2 pp. Ibid. V. 95.]
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June 23.
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233. SOMERS to WALSINGHAM.
At last I am thus far on my way. You know by my letter sent
by Burnham the cause of my tarrying a day. Which matter being
very private, and so would Mar : [? chaumont] have it 'used,' I am
sure you will hear of it from her Majesty, or from him, or the Lord
Chamberlain, before you have knowledge of it otherwise. I have
left the minute of the instructions with Mr Thomson, with the
additions in loose papers, 'of' my Lord Treasurer's hand and mine,
noted by marks 'where the same are placed.' As to the second
article, which I wrote was to be omitted, and that another is in 'his'
place, I find that in congruity some of it is to be used, as reasons.
But for the example of Queen Mary's marriage, which drew the
realm into a war, notwithstanding former provisions, that her
Majesty 'makes doubt' should be alleged. Yet methinks it may
serve in private conference.Gravesend, Friday 23 June, at 9 in
the morning.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. p. [Ibid. V. 96.]
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June 26.
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234. The QUEEN to the GRAND TURK.
Elizabeth, Defender of the Christian faith against the idolatries
of all who dwell among Christians and falsely profess the name of
Christ, to the Emperor Sultan Murad Can, etc.
In proportion as we seek the friendship of foreign princes, are we
annoyed if by the fault of any subject of ours anything has happened
to cause suspicion of our good faith ; though we know that the best
princes are liable to this inconvenience, that the faults of their
subjects should discredit their administration, yet we deem our
honour so sacred that we cannot bear these common things.
As to our present discourse, however, it is a most iniquitous
crime which we have lately heard was committed on some of your
subjects by some of ours, not yet discovered, but who shall be
punished when found. We beg meanwhile that you will not
on account of the crime of a few abject creatures (homuncionum) lose
your respect for our good faith, nor let our merchants who traffic
to your realms be any the worse treated. Your subjects who were
spoiled shall have their goods restored, if it can be done, at the
cost of the lives and fortunes of the robbers. These did not go out
under any concession granted by you to our subjects, but bought
one, whether genuine or fictitious, from a citizen of Marseilles
in France. However that may be, they shall be severely punished,
to make them sorry that they lowered our credit, and that their
countrymen may be afraid to commit a similar crime.
Draft. Endd. by L. Tomson : 26 Junii 1581. To the Turk from
her Majesty. Latin. 1 pp. [Turkey I. 3.]
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June 28.
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235. ROGERS to WILSON.
Among the many trials of my present condition none causes me
more anxiety than the difficulty of sending letters to the Queen,
yourself, and the Council, and receiving letters from you. For in
this way, while I am weary to death of my protracted captivity,
opportunities are afforded to my adversaries of attacking my
innocence by divers acts, so that now I cannot give myself entirely
to complaining of the injury done me, but have often to toil at
working out the cavils of my enemies, which come through to me
in a faint rumour. It was quite right that those who excuse the
violation of the Queen's rights in the arrest of her ambassador
should grudge me this liberty, in order that they may covertly
abuse yourself and the rest of the Council by loading me with
calumnies. If they are to be so clever, how much more efforts
must my patrons make, lest if I be condemned by plots and mines
laid in sinister fashion, you and the Queen be imposed upon. For
the injury which has overthrown me does not affect me only ;
would that it did not redound upon the Queen ; but I think it
should be deemed the greater, that I was captured not on a mission
from an enemy to hostile princes, but from an allied Queen to
Csar and his counts, being friends, while going to the lords of
Germany, on business concerning the Christian commonwealth. I
have done all I could to remove the odium of the crime from the
Prince of Parma ; and it is certain that Schenck's men who perpetrated
it had no orders to attack me at the time when they fell on
me in the desire of plunder. Schenck, too, when I was first in his
presence had no fault to find, save that he claimed the Queen to be an
enemy of the Catholic king ; but now he affirms that an order has come
from the king. I note this in passing, leaving it to your wisdom to
discuss. Let me however be allowed to wonder that when commissioners
from the Prince of Parma were sent hither to examine me,
from Mons in Hainault, they asked no or the very slightest questions
about the injury done, my goods (fortunia) carried off, my servants
sent contumeliously to Friesland. They professed that they were
sent to find out the facts ; but I call God to witness that the chief
thing they did was to show their acuteness in hunting up matters
prejudicial to me, for when I had answered their questions they
invidiously twisted my words to that aim, and took down my answers
not as I meant them but as they chose to take them ; for which
reason when they pressed me to sign the questions and answers, I
declined, and promised to write of the points discussed between us
to M. d' Assonleville, who would tell them to the Prince of Parma.
I hope that a copy of this my apology, written on Jan. 1, reached
your hands.
I thought that I ought to state these points lest while my adversaries
are falsely charging me with , they should evade
the charge of violating international law, for which they have first
to be accused and punished. It was not simple nor in one kind
only. For besides that taking no account of the Queen, the
King of Spain's ally, they opened her letters with profane
hands, and polluting the right of ambassadors, sacrosanct even
among heathens and barbarians, intercepted me by fraud on
the soil of the German Empire and stayed me from my
intended journey ; not content with all this they stripped me
of my goods, clothing, money, jewels, horses, arms and have
kept me nine months in bonds. My innocent servants before being
brought here were most iniquitously treated. Schenck's men expect
huge ransoms from them, as if they were enemies, and meanwhile
practise their daily debauch at a large expense, which we are forced
to pay. Does this in any respect correspond to the kindness with
which the Queen receives the ambassadors of the Spanish king, who
often deserve ill of her and the British Commonwealth [sic]? Please
remember what De Spes tried to do ten years ago, when civil war
was going on among us. When he was caught in the act of secret
correspondence with the rebels, was he imprisoned, spoiled, or treated
with indignity? Or his servants who conspired with Mather ; was
any violence used towards them? The ambassador was ordered to
leave England by a stated time, which was the only punishment
inflicted on him. The Queen used similar lenity towards Guerras,
the same king's envoy (oratorem) two years ago ; and I was doubtful
whether to be more suspicious of her moderation or admiring of
her wisdom. I will not accuse Bernardino Mendoza, now that king's
ambassador in England, of the bad end my mission has come to, as
I am charged with doing ; lest in attacking him I may seem rather
to show a vindictive mind than to attend to my own defence. You
know how, four years ago, when you were agent in the Low Countries
for the second time, a certain man of high rank showed one of your
people a copy of some orders which Luis de Requesens, the governor, at
the time when Mendoza was first sent into England by the king, had
given into his hands, in which it was enjoined on him to take counsel
with Guerras with a view to fomenting the seditions already started
in the West and North of England, the success of which the
Commendador longed to hear of. He I doubt not is fishing for
(aucupatus) his king's praise from this source, and trying to get
honour out of a sorry business (ex hoc mustaceo laureolam captat).
I only ask of you and the rest of the Council that I be not found
fault with for having as I passed through the Low Countries,
informed you outside of my commission of the state of things there,
since many things came in my way which I could not rightly
conceal. If I remember right, my offices then were received with
applause, not having yet been captured ; nor did I augur anything
of the kind that followed, travelling most cautiously, as I did, when
I understood danger to be imminent. My actions seem therefore to
deserve rather to be judged by you according to my intention, than
to be condemned by the event, a most unfair test of plans. 'But'
you will say 'your enemies spread many reports to show that you
were justly intercepted.' I wish I was there, to shut their mouths
by telling the truth. They must utter a good many things in excuse
of the outrage, which I wish were as true as they are spitefully put
forward. I am not being fairly dealt with if my enemies are allowed
to shuffle off a cruel crime by preposterous accusations. All that I
have up to now learnt, either from the commissioners sent to
Bredeford at the end of last year, or otherwise, that I am charged
with, I have endeavoured to refute in letters written to
d'Assonleville at Parma's Court, of which I hope you have seen
copies, for I sent them to Sir F. Walsingham. I would
repeat the substance of them, but that I fear to annoy you (as the
old proverb has it) with twice-cooked cabbage. Of those, however,
which I sent by Sydney's man Stephen to d'Assonleville, I have
decided to send a copy herewith ; so that if similar charges are
made to you, you can compare my replies with them. Some of the
things that I hear are flung at me are so silly (putida) that I am
almost loath to answer them. I have heard too from Stephen, and
from some of my friends at Court, that my enemies are angry at
my speaking with the Prince of Orange, and meeting Norris on my
journey, as though hinting that in so doing I had exceeded my
commission. These men would look for knots in a rush. It was
impossible for me to avoid speaking to either of them. For as I
had to get a safe-conduct from the prince, being about to pass towns
subject to his rule, he first asked me to call on him ; when as he
gave his views at length, it did not lie with me to fix a limit to his
discourse. Norris, too, I had of necessity to meet, to settle
my route by the right way from Arnheim to Cologne through
Emmerich. For as on my way from Dordrecht to Arnhem I had
to make use of the military posts, owing to the danger of the roads,
so on the way from Arnheim to Dotekom, Cleves, Emmerich, I
needed the assistance of the military. So they advised me at
Arnheim to go half-a-mile out of my road, whereby with the help
of the English under Norris, who then were at Doesburg, I might
be safely brought further. Having however met Norris that
night at Doesburg, when he said that he would escort me to
Emmerich if I liked, but stated that the rest of the way was
no less infested by freebooters, next morning I left Doesburg
in stormy weather, in order to lose no time, and returned to
Arnheim, meaning to cross the Rhine there, and take a more
difficult (owing to the branches of the Rhine) but safer route by
Hoesem. Now if my opponents were not so suspicious, and were
as eager to listen to the truth as they are apt to offer open ears
to fictions, they would more readily believe me when I state that
my dealings with Norris were other than they think. For the sake
of my old friendship with him in France, and my regard for his
whole family, my one object was to persuade him to leave this civil
war and go home. I pointed out how shaky the States' affairs
were, and how the commonwealth was in a medley of treasons.
The States placed their hopes in help from France, and I did not
know how he could keep on good terms with the French soldiers
who would be in command here. But above all I dissuaded him
from grasping at the command over other troops, which the States
wanted to force on him. I said that it was hard to get soldiers to
show due obedience to a foreign commander, especially when their
pay was sometimes in arrear. He might think how little success
la Noue, a man famous among soldiers, had had in that office.
With all which he seemed to me to be so moved, that I had hopes
he would return to England. These were the nefarious counsels
which my adversaries conjecture I took with Norris.
But so far as may be divined from more certain proofs, nothing
has made me so much an object of suspicion to them as what they
heard from Bernardino Mendoza, how the Queen, at the time when
I went over to the Low Countries, had had an idea of sending me to
Portugal ; and he, as a crafty and suspicious man, fancied that I
had avoided that journey, and was going to take council with
Flemings or Germans, on her behalf, as to raising disturbances in
Portugal ; for which cause I have heard that plans were laid to intercept
me in Flanders, below Bruges, near a place called Eklen. I
remember when the commissioners were here they asked diligently
if I had noticed any soldiers lying in wait near Eklen. I had indeed
heard that the day before I came there, soldiers from Courtrai had
made an excursion as far as there about dinner-time. This too was
the source of d'Assonleville's complaints. He told Stephen the last
time he went to Parma with her Majesty's letter that the papers which
I tore to little bits at Blyenbeck contained my orders as to Portugal.
If these had been intercepted undamaged, they would not be further
troubled with suspicions. You know better than any one how utterly
astray he is (toto clo aberret) in this matter. I did indeed tear up
some perfectly innocent papers deliberately, because I saw that I
had fallen into the hands of people who doubled their ignorance with
more than ordinary distrust. It so happened that when I was
getting ready to go to Portugal, I had carefully drawn up the pedigree
of the descendants of King Emanuel. When the Queen changed
her plan as to a visit to Portugal, I put them into a corner
of my library, where there were a good many papers containing
genealogies of the German princes. These I told my servant,
as I was leaving London, to put into boxes, so that as I went
through Germany I might draw them up more accurately.
The Portuguese genealogies were lying near, and seeing the pedigrees
drawn out on them in the same way, he thought they were on
the same subject. Among them was a copy of the instructions with
which I was to have been sent to Portugal ; and he had just tied
them up in one bundle with the others. This copy of the instructions
was at the beginning of the year, after the commissioners had
left Bredeford, found by them at Anholt, where Schenck had left
various papers of mine, and taken after the end of January to
Parma's Court. One thing is certain, that even if no literary
baggage had been found about me when I was taken by Schenck's
people, I should none the less have been plundered and held to
ransom, on Schenck's assertion that I was sent from the enemy.
On the very day that I was brought here, before anything could have
been known at the Court about my capture, much to the surprise of
many who were with me, my clothing, money, jewels, arms, horses,
all that I had in short, were distributed by casting lots. The best
of my horses were given by Schenck to d'Assonleville and Billy at
the Court ; which one fact, if you look into it, shows how unfairly
I was treated. For before Schenck had ascertained Parma's wishes,
merely on the plea that there were English troops in the county of
Zutphen, to which Bredeford is attached, he argued that the Queen
was the king's enemy, and looked on me as plunder of war. Having
vehemently proclaimed this in October of last year, later, when he
had hastened hither from the Court with the commissioner in
December, he excused himself, and threw all the blame on his
reiters, who had not been paid. Thus again, on June 22, he affirmed
fluently, in the presence of the Baron of Anholt, that everything had
happened by the king's order. So when I pressed for the liberation
of my brother Ambrose and Anthony Knevett, whom Schenck's men
have kept prisoners in this town since February, having formerly
taken them off into Friesland, and in whose favour Parma has
twice sent letters by Stephen, ordering the Baron of Anholt and
Schenck to set them free, the baron excused himself, saying that
they were in the custody of his friend and comrade Schenck ; while
Schenck plainly averred that he had received contrary letters from
Parma, stating that they were to be kept till their expenses and
ransoms had been paid.
You see then my difficulties. It is not my own fortune that is in
such a distressed state, but it is made more disastrous by the
calamities of my friends. For I shall not be easily induced to
believe that Parma has, as Schenk asserts, been sending such contradictory
orders ; it would be too unlike his Excellency. Yet I do
not see how we are to be restored to liberty unless the expenses of
our captors are first paid. You would not wonder at their amountting
to such a sum, if you saw the daily gluttony of these
Schenckians. After many long-winded entreaties, Knevett has got
leave to go to England in our name, to raise money. Schenck agreed
the more readily, because he was struggling with a quartan fever
which has so reduced his strength that they feared for his life if he
remained longer in captivity. I hope the painstaking man will
get over this trouble, and come safely to you in England, finding
you, as I ardently desire, in health and safety ; and with truth
recite Virgil's lines :
O socii, nec enim ignari sumus ante malorum,
O passi graviora, dabit Deus his quoque finem.
Really the misfortune which has befallen us is so cruel, so protracted,
so unexpected, that if you come to weigh the details of it,
that it might overwhelm the most enduring hearts. So far as
regards my ordinary treatment, at first I was kept liberally, and
allowed by the kindness of the Baron of Anholt to enjoy the liberty
of going about the castle and town. I was ever honourably received
at his table, rather to the indignation of the commissioners. But
after I had escaped, and shortly after been brought back, I began
to be watched every day more closely, so that in these last four
months of spring and summer, when the climate of a more benign
sky marvellously sustains and refreshes all mortals, I have left my
room four times. Therefore when lately the baron returned to
Bredeford after three months' absence, I asked him repeatedly, as a
favour to the Queen, the friend and patron of the Low Countries, to
allow me to enjoy the air more freely ; for if I had escaped before,
I had a right to do so, since having been illegally captured and
brought here without any process of law, I had given my parole to
nobody. He admitted, Schenck being by, that I had not given any
parole ; but mentioned that before my escape I had declared of my
own accord that if the gates were opened, and I had leave to depart,
I would by no means do so, but that I had decided first to learn the
pleasure of the Prince of Parma, that the Queen might know what
justice he was prepared to show in avenging my cause. Hence he
tried to infer that I did not keep my word so religiously as was
right ; and since similar rumours had been spread at Court about
himself, as though I had escaped with his leave, he had to
deal more cautiously with me. I replied that from my earliest
years I had persistently kept my word, nor had I broken it in this
instance ; nor did I deny that I had voluntarily made the declaration
alleged by him, but let him bring it to the keen edge of his
judgement, whether I had not most religiously kept faith in the very
matter he charged me with. For three whole months, I said, I
had anxiously awaited Parma's pleasure, which I learnt at length
when the commissioners were sent. At that time no hope of a
restoration of my fortunes through the action of the commissioners
(of which he was for the most part an eyewitness) having dawned
for their business seemed to be rather to excuse than to blame
what had been done, while they said they would have to send to
Spain to learn the king's pleasure on certain pointsI foresaw, my
eyes not being wholly dim, that my captivity would be long.
Wherefore I began to make plans to escape, and I maintained I was
not in the least violating the words he had mentioned since I had
easily smelt out the lines my enemies would follow. I added that
before departing I had carefully considered the preservation of his
dignity and character, so that my flight should give rise to no
suspicion of him at Court. For as he plainly told Schenck that
he was not going to undertake the task of looking after me, I said
that all suspicion as to my escape would rightly rest upon Schenck's
troopers, left here for the sole purpose of guarding me ; whose
continued drunkenness afforded me the opportunity of slipping
away. Of other causes, which for the sake of brevity, I here omit,
I had written to d'Assonleville ; of which I hope your colleague has
received a copy. The upshot of the conversation was that he
decided to obtain greater freedom for me from the Prince of Parma.
This happened on the 22nd inst.
For the rest, as I do not see so much as I may guess, by what other
tricks my adversaries have traduced me, or mean still to accuse me,
to her Majesty's Council, I the more implore the Council to decide
nothing against me, their old dependant and the Queen's most
devoted servant, until they are thoroughly acquainted with all I
have to urge. This is the fairest course, and the most agreeable to
their nobility and their customary procedure. Further, seeing that
the Queen has sworn me among her more select servants, and for
fifteen years I have served her and the Council faithfully in
France, the Low Countries, and either Germany ; and seeing that
when against my will I fell among Schenck's men I was on a
mission from her to the Emperor and the Electors, so much the
more should they deign to support my cause in avenging my
injuries and claiming my release. This will be honourable to the
Queen, and will make others the more ready to undertake her
service.
Let me entreat you, as one who has acquired a reputation
throughout the realm for assisting the Queen's petitioners, and
whom by that title she appointed master of requests (supplicibus
libellis prfecit) to deliver me from these straits, and by requests to
the Queen and Council restore me by my right of recovery
(postliminii jure) to liberty. I have always said I owe my fortunes
to you ; now I shall spend my life as received from you.Bredeford,
28 June 1581.
Add. : ('Serenissim Regin principi [sic] primicerio . . . .
Municipii Div Katharin juxta Londinensem arcem prfecto').
Endd. Latin. 7 pp. [Germany II. 21.]
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June 29.
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236. MASINO DEL BENE to WALSINGHAM.
It is long since I have written to you, for fear of importuning
you, it being more than a year since I have had any cause to say
that you remembered me, for I have had no news of you. But the
occasion which presents itself, irrespective of these considerations,
bids me break the silence in which I had thought to continue until
you thought good to command me, and to tell you how I am
advertised from a sure quarter that in Scotland great practices are
on foot to change the order of things there, especially in the matter
of religion ; and that the head of these is the man who has since he
has been there obtained the favour of the King. He is fostered
and instructed by some of the most hot-headed of that nation, and
they have also intelligence with certain foreigners who are the
greatest enemies that this state has, or ours either. Let this serve
as notice to you, until the person comes from whom I send the
present, to whom I will tell, as to his master, what I do not judge
it expedient to write.Paris, 29 June 1581. (Signed) M.D.B.
Add. Endd. : From Cap. M. del Bene. Ital. 1 p. [France V.
97.]
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June 29.
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237. JEHAN DELABROSSE to MADAME DE MARCHAUMONT.
In pursuance of your orders I have delivered to M. Jacques the
600 crowns which you asked of me, and that in gold, and I found
some friends to change the balance of 232 crowns into testoons.
As for the extraordinary sale of the trees sold for your and
my security, it is necessary that the 'general' who is in charge
for this year for Monseigneur, fils de France, should make
his statement for the same. He directs me to pay into Monsieur's
general receipts the money proceeding from the sale in question, and
for the said statement the accustomed costs at 12 deniers in the livre ;
and this done nothing will remain but to draw the receipt for the
payment from the general receipts, as in a similar case did the Count
of Chteauvilain, M. d'Adjacetto, who thus had the money from
such an extraordinary sale of wood ; and this done I shall have
nothing to do with any one but you, which will obviate the cost,
as I gave M. de Haulteterre to understand.
As for the details (raisons) whereof, they are, to the mason
40 livres tournois ; to the joiner 10 livres tournois, and to the
locksmith both for an 'anchor' and bar of iron to the chimney and
iron bars to the windows, and for small jobs to the windows, the sum
of 10 livres 2 sols 3 deniers tournois ; which is the arrangement
(mnage) that I have been able to make with the workmen, always
with the aid of the mayor and his son-in-law the king's advocate
and procureur, as you shall know more fully and minutely by the
accounts. Lastly, for the fear I have of making two accounts, I
beg you to excuse me to them if I am behind hand with detailed
accounts, fearing that they will cause me some trouble for want
of the receipts to my accounts, inasmuch as the neglect does not
proceed from me, since I always perform the duties of my post
here ; without however molesting the marchans venturiers [?],
most of whom are poor and destitute of goods for the payment.
I hope [sic] a bad issue, which God forbid.From your house at
Beaumont, 29 June 1581.
P.S.I only supplied vc vit., because I could not carry more
change.
Add. Fr. 2 pp. [France V. 98.]
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June 30.
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238. MARNIX to WALSINGHAM.
Since the obligation under which you have laid me by the courtesy
which you first showed in act towards my nephews, and afterwards
ratified by your letter of the 14th inst. which I received on the
23rd, cannot be matched by words, I reserve my declaration of it to
the opportunity which may some day offer of testifying it in actions.
Pray employ me in any service, and it will be an honour to me to
obey.
I thank you for communicating to me the news that you were
pleased to impart ; I wish I could write you any good from these
parts. But I much fear that the obscurity of the mystery which
you mention may give us some let or hindrance. Nor do I see
cui id bono fuerit, unless to him who bears illwill to all and
establishes his own affairs at the expense, and on the indifference,
of others. Besides that, we had yesterday the misfortune to lose
the town of Breda ; a most inopportune thing in these circumstances.
It is all the worse, that the enemy's enterprise, though
foreseen even by the citizens of the town, could not be averted.
We have no important details as yet that agree with each other.
Some attribute the fault to the machinations of M. de Frezin, who
was a prisoner in the castle, with too much liberty allowed him ;
others to the imprudence or temerity of those who being forewarned
took no better order. Anyhow these are accidents of war which
the Lord of hosts dispenses in His providence as He deems salutary
for his people. I hope He will one day grant us grace to take a
twofold revenge.The Hague, 30 June 1581.
Add. Endd. Fr. p. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 86.]
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June 30.
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239. The KING OF SPAIN to the PRINCE OF PARMA.
My occupation in holding the Cortes of Portugal has delayed my
answer to your dispatch of March received at Madrid the 3rd of
April. I will now answer various points on which you touch
therein, and beginning with the principal letter of state, I will say
that having seen what you particularly set before me upon the
assembly of the provincial estates, and the great endeavours you
have used, I quite hope that though the result of that assembly may
for the reasons you give not have been as fruitful as was wanted, it
will nevertheless cause no prejudice to the advancement of my service
and the progress of affairs there ; being assured that you will
have kept your eye open everywhere in order dexterously to anticipate
those who either by the unquietness of their minds, or it may
be, being suborned by the craft of the Prince of Orange and his
adherents, may wish to propose anything prejudicial to the public
tranquillity. It was much to the purpose that you did not in that
assembly include those of Brabant or Namur for the consideration
that you did.
You will already have heard of my satisfaction at the election of
my cousin Duke Ernest of Bavaria to the Bishopric of Lige and
how in the last few days I have replied to him congratulating him
on his promotion, hoping that he will follow the Cardinal his predecessor
in behaving always as a good neighbour.
I have had the documents examined which you sent me concerning
the pernicious designs of the Englishman Daniel Rogers ; and
since it is clearly perceived that his passage through my Netherlands,
and his conversation there, together with the commission he
held, was intended to trouble affairs there, you will take order that
so pernicious a man shall be safely and strictly guarded, and when
the Queen of England presses for his liberation, you will discreetly
inform whoever she sends for that purpose of the pernicious schemes
and actions of the said prisoner, without showing that anyone has
the least suspicion that the Queen had anything to do with his business
or had charged him with the commission he had ; but rather
that he was moved to this by the instigation (enhart) of turbulent
persons caring nothing for the Queen's honour and that for this
reason no one could venture to set him at liberty without my express
order, especially as I had already had particular information of what
passed in that place, and besides it would not be easy to take from
Captain Schenck who apprehended him the right which he claims
in him, Rogers being his prisoner of war, and detected by him in
the character of disturber of the public peace, and manifest adherent
and favourer of the rebels in my Netherlands ; at any rate without
instructing (emboucher) Schenk, in order that if he agrees hereafter
to accord the Queen the liberation of a prisoner, one may be the
less burdened by Schenk's claim. Add anything further that you
may think advisable, keeping to the same substance.
The grip (serre) which you gave to those of Cambray alike of
foot and horse in order to prevent the entry of victuals, and
especially of the succour which the French are taking steps to give,
was very well advised, inasmuch as the delay in the succour which
the Duke of Alenon's adherents have promised them might cause
them to change their opinion and recognise the small hopes they
have of any result therefrom.
It was also to the purpose that you let Juan Bautista Tassis have
the originals of the intercepted letters, that he may make use of
them with the King and Queen Mother of France as he may find
suitable to the disposition of affairs. Henceforward one may be
pretty certain what answer they will give ; of which you will
inform me as soon as you have heard it.
I understood that the affairs of Friesland were in a very good
state and had hoped that good would shortly come to pass in the
matter of Steenwyk ; but I perceive that the disorder (altration) of
the soldiers employed in the siege will have been at such a wrong
juncture that the enemy, encouraged thereby, will have sent larger
forces thither, increasing the necessity for my troops to abandon
the siege ; inasmuch as they will have been constrained thereto by
the inundation. The financial remedy mentioned in your letter
would have been more to the purpose if it had been made use of
earlier ; knowing how valuable it was to continue and prosecute
the affairs of so important a quarter as Friesland was in respect of
the rebellion. Nevertheless supplies of money cannot always be
sent from here so promptly and precisely, considering the distance,
as I desire. It will be necessary henceforth to employ for the
recovery of Friesland all for all, by all possible ways that the
enterprise in that quarter may be furthered all it can.
The importance of the town of Groningen is so well known to
you that I am sure you will have diligently considered what ought
to be done to sustain it in obedience to me ; and that you will
consequently have given their deputies all reasonable satisfaction
on the points of the requests laid before you to that effect, in order
to hold them more securely in their duty ; on your side doing all
the offices of inducement, exhortation, and all else that you can
think of. Send them this letter of thanks for the good offices they
have done up to now, with an exhortation to continue therein, as
you will understand from the appended duplicate. Do the same, as
you think best, to Count Edzard of Embden for his good assistance
in victuals and munitions, and other neighbourly offices which you
write he has done to those of Groningen.
Touching the Bishops of Ypres and Bruges, Count Egmont, M.
de Champagney, and others, prisoners at Ghent, for the exchange
of whom against others on their side who are detained 'in your
direction,' M. de Torcy is said to have been sent to treat, with a view
to the liberation and exchange of all prisoners on either side, on the
understanding that la None be included, I have found your answer
appropriate, especially as in this matter you took no decision before
informing me. For while I desire nothing more than to see those
set at liberty who in my service have exposed their persons and
fortunes to risk and such inconvenience as now they are in, yet
the considerations which militate in the case of la None are so
pregnant and of such consequence that I could not approve of his
release, even were it not apparent that the rebels would for the sake
of this wretched foreigner leave in trouble so many of their own
friends, relations, and fellow-citizens who are detained as prisoners
on our side. In this matter you will use delay in that case, in
order that la Noue may not be included, making nevertheless all
requisite endeavours for the liberation of the prisoners our subjects ;
not in general terms, for there is still prisoner in Friesland one
Duko Martena, in the castle of Anghen, who being a man so pernicious
to those quarters ought not to be released if others of like
quality can be found elsewhere.
Your diligence in meeting the disorders which have been discovered
in Luxembourg in the matter of religion deserves praise. It
is a matter which I know you will always have at heart. Having
heard all your representations on the matter, I am of opinion that
in order to obviate such evils, and to begin to take some order
therein, the true remedy will be to erect a new bishopric in Luxembourg
by authority of the Apostolic See. This may be procured in
due time, provided that meanwhile all possible means are employed
there to remind the churchmen in those parts of their duty, and that
the superior clergy of the neighbouring dioceses should be duly
assisted and in no way hindered but supported in the exercise of
their functions. Herein I beg you to bear a hand, and to write very
seriously to this effect in company with mine herewith enclosed,
with a copy, to those of the provincial councils in Luxembourg, to
hearken well thereto ; inasmuch as if they hinder, or do not help,
the clergy, this matter of religion can never be brought back to
the proper road.
Lastly, believing all that you represent as having happened with
regard to the disorders and outbreaks of the troops, and that they
are going as far as one could fear, entirely through lack of pay and
shortness of money, I however hope that it will now be wholly
remedied, by reason of the good supply which I lately sent thither
in order to provide sufficiently for all that in such circumstances
will be needed both for Friesland and elsewhere. It only remains
to handle and distribute it profitably, as you have always done, and
I am sure will continue to do. So long ( tant), my good nephew ;
our Lord have you in His holy keeping.Lisbon, the last of June,
1581. (Signed) Philip (and below) A. de la Loo. "The superscription
was : to my good nephew the Prince of Parma and Piacenza,
lieutenant-governor and captain-general in my Low Countries ; and
it was sealed with the King of Spain's seal."
Copy. Endd. Fr. 4 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 87.]
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