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June.
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305. 'A Latin rendering of the privileges or letters of the
most potent Mussulman Emperor Sultan Mured Khan
at the request of Elizabeth, etc. confirming peace and
alliance.'
Leave to English subjects to trade ; English slaves to be set free ;
Englishmen settled in Turkey not to be liable to taxation ; freedom
of appointing consuls in Alexandria, Damascus, Samos, Caesarea,
Tunis, Tripoli, and elsewhere ; if pirates or other 'liberi gubernatores
navium' take Englishmen, and sell them, examination to be
made, and if the Englishman be found, and have turned Mussulman,
he is to be let go free, but if he has remained a Christian, he is
to be handed over to the English, and the buyers must recover
their money from the sellers ; English ships not to be plundered.—
Constantinople, year of the Prophet, 988, the beginning of June.
A.D. 1580.
Copy. General endt. to the whole correspondence. Latin. 6 pp.
[Turkey, I. 1s.]
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June 1.
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306. ROGER BODENHAM to DR. WILSON.
I would have written you at my first coming into this country
but that I found I was 'straitly looked unto' ; the cause of which
is wrought by certain men in England, yet much made of. If I
may not now name them, I may say they are Spaniards, and one
is an Englishman. Hereafter I shall have a better time for them.
Divers men have written that the great preparations here were
made to go for 'that parts,' and so it was and is given out after
divers sorts. To know the truth of it, I have laboured somewhat
more than others have done ; and as I am acquainted with matters
of the sea, I find there is no reason to lead me [sic] that such a
preparation as this could be appointed as is reported ; for the
greater the number, the more danger there is in going so far, not
having any certain place of security to go to, especially England
being prepared as it is. If for Ireland, if there be a pretence as
there was on the Pope's part, there is no more to say. But let that
be provided that the enemy do not land there, and all their device
is utterly undone ; for certainly 'and' they come aland quietly
with the provision that they have, it will breed great displeasure
to England. In fine, I will be plain with you ; if I had been provided
as I requested, and as you thought good, I had given such
advertisement as I am certain has not yet been given. I would I
had here a trusty man that I might deliver something to, which at
now I may not write. In fine, let Ireland be made sure, and then
the greatest danger is past.
This bearer, whose name is Nicolas Ellis, has somewhat by word ;
please hear him. And thus for the present I rest.
The King with his whole army prepares for Portugal ; I think he
will be occupied there for this year, for it is not known whether he
will be received in peace or not.—'Saint Lucas,' 1 June 1580.
Add. (seal). 1 p. [Spain I. 47.]
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June 1.
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307. ROGER BODENHAM to BURGHLEY.
Great preparation and show of wars is made and gathered
together here in this part of Andalusia, being in number of men
above four score thousand of sundry nations ; without any knowledge
where they shall be employed. To obtain knowledge of this,
divers men have taken some pains, and yet few have obtained their
purpose. I am certain divers have written therein largely, some
after one sort and some after another, but in my opinion most are
deceived, because these matters alter from time to time on sundry
occasions, which is too long a matter to trouble you with ; wherefore
it is hard to write with certainty in so great and changeable causes.
Nevertheless I will deliver you my opinion on all these matters
which I have by some labour 'procured to know' ; I will begin at
the first cause and pretence of all these provisions, and so following
to the time we are now in.
To the first part of this matter I find that great is the hatred that
grows between all nations for matters of religion ; therefore Spain
being, as you know, governed altogether by the spiritualty, and the
King being thereto most earnestly bent, he gives the more occasion
to their pretence. You know what is to be looked for at their
hands, considering how far we are from them in opinion of religion.
The second part is that the loss of the Low Country is also a
great grief to them, which they say is only by the aid that England
has given, and specially because the Queen has never hitherto
granted them safe ports for their fleets in England ; without which
there is no hope of recovering those places in Flanders. And to
revenge this injury there are many devices made, resting in hope,
though not now, yet hereafter, to have a time to serve their purpose.
It had been attempted this year, had not the matters of Portugal
altered it ; in which business most certainly the King and his great
power and preparations must be employed this year, however
matters go, and how long after is not known.
The preparation in England is well known here. It did and does
somewhat trouble them and their pretence. I am of opinion that
you know that the greater the preparation is of ships and men here,
if it should be bent towards 'that' part, the more is their danger,
unless they had some certain place that they might securely repair
to. And as they are certain that they cannot come into England
without the Queen's consent, it is determined that Ireland will
serve their turn far better, because the ports are specially good, the
land plentiful, the sea and rivers with plenty of fish, the land with
plenty of timber for all kinds of shipping. And for anything else
that 'lacks them' plentiful provision is made, at no small charge,
with four or five thousand ploughs. In this I will not trouble you
with what I know ; only that Ireland being so provided for that the
enemy do not land, their whole pretence is void. The men and
provisions appointed for Ireland are such that the like has not been
seen. They all go in the Pope's name, so that in this King Philip
will say he does not meddle. I say again, let there be such order
set, that there is no landing in Ireland, or it will breed such harm
as is manifest to all men of knowledge. As I will not trouble you
long with my plain manner of writing, I have committed somewhat
by word to the bearer, Nicholas Ellis, master of a ship that is here.
If you will hear him, he has somewhat of importance. If I
know hereafter that I can do you any service, I will in diligence
apply myself thereto.—San Lucar 1 June 1580.
I beseech you, let this letter be to yourself, for I am here somewhat
mistrusted ; the causers whereof are there, and what harm
they do I know and have somewhat felt. No foreign men can be
suffered here. I have divers times spoken of them, but it avails
not. Therefore I name them not.
In this doubtful time there were and are here 50 good ships with
above 1,200 or 1,300 good mariners. I was sorry to see it, and also
all nations furnished with ordnance from England. We shall find
the smart of it if we brave any of them to enemies.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. I. 48.]
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June 2?
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308. SUSSEX to BURGHLEY.
I 'perceived by' the French ambassador that his whole speech
to her Majesty to-day tended to getting some good matter which he
might have written to Queen Mother, before she returned from
Angiers, but he could get no further certainty than he had before.
He declared to her how plainly he had written to the King and
Queen that all persons here who loved the state, and such as had
been enemies were now satisfied, so that he knew no let, if God
would accord their two hearts. On the receipt of that letter, Queen
Mother went at once to Angiers, to bring all things to a resolution
there. Her Majesty liked his writing well, and all that he declared,
but when it came to the conclusion that he required some certainty
to write of to Queen Mother her answer was that he might write as
he thought best, but as yet she could not advise him what to write
as from her. After his audience was finished, he departed without
'resolute' answer. I told him that she had written to Monsieur by
Burge [Bourg] and had received no answer ; so that until she received
understanding of his resolution she could not in honour go further
than she had done. He knew du Vray was coming with resolution,
which her Majesty daily awaited. She had written honourably by
Burge, she had spoken frankly with him ; whereupon he had written
liberally, which she well allowed, and he had not found her alter in
anything ; which I thought was matter sufficient for him to write,
until upon du Vray's coming, her Majesty knowing the resolution
of France might also resolve here, which is the substance of this
day's negotiation. God send all to a good end. I will shew all
my letter to her Majesty saving the copy Simier's letter, of which
she has the original.—This Thursday, late in the night.
P.S.—She keeps to herself the contents of Monsieur's letters,
saving for du Vray's coming.
Add. Endd. in Burghley's hand. 1 p. [France IV. 78.]
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June 2.
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309. MAUVISSIÈRE to BURGHLEY.
I wanted to write to you, to satisfy the wish I have had to see
and speak with you if occasion offered, as has not been the case
since the two or three favourable audiences which I have had of the
Queen. They have left me full of hope that she would complete
what she has begun in the matter of her marriage with the brother
of the King my master, and that by her great prudence, honour,
resolution, and authority, she would overcome all the difficulties in
the way of perfecting a thing so much wished by all good subjects,
whose only passion is to see her prospering and establishing her reputation
securely in ages to come ; a thing worthy of such a princess
for the good of these two realms, nay, of all Christendom, and one
which will immortalise her name and reign for ever, to use her
endeavours to leave heirs to these two crowns, and to her virtues.
It is a thing which we have desired with one common accord, and
done what we could to promote so holy a cause ; but this would all
be regret and loss of time if the end did not crown the work.
Therefore, approaching you with this letter in default of seeing you,
I beseech you, by the sincerity of the affection wherewith you have
served her Majesty, to importune her on the decision which she has
promised me to take in a few days, if she is not already about
putting their Majesties of France out of pain, and a prince who
this day looks for nothing in the world but this good news, of which
I have in these days not been able to refrain from giving them some
hope such as I have myself gathered from her Majesty.
And in order that I may not deceive them in France and myself
here, I will once again ask you, as a Nestor in your Queen's Council,
to aid her a little in a victory so great as that of overcoming herself,
as she said to me that she would do : and that jacta erat alea.
Spare not then your prudent counsel, that no more time be lost,
and that the Parliament may be held on the day appointed ; in order
that the Commissioners, who are all ready to start, may take the
road as harbinger of the perpetual happiness of her Majesty and of
these two realms, which will not long enjoy their ancient splendour
if they are not allied by the marriage, whatever those who do not
desire it in England and France may contend to the contrary.
They are not sufficient to ward off (garentir) the evil which would
arise from the dissolution of so holy an alliance ; upon which it
seems to me we are in all directions so far embarked that on no side
can one withdraw honourably and profitably. For my part I should
much regret if after having employed so much time I had to start a
new plan, such as I promise you some are trying to lay the foundation
of, for the pleasure which they take of believing that her
Majesty has never wanted to marry. I cannot yet think this, nor
that God has so little regard for Christendom and for a Queen whom
He has so loved. That is what I could have said to you ; and I have
put it in this letter.
As regards the Queen of Scots, and what she has written to the
Queen and you of her Council, the subject of which you know, as it
was placed in your hands to show her Majesty, as the person whom
I deem most exempt from all passions save for the service and
honour of your mistress, when I spoke to her about it, she had the
letter from the Queen of Scots in her pocket, and I the copy in mine.
When I wished to read it again, her Majesty seemed a little offended
over the commencement and little disposed to grant what she asks.
She deferred till another time answering it, and even speaking of
the permission to visit the baths for her health. I have not since
spoken of it to her Majesty, who will do as she pleases. But, Sir,
it would surely be a work of pity if those who cannot have enough
of increasing the trials of the Queen of Scots, would desist from
bringing fresh charges against her without cause, whether directly
or by artifice, to keep her always in her Majesty's disfavour ;
such as saying that she maintained English rebels and bad
subjects out of her dowry. She could not do it, in the first
place for want of means, and for want of will, as may be well
believed, just as little, seeing that she places all her hopes for good
and for safety in her Majesty. All the Queen's dowry, originally
only 50,000 livres d' assignat, does not to-day, owing to the wars,
and the forfeiture of the duchy of Touraine, amount to more than
40,000 livres tournois, of which 33,000 are mortgaged to French
officials since the time when she was Queen of France, and this is a
first charge on her estate ; so that the salary which she gives her
ambassador and a few small pensions to some Scotchmen banished
to France on her account are remitted on the expectation of certain
chance receipts and about 2,000 crowns allowed her every year at
her Majesty's pleasure for her clothing and wages of servants and
women about her, and to buy medicines and other things needful
for her heatth. This her treasurer's clerk, who is here, assures me
to be true ; and that having always handled her dowry under his
master M. Dolu he has never heard tell that any Englishman
has had a sous of her dowry, and he says that he will answer it on
his life. I would have you credit this for the lady's justification, in
order that if she is found to be innocent, and with many enemies, her
Majesty's kindness and justice may be more favourable to her than the
bitterness and malevolence of these accusers, who will always have
means to increase her sufferings if no one is found to speak for her,
and if she cannot be heard in her justification. For myself I have
always so restrained myself and been so shy of speaking about the
affairs of the Queen of Scots for fear of saying anything displeasing
to her Majesty, that no one can complain of my behaviour in those
affairs, as her Majesty confessed to me. She is her own relation,
she has been much honoured, and has been our queen in France.
If she has done wrong, God has not exempted her from doing penance
for it. He it is who holds the hearts of mortals in His hand, of
princes as of people. He has done what pleases Him. But the
conclusion of my letter will be to refer it to your prudence to aid
and defend the Queen of Scots so far as you shall judge reasonable
and as she shall be found innocent and shall seek her Majesty's
grace and render her behaviour and actions agreeable to her. The
letters which she writes me are full of hardly anything else, as the
Secretaries have been able to see, whenever they have pleased to
open the dispatches, when I have sent them to them, if they have
taken the trouble to read them. But neither of them, as both have
often said to me, would concern himself with any matter touching
the Queen of Scots, which is the reason why you will please excuse
me if I have spoken of her to you and added this discourse.
In conclusion, if her Majesty takes the good resolution to marry
Monsieur she will cut away the road to all the inconveniences which
may result from the factious practices of those who intend something
against this Crown. There are all sorts of lookers-on upon
the hope of this happy marriage. I leave it to your consideration,
beseeching you to keep me in her Majesty's favour and your own,
and praying that a year hence I may see her born again in a fair
son, your prince.—London, 2 June 1580.
P.S.—Excuse this letter badly written in my own hand, and kiss
her Majesty's for me ; and beg her among all her animals to
remember her frog.
Add. Endd. by Burghley : The Fr. Ambassador to me, being at
Nonsuch. Fr. 5 pp. [France IV. 79.]
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June 2.
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310. JOHN DUN'S ADVERTISEMENTS from SPAIN.
It was March 13 before I left England, by means of the restraint
of the ships, whereby I was driven to ride from one officer to
another, before I was suffered to depart. So I arrived at
Bayona on the 28th, where I stayed 6 days, till I heard from the
Groyne.
Meantime I had conference with the sub-prior of 'Twye' [Tuy],
who told me that within three months Ireland will pass many
troubles, 'for those of our coat know more than we may speak ; for
whereas it is given out that this great army shall go for Portugal,
there is no such matter, for the Portugals shall have the Indies to
themselves and be ruled by five Governors, till it shall be judged
who shall be king.'
On April 11, at St. James de Compostella, I acquainted myself
with an Irish priest called Sir John Pergos [corrected in Burghley's
hand to Fergus], and after I had professed to him that I was a
Catholic and was shriven, and heard his mass, and gave him
liberally for his benediction, he showed me a letter which he
had received from 'Faro' from the bishop his master, that one
Thomas White, his lordship's 'solicitor,' had written him that he
should be ready by June 5, by which time the rest of the fleet
would be ready, and that the King had answered him that all things
should be accomplished as he had written in his former letter ; and
that he had heard from Ireland, by way of Biscay, that the Earl of
Desmond had 8,000 men in readiness, requiring him to make as
much speed as he might to come away. But he meant not to go
before the rest of the fleet were ready, for he would not venture to
go as slenderly as James Fitzmorris did.
And that he had at the 'styrris' [? Asturias] 4,000 soldiers, who
he would not should come to 'Faro' before the fleet were readier ;
that no intelligence might go to England. And that he had
received money from the Pope for their provision.
On May 8 I had intelligence by a young Spanish gentleman, a
servant to the Irish bishop, that his master had great friendship at
the Court, as appears by White's letters, and that his master had
4,000 soldiers in readiness in the styrrys, and at 'Faro' he had two
ships well furnished, and in the town, pikes 3,000, harquebuses
2,000, halberts 1,500, corselets 4,000, powder 300 barrels, field
beds 200, wine 200 pipes. Bread and other provision he shall have
from the storehouse at the Groyne as much as he likes. The
Spaniard's name is John 'Roderigus' de Lado ; he was servant
with one of the 'oyadors' [oidores] of Galicia, before he came to
the Bishop.
The King of Spain's provision at the Groyne, under the
charge of one Bonyface.
Wine, 3,000 pipes ; oxen killed, 3,500 ; bacon, 4,000 flitches ;
biscuit, 4,000 quintals 'and yet do bake daily.' On May 4, came
an English ship of 70 tons, laden with wheat, which was taken for
the king's provision.
On April 22 this copy was sent to the Archbishop of Santhony
[sic], and on May 8 he had the same copy of Gonsalvo Fernandos,
the regent of Gallicia's steward ; by whose means I was delivered
from prison the last time I was in Spain. [A translation follows of
the document calendared above, No. 283.]
In February last Fernando 'Pyrys' Andrada, a captain in
Gallicia, came into England as a spy, and so came to London in a
mariner's apparel, and sold 'orynges and lemmans,' and returned
to Spain on March 22 at the Groyne, and so posted to the Court,
and was not returned at my coming from thence. This I heard
from his sister and one of his men.
Endd. with date. 5¼ pp. [Spain, I. 49.]
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June 3.
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311. A detailed statement drawn up in tabular form of the
various breaches of the Edict of Pacification which are alleged to be
the cause of the renewal of civil war in France, under the heads
'Exercise of Religion,' 'Administration of Justice,' 'Assurance of
Promises.' Under the second head appear the cases of towns
attacked, captured, or surprised by the Catholics, murders committed
on Protestants, etc. Concluding with 'Objections against
the Prince' (his entry into la Fère, and the taking of Mende) and
answers thereto.
Endd. by Burghley : 3 June, 1580. The state of the violation of
the edict of pacification in France ; also by his secretaries. 6½ pp.
[France IV. 80.]
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June 4.
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312. MAUVISSIÈRE to BURGHLEY.
Please excuse my importunity, or rather my inclination (affection)
to send every hour, if it were possible, for news of her Majesty, who
has in me a humble and faithful servant, desiring only to give her
practical proof of it. I do not want to be wearisome to her about
the decision which she has promised to give as to the answer to be
made to Monsieur, for this must depend on her good pleasure. She
sent the Earl of Sussex to give me audience, in pursuance of my
orders from Monsieur, in three days' time. These expire to-day ;
kindly let me know, the Earl not being at Court, what time will
suit her.—London, 4 June 1580.
Add. Endd. Fr. ¾ p. [France IV. 81.]
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June 4.
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313. [WALSINGHAM] to GILPIN.
I have received yours of the 29th ult. and perceive from it that
the 'matter' for the reception of Monsieur goes forward very fast.
If they continue in this course, or proceed to make any change in
the government of those countries without her Majesty's privity,
considering how contrary it is to the bond of true 'gratuity' toward
her, the advancement of their affairs, and the continuance of the
ancient amity which has been and should be maintained between
this Crown and the House of Burgundy, it will be taken in so evil
part here that 'the first occasion they may minister to her Majesty
thereby to conceive of their overgreat unkindness toward her,' will,
I fear, fall out more to their hindrance than they are ware of. For
the avoiding of which inconveniences you will do well, according to
the contents of my former letter, and as you heretofore have done
to very good purpose, to employ all your best means and persuasions
toward such of the Estates as you know to be good patriots, to
induce the deputies of the provinces not to resolve touching the
reception of any government without her Majesty first being made
privy thereto.
I thank you for the pains you have taken in getting Piper set at
liberty ; also for your good advertisements.—Nonesuch, 4 June
1580.
Copy. ¾ p. [Letter-book Dom. Eliz. Vol. XLV. p. 72.]
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June 5.
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314. R. LLOYD to WALSINGHAM.
[First part appears to be missing.] Divers gentlemen arrived here
last Tuesday in post from Monsieur, among whom I understand was
Captain Valière with the wooden leg ; who, in four or five days,
depart hence with no less speed towards Flanders. From them I
learned that M. du Vray had not spoken with Monsieur since his
return, but on that day, being the third, he was appointed to be at
Tours.
M. Rambouillet, who as the bruit ran was sent by the king to
present Monsieur with the office of lieutenancy, is not yet returned.
Of this there is divers speech ; in Paris they report that the King
had added these three conditions ; that Monsieur should not open
any of the King's packets, that he should not deal with the treasure
or finances, and that he should admit the Duke of Guise for his lieutenant-general.
But M. de l'Estoille, one of those that came, who
is of the Religion, told me for certain that the only condition
Monsieur was bound to was to take arms at once and go against
them of the Religion. I understood from him also that Monsieur
made answer that he 'seemed' very grateful for the favour shown
him ; but touching the office, he craved pardon, he would not accept
it now or at any other time if it came with any kind of condition.
Nevertheless he promised to do what he could to unite the King and
his subjects, and to pacify the present troubles.
M. Fervaques is not as yet returned from the King of Navarre,
who lies at Nérac, but as soon as he comes, Monsieur departs from
Tours to meet the King of Navarre at some convenient place between
Nérac and Tours ; some think, for the pacification of these troubles,
but the greater number say that he goes thither to see the young
princess, the King's sister, more than for any other cause.
Touching Monsieur's return thither, I would I were in England
to learn some news where they are stirring, for here it is grown out
of remembrance and 'no man speaks of it, but will smile.'
Last Friday or Saturday Monsieur appointed to 'go see' the
Duke of Montpensier, at his house called Champigny, 8 or 9
leagues from Tours.—Paris, 5 June 1580.
Add. (The hand is the same as No. 302, and is one in which many
of Poulet's and Cobham's dispatches are written.) Endd. by L.
Tomson : from Mr Floyd. 1 p. [France IV. 82.]
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June 7.
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315. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
Mr Secretary Walsingham sent me not long since the effect of
what has been answered by the Scottish King touching Lord
Hamilton, and I have informed him thereof. He has written his
letter of humble thanks to your Majesty, which is sent herewith,
and has further required me to let you understand from him how
he rests wholly at your devotion, and has hitherto refused all other
proffers of lands, estates and pensions wherewith he has been tempted
by the greatest princes. But as you are a professor and favourer
of religion he chooses rather with the satisfaction of his conscience
to offer himself to you than to any other, having remained constant
hitherto, notwithstanding that beside his exile he is much pinched
with extreme want ; awaiting your further commands and comfort.
On Sunday last, the 5th, he was entertained by the King and the
Queen Mother with great good countenances [sic] and long conference,
and, as I hear, received great promises.
Since I think my wife's dutiful thanks are no way sufficient I
would not 'leave for to accompany' hers with my humble thanks
for the jewel you vouchsafed to send her, as a token whereby we
both hope not only 'of' your singular good grace, but of your
meaning to do us that present good we have long looked for.—
Paris, 7th June 1580.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham ; also : the Lord of Arbroth at her
Majesty's devotion ; and in a later hand as to the jewel. 1 p.
[Ibid. IV. 83.]
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June 7.
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316. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
After I delivered Lord Hamilton the message you sent me and
shown him the copy of the Scottish king's letter, I found him
discontented with two things : one, that his hope was frustrated,
having received no maintenance from her Majesty, being 'put in
comfort' by his brother Lord Claude's letter, which was shown me,
wherein he wrote that the Queen had ordered her ambassador to
supply his wants. He himself, however, did not so clearly discover
his meaning, as he did by Conningham, whom he since sent to me.
Notwithstanding, he himself said he had been and was daily
tempted to the great grief of his mind and anguish of his conscience,
and should continually be so dealt with as long as he remained in
the Bishop of Glasgow's house, where he stayed, hoping to receive
relief from the Queen. In honour she was bound to be the means
of his restitution, considering he had yielded to his enemies at her
request and assurance when he might have assured himself. He
doubts not that the Queen has good means to do that for him
whereby he shall be obliged more to her than to all others
in the world. He seems not to be fully persuaded that he
himself and his brother Claude should be both together in
England until he has some further proof of her Majesty's
goodness towards him. He will, however, upon reasonable
order obey her if he will give him assurance by letter or
some such like way. And it seems by his further speech that
he has a secret conceit that Lord Morton is so far partially and
principally 'friended' in England, that he is not yet fully bent
to repair into her Highness's realm without some better signification
from her ; but swears and with most earnest words protests
that he 'is to' depend on the Queen and will bind himself and
deliver good pledge to answer for his fidelity. And whereas I
found him scrupulous to give himself into her Majesty's hands, I
used persuasions to induce him to yield to the order which his King
had set down in his letter. Howbeit, I find he remains fearful of
the favour and credit which Lord Morton enjoys at her Majesty's
hands ; though he acknowledges that the Queen has an assured
servant 'of' Lord Morton and one that deserves her favours.
Moreover, of his own accord, he shows how he may be contented to
be thoroughly reconciled to him, though in this he would have
his honour saved, as not to seek it ; having been, as he says,
'injuried' by Lord Morton. He is induced thereto because he
conceives that both their fortunes concur in this point, that
if d'Aubigny's greatness take sufficient foundation it must needs
become the overthrow of the Hamiltons and the Douglases ; which
opinion appears resolutely settled in him. He has also alleged to me
how the Earl Morton received his earldom at the hands of the Duke
of 'Chastilleroy' his father ; and that at another time when there
was a confederacy to have slain Morton, he was warned and saved
only by the advertisement of 'this Lord Hamilton' ; so that he
thinks Lord Morton is in many ways bound to be his friend.
Lord Hamilton 'shews to be' of a haughty mind, not forgetting his
parentage ; wary in his proceeding in this matter, relying his negotiations
on the advice of his brother Lord Claude and Sir James
'Bafoure' ; with whom I have spoken on his request made to me
through Alexander Stuart. This Alexander came to me in the
company of one 'Bailye —' of the king's guard, who 'pret[ended]'
to desire me to move the Portugal ambassador to know if the
Governors would accept the service of one or two thousand Scots
who would repair into Portugal under their conduct. The said
Bailye — came first and afterwards brought Alexander Stuart, who
requested that Sir James Bafoure might speak with me privily ;
which I granted, and received him one evening in my garden. He
passed a long intermingled discourse of the state of Scotland
happened through the infancy of their King, with 'protestation to be
determinately a protestant,' and that if it pleased the Queen he
would return into England. But as it was late, for the present
I thanked him for his visit ; giving him to understand
how the Queen desires the repose of that realm and has
with great care and expense appeased sundry disorders, in
which she continued, and was minded to deal honourably with
all men of quality of that realm. So I desired that our begun
acquaintance might be continued by another conference ; and
yesterday Conninghame, Lord Hamilton's servant, coming to me,
let me know that Sir James Bafoure depends on Lord Hamilton,
and would betake himself whatever way he did, requesting that he
might return to speak with me. I appointed it for this afternoon,
when he signified to me that Lord Hamilton had made him privy to
what had passed, assuring me that beside the words which Lord
Hamilton had used, he knew that after all things were weighed,
and all other offers considered, he was resolved to stay himself on
the Queen to obey her commands and be led by her counsels ; being
willing, upon signification and means received from her, to repair
to England, so that his brother may be suffered to pass for the time
into Flanders. Further Sir James said Lord Hamilton thinks that
in case his departure hence should be discovered, he might be
detained.
Sir James offers his service to her Majesty, and seems not to have
any further affiance on the Scottish Queen. He would be glad to see
the young King continue in the profession of religion, and in peaceble
government ; but doubts, by the practices which he discovers
in these parts, lest the young King, 'whom' he hears goes on
progress, should in the west parts 'happen into' come of their
'strengths' who mind to bring him into these parts. He laments
further to see the young Earl of Huntley, now studying at Orleans,
induced to become a Papist, being one of the greatest personages of
Scotland for 'living and allies,' and to see the youth of Scotland
corrupted by the persuasions of the Jesuits ; so that by this means,
and the seminaries which are building, there will be great enticements
used to 'nousle' youth in superstition. I requested him to
continue his zeal and to maintain the good will which he professed
towards her Majesty. He said that since he found the exercise of
his religion not so free in Paris as heretofore, he purposed to repair
to Dieppe or thereabouts for 20 days, to communicate and hear
some preaching.
I have been advertised that d'Aubigny continues the enterprise
he has in hand to convey the young King into these parts, as also
that some of the galleys at Nantes are assigned for that purpose.
Likewise that assuredly Lord Morton will hardly escape the violence
prepared to be used against his person. Also that the Scottish
Queen seeks nothing so vehemently as that her son might be transported
into these parts and nourished in the Catholic Roman
opinion.
I was lately assured that the young Scottish king had been so
deeply persuaded to come to this Court by the impressions delivered
him of the excellence, bravery, and greatness of it, as also that
he would thereby become acquainted with his chiefest cousins, by
whose means he might not only have more liberty, but be made
lord of greater estates, and that this had been so pleasantly and
sweetly instilled into his ears, that it has not only wrought great
love in his heart towards d'Aubigny, but he has privately signified
his willingness to Lord Ross and others, 'both' French, Scottish,
and English. The expectation of it has drawn many English into
these parts.
I have been told that the Scottish Queen did lately 'seek means'
to have leave to repair to the 'Baynes,' namely those about
'Bristowe' ; which they say is not granted by the Queen as they
hoped. But as nothing is certified from England I doubted of the
truth of it.
Now it seems her Majesty may have the 'commodity' to command
Lord Hamilton, and through him the young Lord Huntley
his nephew, and Sir James Bafoure professes to be willing to take
the same course. I shall await her pleasure and your directions, if
it seem worth embracing.
I think Alexander Stuart and his son, who has lately become one
of the King's guard, take their journey to-day toward Scotland,
being much affected to d'Aubigny. 'The Mr Graye' passes in
their company.
Lord Hamilton has written to the Queen. I send a copy.
The Duke of Guise being lately informed how d'Aubigny had
become one of the Protestant Church, only smiled at the matter.
He is at present a little indisposed in his health.—Paris, 7 June
1580.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham ; added in another hand : Touching
Hambleton. 3 pp. [France IV. 84.]
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June 8.
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317. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
This place requires some faithful person to help me in the affairs
in which I deal ; that after I have dealt with their Majesties here
for any cause of yours, I may have some one by whom I may 'solicit
to' the Secretaries and Council of this Court for the better effecting
of what I may at any time propound. There are also well-willers
of your Highness in these parts who have not the
'commodity to come to me at all times'—especially with troubles
and dangerous days approaching—but will be content to send their
minds by some person known to be 'confident,' secret, and assured
to you. For that purpose I have conceived a good opinion of [Mr]
Wade, and my desire is that you will not only be pleased with my
intention herein, but that he may be accepted for your servant and
bound to you by oath. I suppose, moreover, that when it was your
will to send me to this place your meaning was, and now is, that
I might serve your turn with my ears to hearken and understand,
and with my eyes to see and perceive all things that may concern
you, 'either' for your service, honour, profit, or pleasure. Therefore,
since among a great number of the sons of your subjects who
are come hither, there is Mr George Hopton, son to the Lieutenant
of the Tower, I thought good to inform you of it, for I
understand he is 'indued with sundry parts of ability' to do you
agreeable service, having travelled in Italy and Constantinople, and
being able to render good account of both those Courts. 'Betaking'
both these gentlemen to be recommended to your Majesty's favour
by those of authority about your person, to whom they are very
well known.
Madame de la Noue beseeches you to take compassion on M. de la
Noue her husband, and to promise the safety of his life and restoring
of his liberty by all such means as may seem good to you ; for
whose happy and long life she prays the Almighty and humbly
kisses your hands and feet, being the most sorrowful woman that
can be seen, and worthily to be pitied and comforted.—Paris,
8 June 1580.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham and another ; and in a later hand.
1¼ pp. [Ibid. IV. 85.]
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June 9.
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318. COBHAM to BURGHLEY.
Though some opinion has been conceived hitherto of the continuance
of peace it now seems that they of the religion doubt
thereof, and begin to provide somewhat more warily for their safety.
So that seeing the chief princes have been so dealt with that they
are for their better defence driven to join with their friends, the
gentlemen and others shrink from Paris and such places, retiring
the rather because the King not only seeks those who take arms,
but enquires after and apprehends those who assist the afflicted
Protestants with money or otherwise.
I enclose a copy of the Prince of Condé's letter 'directed' to the
King at his parting : and Mr Wade has, to show you, a copy translated
into English of the King of Navarre's protestation [qy. No.
311.]
I likewise send the Edict now set out by the Court of Parliament
for levying on the enclosed towns enough money to pay the wages
of 50,000 footmen. Preparations are made to besiege la Fère.
The King issues many commissions for levying armed men in
sundry provinces, especially Languedoc, Provence, Burgundy,
Champagne, and Picardy.
Monsieur is still at Tours, but I hear goes from thence to visit
the Duke of Montpensier, and so passes on to Angiers. As yet he
continues to treat of peace with the King of Navarre. But the King
has so limited his commission that small fruit is looked for. The
three commissioners for the Low Countries continue with him.
The King of Spain went to Badajos on the 20th ult., where he
has given order for the dividing of his army by sea into three parts,
the largest to make its entry by the mouth of the Tajo beside
Lisbon, while the others keep the coast of Africa and that toward
Galicia.
On the other side the Portuguese have put themselves in order
for their defence, and it is reported to-day that the King has entered
the frontier of Portugal ; but I have seen no letter of it.
I have dealt with Lord Hamilton according to her Majesty's
instructions. He has written and assured her of his service, but is
loth as yet that he and his brother should be both together in
England ; upon mistrust that Lord Morton has too great friends
there. I daily await the coming of the Italian from Milan, whom
in your last letter you wished me to send for.
I suppose that Mr Wade's service and devotion to you are so
well known that I need not recommend him ; but I should be
beholden to you if by your means he might become the Queen's
sworn servant, for he 'attends only upon' such favours as you may
bestow on him, having always belonged to you only. If you like,
he may stand me in very good stead for the Queen's service in these
times. I have enlarged to him my mind to deliver to you on the
state of this country.—Paris, 9 June 1580.
P.S.—By the enclosed [see No. 288] you may perceive how well
Lord Percy can write French ; which I suppose will like you, and
give his father great content.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [France IV. 86.]
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May 23.
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Enclosed in the above (or in the following) :—
319. Copy of the PRINCE OF CONDÉ'S LETTER to the KING.
I trust that by my demeanour since I came into these quarters (as
also before) I have given your Majesty so good testimony of the zeal
and affection which I have always borne towards the maintenance
of the peace of this realm, that you may easily perceive it was not
through my fault if everything has not been ordered by the
greatness of your authority, nor passed according to your upright
and godly intention, whereof it has pleased you to give me often
knowledge by exhorting me to observe your edicts. Whereupon I
laid such sure foundation that I never doubted but it were most
easy for you to conform to them all those who being led by their
passions would by any sinister practice draw your subject to a new
inflaming of their minds and irreconcileable hatred, as I have
before advertised you. Now likewise since the King of Navarre has
been constrained to take arms, the League of the province have
daily renewed their practices to entrap me, in such sort that seeing
in your Majesty a present demonstration of peace, and a determined
purpose of war in the hearts of those of the League, the
desire of the one and the fear of the other have always warned me
to have an ear to the wind and an eye to the field, to discover their
secret devices ; knowing so well their intention on all sides to
entrap me, and that without your knowledge, and in contempt of
your authority they pursued their devices, your Majesty not being
able to take such order therein as you desired ; as you have now by
this bearer signified to me, and that you knew nothing of the
assembly of those of the League. In the end, to my great grief, I
am resolved for the necessity of the affairs of the party which
I 'hold on,' and to avoid danger to my person, to withdraw into
'Almany' ; which I do in order to employ all the means I may
against those of the League, and all who abusing your authority
would help themselves therewith to work my overthrow. Most
humbly beseeching you to be persuaded that in Almany as well as
elsewhere I will never be directed from the duty I owe you, and will
be always ready to receive some perfect peace at your hands.—
La Fère, 23rd May 1580.
Translated. 1 p. [Ibid. IV. 86a.]
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June 9.
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320. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
Since the departure of the Prince on Whitsunday evening
towards Germany, the opinion of the troubles increases, and
preparations appear every way.
On leaving la Fère the Prince wrote to the King, of which I send
you a copy. He has left M. la Personne, M. de Mouy, and M. de
Ruze for captains and governors in la Fère with a sufficient
garrison, lest it should be attempted after his departure. The
opinion is it will shortly be besieged, for preparations to that purpose
are being made.
The King caused an edict to be made in Parliament on the 6th
inst. decreeing that all who shall bring into his realms forces of
strangers, or assist them in any way with money or otherwise,
shall be 'enquired on' and proceeded against as rebels, with confiscation
of their goods in more rigorous manner than has been
heretofore accustomed. In this edict he has protested much of his
desire to continue the peace.
Lately at one of their councils, which was held privately, the
Count of Retz, as I am informed, 'delivered' how the Protestants
were to be 'understood and considered on' by these four points.
First, that now they had no religion nor use of it left among themselves.
Secondly, they had no principal heads or chiefs. Thirdly,
they had small means or power. Fourthly, they were confined to
two provinces, Languedoc and Guienne. Whereas the King had a
strong party and most of the strongest towns at his devotion.
Whereon he concluded it was easy to overthrow them. So divers
judge that affairs are being temporised here rather that they may
enter into war jointly with their confederates than with any better
mind.
The King since the Prince's departure, has sent M. de 'Braglion'
into Germany to 'Chamberg' ; whence it is advertised that a
packet of the King's to Schomberg has been intercepted, and copies
of it delivered abroad in Germany ; in which there appeared the
King's order to him to levy reiters, and his meaning to address
himself to the wars.
M. de Beaufontaine was sent by Monsieur into Germany, at the
King's request, to require the staying of the reiters who are to
serve the Protestants. He is returned, and reports that 3,000 were
in readiness.
M. de Laval has passed into Germany very privily, and M. de
Rohan is gone to Rochelle. It is signified to me that the young
Count of Montgomery has taken M. de Gourdes, Treasurer of
Guyenne, with some money. He is set at 10,000 crowns ransom.
Those of the religion in Languedoc take such small towns as they
may compass, so that the passage grows very dangerous. A gentleman
of Monsieur was lately slain by thieves as he passed with a
packet to the King of Navarre. In it was enclosed the power to
treat for peace which the King had sent lately to the Duke of Anjou
by M. Rambouillet. This packet was not taken but left untouched,
and Rambouillet remains with Monsieur, apparently about according
the affairs concerning the appearing of the public troubles and
also for the 'agreeing' of the Dukes of Montpensier and Nevers.
It is much bruited that Montpensier repairs to Paris, but there is
small appearance of it unless Monsieur should guide him to the
Court. Of this there is no present speech ; but rather that he
returns towards 'Aingers,' to visit Montpensier on the way.
The King has given Biron commission to besiege Bazas ; yet
there was lately but small force in readiness for that purpose, unless
he draws some of their 'commonalty' out of Bordeaux, and taken
with him part of their artillery and munitions.
Châtillon as yet overmatches Montmorency ; and lately Beziers,
one of his richest towns, is revolted and the townsmen stand on
their guard.
A person who has some credit with Monsieur 'discoursed' to
me lately that in every state it is greatly to be thought on how far
the establishing of the succession 'imports' every realm. The
dangers not long since of Poland and now the imminent troubles
of Portugal were enough to open the eyes of any good patriot.
They might serve for example to France and other places ; as if
any 'change of life' should befall the King and Monsieur, there
were some who would pretend their claim from St. Louis, and
others from Charlemagne, which party had already well fashioned
their affairs in France. He proceeded so far as to touch our case
in England. Leaving that point he assured me that the Dukes of
Maine and Aumale had intelligence with those of the League of
Picardy and were willing enough to oppose the Prince. He
lamented a little that while Fervacques was sent from Monsieur to
negotiate some accord with the King of Navarre, in the mean time
they of the Religion seized a town ; concluding that if the King of
Navarre did not follow Monsieur's opinion he might thoroughly
endanger his estate and those of the Religion, and was like to stand
presently in very evil terms. Moreover, he 'uttered' how the Duke
of Guise had taken in hand an enterprise which Monsieur had
impeached ; but though I requested him, he would not discover
which way it was meant, but answered in such 'staggering sort' to
my demands that by conjecture 'I had cause in my conceit' to mistrust
it was meant in places that side of the sea, it might be in
Scotland.
The King is seeking 'by means' to disunite the commonalty in
Province and Dauphiné from those of the Religion who are confederated.
The affairs of the Marquisate of Saluces stand on such
evil terms that if the King should seek to alter the present government
or displace the captain, he would perceive what small
authority he has there. In this state it seems the affairs of France
stand at the present day.
By the last letters from Spain they certify that King Philip,
continuing his 'pretensed' enterprise towards Portugal, removed
on May 18 from Guadalupe to Merida, thence next to Lybona
[? Lobao], a small village, and came on the 20th to Badajos,
whence he proposes to enter Portugal ; having answered the
Portuguese ambassadors that he will not stay the pleading of
his right, since it is so clear. He has appointed the Duke of
Alva to be lieutenant-general of his army, the Prior, Don Fernando
de Toledo, his general of the horse, the Marquis 'di Santa Croce'
general of the galleys, the Marquis of Ayamonte 'proveditor' and
commissary-general, the Marquis of Mondejar general of the
company of Naples, the Count of Pliego captain of the horsemen,
Don 'Piedro di Medicis' general of the Italian footmen, the Duke
of Brunswick general of the Almaynes. Don Liego de Cordova,
master of the horse, will carry the standard before the king,
'whose Majesty' minds to enter Portugal by four ways ; that
is, the Duke of Medina with 5,000 foot and 1,400 horse by the
county of Ayamonte, the Duke del Infantasgo with 6,000 foot
and 2,000 horse by 'the city Rodrigo,' the Count of Monderey,
Marquis of Sara, Count Ribadania and the Bishop of Tuy by
Galicia with 8,000 foot, and himself with his Captain-general, the
Duke of Alva, with 15,000 foot and 6,000 horse by Badajos. The
galleys and ships will be this month divided into three parts ; the
greatest number will pass towards the river Tajo, which goes up to
Lisbon, the 'other' part will sail toward the north of Portugal
along the coast toward Galicia, the third is to keep by the coast
of Africa. The king has left his queen at 'Libona.'
By letters of last month from Strasburg I hear that Casimir has
been to visit his brother and the Duke of 'Wittembergh,' who were
with their wives 'in' the baths at 'Bada' ; and thence came to
Strasburg, where staying two days he returned to 'Kaisar Luther.'
On the way M. Sarrasin, the Prince of Condé's secretary, met him,
and so went to Kaisar Luther, where they found M. de Huguerie
and de Guitry, agents for the King of Navarre and the Prince of
Condé. There is likewise Count Rocheguyon ; and it certainly
appears that Casimir is preparing for the levy of reiters. There is
a gentleman of the Duke of Guise who seeks conference with
Casimir, not to the 'contentation' of his friends.
There have been lately with the Elector Palatine at his house the
three Archbishops Electors, the Bishop of Strasburg, the Bishop of
Basle and the Duke of 'Wittemberg.'—Paris, 9 June 1580.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham : From Sir H. Cobham. The
occurrents. 3 pp. [France IV. 87.]
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June 9.
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321. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
The Lady de la Noue has been with me, whose sorrowful care is
greatly to be pitied and considered. I beseech you that this letter
may serve for a memorial to 'bestow your speeches' to her
Majesty whereby she may be stirred to save the life and recover the
liberty of that worthy Christian and rare gentleman, to whom the
Christian Church is bound for his travails, and all nobility and
knights, for his 'clear value,' are obliged by their profession to have
in consideration. Therefore methinks it should not be so easily
suffered that the enemies to his zealous religion may triumph and
use their outrage on so singular a person. In times past men's
minds have been virtuously moved to do great things for such
causes as the preservation of so valiant and rare a gentleman. I
beseech you to excuse me if I express my earnestness herein something
more than enough, since he deserves it, and whatever I could
write, say, or do.
Captain del Bene was sent hence about the 4th inst. by the king
to the Prince of Orange to seek means for the deliverance of
M. de la Noue. Before he went, he was sworn gentleman of the
king's chamber. I send his letter, which bears date when he had
been appointed and then stayed again.
Mme de la Noue uses many means. She is sending M. Bellefleur,
who is to pass first into England.
Cardinal Riario, the legate from Rome, has made his journey
along the 'Levant coast,' and through the Duke of Savoy's territories ;
and passes by Narboune, and so by Perpignan into Spain.
I have dispatched Mr Wade with this, to be received by you
according to the affectionate humble duty he bears you, beseeching
you to lay on him as my dear friend some of the favours which you
might bestow on me if I were there ; and that you will present him
to her Majesty with so good recommendations that he may be
accepted as her sworn servant, since he has already 'showed to
serve her' carefully in other parts this side the sea, and continues
disposed to obey her further commands.
I should be glad to know in what way I might deserve your
further good will ; therefore I beseech I may receive your mind by
this gentleman, which I will accomplish accordingly.—Paris,
9 June 1580.
P.S.—I beseech that Mr Wade may be returned with the first
dispatch.
1 p. [Ibid. IV. 88.]
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