Elizabeth: April 1562, 21-25

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 4, 1561-1562. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1866.

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'Elizabeth: April 1562, 21-25', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 4, 1561-1562, ed. Joseph Stevenson( London, 1866), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol4/pp617-632 [accessed 22 November 2024].

'Elizabeth: April 1562, 21-25', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 4, 1561-1562. Edited by Joseph Stevenson( London, 1866), British History Online, accessed November 22, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol4/pp617-632.

"Elizabeth: April 1562, 21-25". Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 4, 1561-1562. Ed. Joseph Stevenson(London, 1866), , British History Online. Web. 22 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol4/pp617-632.

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April 1562, 21-25

April 21. 1037. Throckmorton to Cecil.
The bearer, Conté Roussy, is sent from the King to the Queen in legation, by whom he sends advertisements. It behoves the Queen, for the prosperity of her friends, to let the Conté understand that she cannot think it good for the King or his realm that the Queen Mother and the King of Navarre should esteem otherwise of the Prince of Condé and his doings than as a servant and kinsman to the King. Amongst other errands the Conté is sent (being a Guisian) to decipher the Queen's intent and meaning what she will do in these troubles, and to learn in what readiness they are, for there is a rumour that the English begin to arm. It would be well to make some show thereof, if only for the Lord Admiral and those under him to make a voyage to Gillingham for an appearance to put the ships in readiness, which it may be answered to all Ambassadors is done because all other Princes arm, and that Cecil is loath to be taken unprovided. In this manner Cecil will keep his friends in hope and comfort, and his enemies in fear. Prays Cecil to take heed of the Spanish practices with the Earl of Desmond in Ireland, for he has had a watchword given him thereof.— Paris, 21 April 1562. Signed.
Orig., larger portion in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 4.
April 21. 1038. The Prince of Condé to Throckmorton.
Thanks him heartily for the good services which he has so honestly rendered in his behalf, and refers him to the bearer (whom Throckmorton had sent) for further information. —Orleans, 21 April 1562. The place and signature are in Throckmorton's cipher.
Copy. Fr. P. 1.
April 21. 1039. The Admiral Chatillon to Throckmorton.
Has received the letter written by Throckmorton and sent by the bearer. Is glad to know that he does not intend to come to this place, as he thinks he is required where he is; besides which his coming would have caused a strong jealousy, not only against himself but also against the Queen, whom for their part they do not doubt has great zeal and devotion to God's service, as all her actions have shown. —Orleans, 21 April 1562. Place and signature in Throckmorton's cipher.
Copy. Endd., but the endorsement is erased. Fr. Pp. 2.
April 21. 1040. Thomas Jenyson to Cecil.
Understanding that the bearer, the surveyor, should repair thither, the writer framed a brief declaration of the charges of the works for the year ending 11th Oct. last, and another of those for the first six months of this year, ending the 28th ult. The pay till Christmas is finished, and the men who are gone home were paid up to the time of their discharge. Will proceed this week to take the musters with the Governor, and advertise Cecil about the state of the bands.—Berwick, 21 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary: With the books of the charges at Berwick. Pp. 2.
April 22. 1041. Gresham's Account.
1. Gresham's account for three years and 159 days, determined the 20th April, 4 Eliz.:
Total of the charge - 700,768l. 11s. 10d. Flemish.
Total of the discharge - 697,284l. 5s. 6d. Flemish.
And so remains in his hands 3,484l. 6s. 3d. Flemish.
2. He demands to be allowed for the price of 1,700 dagges, called in the testimonial "hacks;" and therefore are allowed in the losses, but for hand guns, which are seven shillings each, and dagges sixteen shillings and eightpence each, the difference whereof amounts to 743l. 6s. 8d. Flemish.
Orig. Endd. Pp. 4.
April 22.
Labanoff, i. 133.
1042. Queen Mary to the Queen.
The Lord Gray of Scotland having been made prisoner in Queen Mary's time, and lately being summoned to enter England again by Lord Grey (where he was extremely handled), cannot get his ransom fixed. Desires that two Englishmen may be appointed to confer with two Scotchmen and fix a reasonable ransom, or at least that he may be allowed to return home upon his reasonable bond.—St. Andrews, 24 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Broadside.
April 24. 1043. Throckmorton to the Queen.
1. The bearer, the Lord of St. Colme, after his long tarrying here, has received his despatch from the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal, slenderly, as it seems to the writer. It seems to him that they are now either greatly willing the interview should take place between the Queens, or that they do not trust the Lord of St. Colme in this negociation. The Cardinal of Lorraine wrote a short letter before to the Queen of Scots to conserve the amity between England and Scotland. He has made no answer to the particularities (at present by St. Colme), as desired by the Queen of Scots, concerning the interview. He and the Duke of Guise have written sundry times within these fourteen days, the Queen making St. Colme privy thereunto.
2. On the 19th inst. M. De Pont, late hostage in England, sent to the writer the Queen's letters of the 31st ult., whereby he was to proceed with the Queen Mother and King of Navarre in such manner as appears by his of the 17th inst., which he accomplished before receipt of her letters. He wrote in his letters of the 17th inst. that it would be necessary to send her letters addressed to the Queen Mother, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condé, containing such matter as is declared in a memorial in the packet. The sooner he receives them the better it will be for the Queen's purpose. He sees such things as induce him to think the Prince and Admiral are as like to make a good end for their purpose as the Guisians are for theirs. The King of Spain continually aids the Guisians. Has sent Thomas Windebank to Orleans to the Prince of Condé and the Admiral, with letters to inform them of the Queen's affection and desire for their prosperity in these actions, as also to get knowledge of their power and of the country about them. Hears the Conté of Rochefocault lately joined him with 1,000 horsemen and divers gentlemen of Poitou; also that M. Mombrun has assembled from Dauphiné and Provence eight ensigns of footmen, and has come this side of Lyons towards the Prince. It is said that Lyons, Toulouse, Troyes, Dieppe, and Rouen are taken by the Protestants, and kept for the Prince of Condé, which is of great importance. The Prince has at his commandment Blois, Amboise, Tours, Saumur, Angers, and many other towns on the Loire, and also Maine. The Duke of Montpensier, the King's lieutenant in Touraine and Anjou, assembled his force to prevent the passage of the Conté of Rochefocault; who being informed thereof sent a gentleman to the Duke to tell him that, being of royal blood, and the Prince of Condé's kinsman, he would be loath to encounter him, but if he [the Duke] impeached his passage to the Prince to do the King service, the Duke should know he was not able. The Duke's force not being strong enough he retired to the castle of Loches, and suffered the Conté to pass without interruption. The Prince still remains at Orleans, and intends to march hitherward as soon as M. De Roughan arrives with his horsemen from Bretagne, and M. De Grandmont with the footmen from Gascony, who has advanced as far as Poitiers with 6,000 of the best of that country. The King of Navarre begins to show himself more favourably to the Prince of Condé than he did; so does the Constable. Some think if the Duke of Guise and Marshal St. André could make as good an end for their honour and safety as the King of Navarre and the Constable may do, "that this matter should be taken up amiably." The Prince has his will in most things, but the Duke of Guise, not knowing how to be absolved for his feat at Vassy, and the Duke D'Aumale and the Cardinal of Guise being charged with the slaughter at Sens, are causes, (with the solicitations of the Marshal St. André, who fears his undoing, and La Brosse, who is no better,) to move the Duke to persist in his obstinacy. So he grows every day more desperate, so that the Queen Mother, the King of Navarre, and the Constable are afraid, and dare not displease him in anything, for all depends here upon his commandment. He daily assembles horsemen and footmen as to be able to keep Paris, or be strong enough to give the Prince battle.
3. On the 19th inst. the Conté of Russy came to his lodgings and informed him that the Queen Mother and King of Navarre intended to send him [Russy] from the King to the Queen [Elizabeth] shortly, and desired him to inform Throckmorton thereof. The Conté was not privy to the despatch, it being then in hand, and he thought he would go in post. The Queen Mother and King of Navarre do the Queen great honour in sending such a personage of quality when they only send a gentleman of lower rank to the King of Spain, the Bishop of Rome, the Venetians, the Duke of Savoy, and their allies. Desires that he may be honourably received at his arrival in England. He is not unknown to the Queen. Supposes his errand is to learn how the Queen is informed of the garboils, and which way she is bent to lean. The Conté is more a Guisian than a Condian. He is also sent because M. De Foix is suspected to be too well affected to the Admiral and the Protestants. It would be well for the Queen to inform the Conté of her affection to the King, the rather now he is so young and his realm in trouble, and of her friendship to the Queen Mother and King of Navarre, and also that she bemoans the inconvenience that may ensue to the King of Navarre if he disjoins himself from the Queen Mother or the Prince of Condé or his friends, who are desirous to have a general reformation of matters of religion. She should also avow that which she has given the writer in charge to speak here, and to confirm that which M. De Foix had advertised. Also to inform the Conté that she understands from Almain of the complot amongst the Papists against those who desired the reformation of the Romish Church, in which she was one. She also should inform him that she takes in good part his doings to the writer, who caused the Queen Mother and King of Navarre (upon his declaration to the Conté of insolences done to him and his folk) to send M. De Randan, Knight of the Order (who commands the footmen in Paris), to his lodging to be informed of the disorders done, and offered to leave a guard about his house, or to punish the offenders if he could make them known. Certain persons have fired their arquebuses sundry times into his lodgings from various places of the town, and his folks who went into the town for his provisions were in going to and fro maliciously handled. This matter has grown since he has favoured the Protestant party. Also to let the Conté know of her acceptation of the care of the Cardinal of Ferrara and the Duke of Guise of his [Throckmorton's] safety. The Cardinal's advice is now used in all the King's affairs as one of his Privy Council.
4. In his last to Cecil of the 17th inst. he informed him that the Prince of Condé, the Admiral, and M. D'Andelot would shortly send a gentleman to the Queen to make a declaration of their proceedings, and to treat in their affairs. He has spoken with him since then. His name is Sechelles, one of the King's privy chamber. He is of a great house in Picardy, and has suffered persecution for his zeal in religion. The Queen Mother, the Queen of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, the Admiral, and others who favour the religion, make great account of him. Desires when he arrives in England that order will be taken for bestowing of him commodiously, so that he may have access and treat with the Queen secretly, for the more secretly the matter is kept the better for the Queen's purpose and her friends. The good usage of this gentleman will greatly advance the Queen's credit here with all the favourers of the religion, and her aid in this cause will bring her the greatest renown and surety that she can have, for this is the only means to withstand the malicious purposes of the Spaniards and the Papists. This gentleman has letters to some of the Lords of the Council from the Prince and the Admiral, which he will deliver or not, as stands with the Queen's pleasure. He has also a letter for M. De Foix, whose negociations with him are to be directed by the Queen's advice. He suspects the house of Guise and the Constable have intelligence of his passing thither, for since his departure they have knowledge he passes by Paris into Picardy.
5. The King of Portugal intends to send shortly to the Queen Don Joan De Pereira Damtas, who has been Ambassador in France for nearly four years, and who now makes ready to go thither. The Don has not yet made him privy thereof, nor of his legation or negociation. The Grand Commander De Christo, who lately came in ambassade from Portugal to the French King, has now gone in post to Flanders, and will make a long stay there, upon whose return hither, the said Don Joan will go towards the Queen.
6. Restitution of the revenues and pensions in France, with the arrears, has been granted to the Duke of Châtellerault. These men seek to have an oar in Scotland. This kindness to him and his house has grown since they were persuaded of their cold affection to the Queen, wherein he trusts they are deceived, but chiefly because they would have a Rowland for an Oliver, esteeming the Lord James and Lethington to be at the Queen's devotion. M. D'Avançon (of the long robe), one of the King's Privy Councillors, died on the 20th inst. Many believe the Grand Prior will marry the Duchess of St. Pol and Tutteville (now called the Duke of Nevers' widow), which will be a good cause to quit his vow and cross, for she can spend 100,000 francs a year, and is of the house of Bourbon. He suspects if the Prince of Condé prospers, none of the house of Guise will match so high, nor so richly.
7. The Queen will receive herewith the declaration and association of the Prince of Condé and his accomplices (altered from the last he sent in his former despatch), which has been printed and published by order of the said Prince. M. De "Besse" [Beza], the principal minister of the reformed Churches, being at Orleans with the Prince, has sent to the Queen by M. Sechelles two books of psalms in meter lately translated by him, and has also written to her, and desired the writer to recommend him to her favour. The acceptation of this present and goodwill it may please her to acknowledge before M. De Sechelles in such manner as De Beza may be assured of her favour.
8. The King of Navarre, the Duke of Guise, and the Constable have made eight Knights of the Order Privy Councillors, to fortify their party. They are the Marshal Montmorency (of whom he thinks the Prince and Admiral made account for their purpose), the Conté Villars, M. De Boissy (the Grand Ecuyer), MM. De Lansac (who has this day gone towards Trent), De la Brosse, Randan, and De Carres. The Bishop of Auxerre is appointed in the place of M. D'Avançon.
9. The Queen Mother two days since told St. André that all these troubles were caused by him, and that he was too familiar with the Ambassador of Spain to belong to the King's affairs. The language grew so far that she commanded him to retire from the Court, to which he said she had no power to command him to withdraw, nor any else but the King and King of Navarre, as his Lieutenant-General. She answered that she perceived he was then on his high horse, but trusted to see the day when she could command him forth from her son's Court. There has been an intermission of three days in sending between the Prince of Condé and these men, except men of low appearance going to and fro. It is now resolved that the Cardinal of Bourbon (who helped to bring his brother in King Francis' time to the shambles,) shall go again to Orleans to persuade the Prince to retire therefrom, with offer that the Duke of Guise and Marshal St. André shall retire from the Court, and in their stead the Cardinal of Lorraine shall come, who is sent for. If this does not succeed, the Cardinal has in commission to call a conference at Etampes betwixt the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé, a town midway betwixt Paris and Orleans.
10. The Queen will receive herewith certain things set forth in the King's name by these men as a counterpoise to the Prince of Condé's doings. St. Colme has to declare to the Queen, on behalf of the Duke of Guise, how desirous he is that the interview shall take place between the two Queens. St. Colme has continued his affection towards the Queen's service. The Cardinal of Tournon, who has been long sick, died on the 23rd inst., by whose death the Cardinal of Bourbon has the abbey of St. Germain, in Paris, worth 20,000 francs per annum, and the Cardinal of Ferrara has the archbishopric of Lyons and other abbeys that the late Cardinal had, worth 25,000 or 26,000 francs a year. The Papacy has lost a great support by his death, not only because he was Dean of the Cardinals, but because he was an obstinate man to sustain the Pope's greatness. M. De Rambouillet, gentleman of the King's chamber (who was lately in Almain) is sent into Spain, but not to reside there as Ambassador.
11. The Cardinal of Lorraine arrived in Paris this day, accompanied by 1,000 horse. The King of Navarre sent his son to meet him, with whom went the Duke of Guise and his brothers, Marshal St. André, and many Knights of the Order. The differences are in great forwardness to be compounded, so that in the conference with the Conté of Roussy he may not be able to tell the Duke of Guise nor the Constable that the Queen does stomach them or their doings, and let the Conté know her mind as before written concerning the Queen Mother, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condé.— Paris, 24 April 1562. Signed.
Orig., large portions in cipher, deciphered. Pp. 15.
April 24. 1044. Throckmorton to Cecil.
1. Sends this despatch by the bearer (knowing his good affection to the Queen) because men are very suspicious of the writer here, and lie in wait for his despatches. Cecil may perceive by his letters to the Queen that he has sent his [Cecil's] servant, Mr. Windebank, to do some service for the Queen, and will probably send him with a despatch to her at his return. By that time Cecil will have read the printed things he sends, and will see how these two parties work here. Desires Cecil to send his servant Davis with the next despatch, which he expects ere long.
2. Lately two great Councillors of the faction here said they heard the Queen intended to assist the Prince of Condé and his party; but if they thought it was true they would soon agree, to her cost, for the King of Spain has promised to stand by them in that case, and sooner than fail therein would fall out with England. Mentions this, that the Queen and Cecil may take knowledge of this matter to the gentleman that comes to treat with her from the Prince of Condé, that it may be told him how evil her friendship to the said Prince and party is taken by their adversaries, and that the amity shown to them now may be remembered hereafter when her enemies go about with practices against her, which they have boasted to do in revenge of this favour. Hopes this will turn to her honour; for if the Prince and Admiral make a good end they will have as much voice as any other, and he believes they will never be in good grace with the King of Spain, nor he with them, which is a great point.
3. Desires that M. De Sechelles, gentleman of the King's chamber, may be well used, and at his departure be presented with a chain of the value of a hundred pounds; also the Condé De Bussy must be presented, not so much for his message as that he is sent into legation from the King, and is a man of estate. Cecil must see his [Throckmorton's] despatch before the Conté have audience, and that such language may be used as the Conté may perceive the Queen's affection to the Queen Mother and the King of Navarre, and to the safety of the Prince of Condé, wishing them to agree together so that the realm may be in repose, whereby they may together procure a general reformation of the Church and matters of religion. By that means the speech of the Queen and Council will concur with that which he has spoken here. Neither in any speech should the Duke of Guise nor the Constable "be namely taxed."
4. Received Cecil's letter of the 18th inst. by Barnsby (Lord Robert's servant) on the 24th inst. Has advised Cecil's son to stay here until they see what will become of the world. Cecil's letter now and then would well bridle his affections, such is his care of pleasing him. Desires that one of Cecil's clerks may keep a note of the date of the writer's letters, that he may know how they come to hand; also to advise M. De Sechelles to take heed to his return, for he has been sought for in Paris, in his own house, and in the country. Prays Cecil to send him word whether the Queen will accept M. Nantouillet, the Provost of Paris, for hostage. After his mother's death he is solvent; now he has not more than 5,000 francs a year.—Paris, 24 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol., portions in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by Cecil's clerk: By the Lord of St. Colme. Pp. 6.
April 24. 1045. Cecil to Throckmorton.
Throckmorton's last letter was dated on the 10th, since which time there have been many strange rumours; some good and some bad. The counsel which he sent by his private letters he has not spared to further. Wishes that he could persuade the Queen to send some special person of credit to the King and the Queen Mother, with offer of any manner of good office to quiet these troubles. Could wish the Queen the honour of bringing these controversies to a hearing without arms. Under this message might be covered good purposes; but in these counsels "ego laterem lavo." Hither is come a protestation of the Prince of Condé in print; wishes the names of his con . . . . Mr. Smith attends to have order for his preparation. Chamberlain says that at his coming thence Throckmorton was sent for to the Court, whereof his letters make no mention.—Westminster, 24 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Throckmorton's son. Much mutilated. Pp. 2.
[April 24.] 1046. Instructions for the Council of Trent.
1. By the treaty of December 1559 at Cambray, the late King Henry and the King Catholic bound themselves to employ all means to assemble a General Council. Henry dying shortly afterwards, his son Francis thought the Council so necessary that he sent the Bishop of Rennes to the Emperor, and the Bishop of Limoges to the King Catholic, to persuade them to send also to the Council. He also moved the Pope that the said Council should be free, Christian, general, and legitimate; that it should be held in a safe place, and that safe-conducts should be granted to all who went there; so that neither Catholic nor Protestant Princes could make any difficulty of sending. Also that it might be a new Council, and not a continuation of the old one at Trent, which would only embitter the difficulties; as the Protestant Princes, unless they were satisfied on the two following points, would not send, and thus all hope of reunion would be lost. Notwithstanding these remonstrances, the indiction has been made "Sublata quacumque suspensione." The present King has caused the Bull of the indiction to be considered in his Privy Council, by whom it was much disapproved. But as the King hoped that the Pope would make a new indiction and change the place he would not press for the reformation of the said Bull. He has always urged on His Holiness the celebration of the said Council, both by the Sieur De Rambouillet, sent expressly to him, and by the Sieur De Lisle, the Ambassador resident at Rome. He has also caused a good number of his Prelates to go thither; and now sends the Sieur De Lansac, the Sieur Regnault De Server, and Guy De Faus, seigneur de Pybrac, to appear at the said Council as his Ambassadors.
2. With respect to the two points mentioned before as being so necessary, the Ambassadors have charge to demand that it shall be declared in the indiction that this is a new Council, and not a continuation of the old Council of Trent; and if this is refused they are directed not to attend the assemblies. Also, that the place of meeting shall be transferred to Constance, Worms, Spires, or some other convenient place. These two points being agreed on, they shall require that all persons, of whatsoever rank they be, or whatsoever religious opinions they hold, may securely and freely go and return from the said Council, and there may support their opinions without molestation; and such good sureties are to be given for the observance of this article, that no one can reasonably excuse himself from going there on the ground of fear.
3. The deliberations of the Bishops shall be free, and shall not be referred to the pleasure of the Pope or his Legates. Nor shall the determinations of the Council be referred to the Pope.
4. These articles being agreed on, the Ambassadors shall submit that the principal troubles in religion have arisen from the abuses which have crept into the Church by the corruption of discipline and manners, on which account it is necessary to commence with the reformation of the same, as well in the head as in the members. The delay of this reformation has engendered the present differences of opinion in religion.
5. It will be well that the Pope should not meddle with the creation or administration of Bishops, Abbots, or other prelates. Nor shall he grant any dispensations against the decrees of Councils, nor confer any benefices by prevention; but shall leave their entire disposal to the ordinary patron, except in case of negligence. All "expeditions" shall be granted by the Pope gratuitously; and by this means the annates and other taxes shall be abolished. All Archbishops and Bishops shall reside in their dioceses without any exception. The Pope shall send no more Legates with faculties to present to livings. Those who are hereafter consecrated as Archbishops and Bishops shall be of sufficient age and qualifications. Because it is necessary to go to Rome for dispensations for various things, such as for marriages of consanguinity and spiritual affinity, and for celebration of marriages out of the time permitted by the Church, the Council shall provide that it shall not be necessary to go to Rome for such, seeing that they are never refused if the applicant has money. No foreigner shall hold any benefice in France unless he understands the language and actually resides.
6. All presentations to benefices contrary to this shall be void, and the Pope shall not be able to grant dispensation. All pensions on benefices shall be resigned. All mandates, reservations, regrets, and exemptions shall be abolished. They shall no longer go from Bretagne, Provence, or any other part of France to plead at Rome on matters beneficiary or others. None shall be admitted to the ministry of the Church but by his Bishop, or at least with his express approval. The sixth article of the Council of Chalcedon shall be observed by Bishops in the promotion of priests, in order to obviate the abuse proceeding from a great number of priests without certain functions.
7. These are the principal points which the Ambassadors shall urge for reformation; adding that there are other things done to the prejudice of the liberties of the Gallican Church. They shall protest if anything be done at the Council to the prejudice of the King's rights, and the liberties of the Gallican Church. As the Emperor has desired that the French Ambassadors should confer and act with his, the said Ambassadors are to do so.
8. As the precipitate condemnation of the opinions of those who have separated will only throw them into despair of union, the Ambassadors shall insist that all condemnations be remitted till the end of the Council. If a league be proposed to constrain those who will not obey the determinations of the Council, the Ambassadors shall point out that there are so many Princes who have renounced the obedience of the Roman Church, that such a league would be more likely to bring about the ruin than the repose of Christendom. It is much better to follow the rule laid down in the Gospel; and at all events the King (seeing how dangerous such a league would be) will in nowise agree thereto.
9. If it be objected that they tolerate heresies in France, the Ambassadors shall say that the King found on his accession that such a diversity of religious opinions existed in the minds of his subjects, that he could not compel them by force, without endangering his crown. He is determined to take order (by the continual preaching of the Word by his Prelates) to purge his realm of all varieties of sects.
10. In case of dispute with the Spanish Ambassadors about precedence, they shall claim the place after the Emperor's Ambassador, and on no account yield, but rather to declare that they will quit the Council, and shall order the French Bishops to do the same.
Copy. Endd.: 1562. Instructions given by the French King to M. De Lansac and other, the said King's Ambassadors, to the Council at Trent. Pp. 10.
[April. 24] 1047. Another copy of the above. Endd. by Cecil: May, 1562. Pp. 12.
April 25. 1048. Guido Giannetti to the Queen.
Nothing has occurred worth writing about. The proceedings of the Council of Trent have been unsatisfactory. Some have affirmed that the Pope ought to be subordinate to a Council, not a Council to the Pope. The Council will afford no remedy to the troubles which prevail in Germany, France, Flanders, and elsewhere. The Emperor will not call a Council, and the Protestants will not attend at Trent. The sessions have been on 8 Jan. and 26 Feb., and another is fixed for 14 May. There are at present in Trent about 150 Bishops, under five Cardinals president, Legates from the Pope. The Pope has sent the Blessed Sword to the Duke of Florence, who is very devoted to the Papal cause. At the urgent entreaty of His Holiness the Venetians have sent two Ambassadors to Trent, who, however, will be only spectators. Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, has lately arrived here; there is a dispute about precedence between him and the Duke of Florence.— Venice, 25 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Ital. Pp. 4.
April 25. 1049. N. Stopio to Sir John Mason.
Wrote last Saturday as usual, and now sends additional news. The Duke of Ferrara departed last Monday, well pleased with his reception. Encloses "an epigram" which was presented to him; it was written by Stopio. Certain Bishops are setting out for the Council. A book entitled "Reginaldus Polus de Concilio," has been printed at Rome.— Venice, 25 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. On the same sheet as the Advertisements, 18 April (see No. 1027.). Ital. Pp. 2.
April 25. 1050. Randolph to Cecil.
1. Understands by Cecil's letters, sent by Mr. Hume, the Scottish gentleman, how desirous he [Cecil] is to know whether Arran is clear of the conspiracy. Of this matter he [Randolph] has written two letters to Cecil. The last of his letter was that the Earl of Arran after he came to himself (whether he were in verity distempered in his wits, as Randolph believes, or feigned as he confessed to the Queen,) was committed unto the castle of St. Andrews, for that he utterly denied both what he had spoken and written to the Queen and others, as well of the Earl Bothwell as his father. After he had remained five or six days in the castle he wrote to the Queen, that if he might speak to her he would declare and avow to Bothwell's face that which he had spoken before. On the 10th or 11th inst. they were brought face to face in the presence of the Queen and Council. Bothwell was charged with treason, his adversary confirming the same; the one as constantly denied as the other affirmed. Many words passed between them, but Arran's behaviour always most commended. Bothwell required the combat, or to be tried by the sessions. Arran referred himself to the Queen's will to accept either. In these debates they are both dismissed, Bothwell to the castle and Arran to the Earl of Mar's house.
2. After having at reasonable liberty passed two or three days in Mar's house, Arran was sent for again before the Council; he confirmed what he advanced unto Bothwell's face, but denied utterly that ever his father knew of the conspiracy, that ever he spoke to him of it, or that ever his father threatened him, but that which he did came only of a foolish fantasy. The suspicions notwithstanding were so great that it was thought good further deliberation to be had; and not yet to proceed with him in any great rigour, wherefore he remained three days in the Earl of Mar's house; and on the fourth he was sent for again by the Council, when finding that nothing else could be got out of him he was sent to the castle, where he yet remains, and nothing altered.
3. On Monday last, the 19th, the Duke arrived with a good company of his friends, the most part of the nobles being assembled to judge this cause. He had that night presence of the Queen and declared the great grief he had that she was entered into suspicion of him, and that for the trial of his innocence he was come.
4. He thanked God that his son was here, that the truth might be tried between them; and he had brought with him the chief of his name to underlie the law. This moved not a little the Queen, and many pitied his case, the more also to see the old man's tears trickling from his cheeks as it had been a child beaten. He received comfortable words and favour enough promised him, howsoever the matter were.
5. The next day, the Counsel being assembled and the Queen present, rehearsal was made of the whole fact of the Earl Bothwell, the Duke accused to be privy thereunto, and his son's letters and words laid before him. He denied the whole. Touching violence offered to his son, he desired to have him brought before his face; declaring that the night that his son departed from him to bed he was in good charity and fatherly love towards him. Some thought that the Earl should be sent for; others (who knew how obstinately he had denied before that he had said of his father) desired to have the matter deferred until the morrow. This matter the next day being revolved, nothing more could be had; and because other proofs there were none but the son against the father, the Queen thought not good too rigorously to proceed, and the same was allowed by the Council. She leaving the place, it was friendly moved to the Duke that as Dumbarton might always give the Queen a suspicion of him, (for that it was to have been the place of her imprisonment if the treason had taken effect,) they advised him to deliver the same into her hands, whereunto he accorded, and it is this day delivered.
6. It was also accorded that nothing could be more profitable to the realm than the interview; only one great difficulty was alleged, whereof he will write. The Duke offered to attend upon the Queen with his sons, with body, goods, and all. Has talked twice with the Duke.
7. The next day, after the Council was risen, the Queen (as she often did) in her privy garden shot at the butts, where the Duke and other noblemen were present, and the writer was admitted to behold the pastime. The Duke having good will to speak with him and that some of the Council might be present, she answered that her opinion of them both was that they would do her no evil. The Duke then began to lament to the writer that God had plagued him in that he esteemed the most. The writer has often heard him say that he had rather see all his other children dead at his feet than that the Earl should be sick. Randolph advised him to show all obedience to his Sovereign. Touching the accident to his son, he must with patience see what time would work therein. The Duke made new rehearsal of the Queen of England's benefits towards him, and that he had no other help but her. The writer confirmed him in that mind, and made it apparent that there was no such danger as he doubted, and that no Prince could do less than the Queen had done in a matter of so great appearance. They then turned again to behold the pastimes. It would well have contented Cecil to see the Queen and the Master of Lindsey shoot against the Earl of Mar and one of the ladies.
8. Their next meeting was in the Duke's chamber, the writer being lodged in the same house. The Duke asked his advice about what he should do if the Queen would take Dumbarton from him. Advised him not to stand in that against the Queen, seeing he had only the keeping thereof at her will. Also advised him rather to go of himself into England with the Queen, than to be required, knowing it to be already determined by her and her Council. He asked whether, if he gave up Dumbarton, the Queen would not put him into the castle of St. Andrews. The writer seemed to be greatly grieved that he should have such a suspicion of his Sovereign, knowing her clemency and his own innocence, and gave him comfortable words. He now begins to take some comfort, he rides, talks, and laughs with the Queen whensoever he pleases.
9. The Earl of Arran has since the Queen's return so behaved himself that she has a marvellous suspicion of him, and the writer is sure in her heart oft wished for no worse occasion than now she has to do with him as she does; yet because she has no just cause to take away his life, seeing he himself revealed the treason (if any were), she would be content to be in good assurance of him in time to come. "I think that he is not yet like to escape. His friends are ashamed of him and wish him out of the world, his enemies rejoice and wish him worse than they know how to procure him." Bothwell sues daily to have his innocence tried; there lacks probation against him, and if he be acquitted, then by the law Arran must be convicted of false accusation, and sustain the same pain. If they debate with their hands, whatever there be of manhood in them both, the issue will be uncertain.
10. The full resolution of the interview cannot be taken until St. Colm's return; howbeit, because the Cardinal finds it so convenient, there is order taken for this convention. The Council is appointed that shall remain; the number assigned of all sorts that shall go with her, and order shall be taken for quietness on the Borders. The greatest difficulty is that all kinds of gold that is current in England is very scant here. The matter being considered, the Queen of England should send to Berwick so much treasure as they may leave Scottish money there (only gold or testons of good silver), and have English money for the same. The Scottish money may serve to pay soldiers, workmen, or others. It is said to him that this will be the only stay of the journey.
11. Lethington desires to be excused for being behindhand with three letters which he will recompense in one for the whole, and excuse himself by word of mouth, as he hopes, immediately after St. Colm's return. This day there came news of an Ambassador from Sweden, who landed at Leith. The saying is that he is a Duke, his name is not yet known, but one that married the King's mother; he has in company but eighteen persons. He is a man of a good age, a long beard turning to white. He has yet sent no man hither to the Queen. He came in a very great hulk, well furnished with men and munitions.—St. Andrews, 25 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. Pp. 8.
April 25. 1051. Randolph to Cecil.
1. Has received Cecil's letters by his [Randolph's] servant. Desires to be remembered to Mr. Noel, whose kinsman Laurence Noel he often wishes here for three or four months. When they were both scholars in Paris and he partaker of that small thing which Randolph had, he travailed by the help of some Scots to set forth the Marches between England and Scotland. If it might now be thought worth his travail, good opportunity serves, and he can do it well. For the avoiding of expense at this interview all men will wear black cloth, because the Queen has not yet cast off her mourning. The Bishop of St. Andrews has kept his house sick ever since Easter. They are the loather to have to do with him until the castle of St. Andrews be out of their hands. It is not good also to have too many irons in the fire at once.
2. A Frenchman, who was a captain at Leith, has come in at the west seas from Martigues to ask the Queen to be godmother to his daughter. Martigues married a gentlewoman of the Queen's, whose mother is here. The Queen of England having written in favour of certain merchants, he is desired by this Queen to move her therein when they come to Edinburgh.—St. Andrews, 25 April 1562. Signed.
Orig. Hol. P. 1.
April 25. 1052. Dom Joam Pereira, Ambassador of Portugal, to the Bishop of Aquila.
Praises the prudence, the magnanimity and beauty of the Queen of England, whose hand he has long wished to kiss. His master has now ordered him to come to the English Court, which affords him the greatest pleasure. He will set out by post in four or five days.—Paris, 25 April 1562. Signed.
Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd.: Ambassador of Portugal to the Spanish Ambassador. Ital. Pp. 2.
April 25. 1053. Advice out of France.
Last Thursday M. De Maugiron entered Valence with 5,000 or 6,000 men, but was so well opposed that he lost most of his men. The other towns that he might attack (as Romans, Lecrest, L'Oriol, Montelimart, Le Pont St. Esprit, Sanginel, and Nismes,) have more than 20,000 men who will fight. Nither Mass nor Matins is any longer said here and they preach openly. Captain . . . . in attacking the Chateau St. André lost 1,200 men and was obliged to retreat to Marseilles to wait for the gendarmerie of Piedmont accompanied with M. De Brissac.—Lyons, 25 April.
Copy. Endd. by Cecil: 25 April, Advice from Lyons. Fr. Pp. 2.