A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 6, January 1657 - March 1658. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.
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'State Papers, 1657: September (4 of 4)', in A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 6, January 1657 - March 1658, ed. Thomas Birch( London, 1742), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/thurloe-papers/vol6/pp529-542 [accessed 26 November 2024].
'State Papers, 1657: September (4 of 4)', in A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 6, January 1657 - March 1658. Edited by Thomas Birch( London, 1742), British History Online, accessed November 26, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/thurloe-papers/vol6/pp529-542.
"State Papers, 1657: September (4 of 4)". A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 6, January 1657 - March 1658. Ed. Thomas Birch(London, 1742), , British History Online. Web. 26 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/thurloe-papers/vol6/pp529-542.
In this section
September (4 of 4)
General Monck to the protector.
Vol. liv. p. 205.
May it please your highnesse,
I Have taken a view of the inclosed paper; and in obedience to your highnesse comands
doe humbly submit this my opinion concerning the same, that your highnesse would
bee pleased not to signe either this or any other paper of the like nature, to Glasgow or any
other citty or burgh within this nation, for the reasons following:
First, by God's great mercy and your highnesse unwearied indeavours, these nations, after longe and many tumblinges, are entring into a settlement, and that uppon parliamentary principles; which to disturbe by such interpositions, can bee no way adviseable: for the burghes of this nation hold nott only their respective incorporations, and therein their severall freedomes, liberties and privileges by grant under the great-seale from their severall kings, but the same are alsoe ratified by their severall parliaments. Secondly, the commissioners of the parliament of England, who were sent hither in an: 1651, did upon the submission of the said burghes unto our government, ratifie to them their said charters; all whose proceedings being reported to the parliament in England, upon their return, an. 1652, were by the said parliament approved. Thirdly, in pursuance of those proceedings, your highness by your ordinance, dated the 12th of Aprill, 1654, did unite this nation in one comonwealth with England, and therein made no exceptions to any the afforesaid proceedings; which said ordinance is since also become an act of parliament. Fourthly, the ordinance herein insisted on, dated the 11th of August, 1654, is by this parliament made null and voide, but not confirmed. Fifthly, in the petition and advice it's said in the very first article, your highness is to govern according to this petition and advice, in all things therein contained; and in all other thinges according to the lawes of these nations, and not otherwise. Wherefore the premisses considered (though I wish the remonstrateing party very well) I cannot in the least advise to an act in my apprehension so clearly opposite to law, but rather to the contrary; because in the petition and advice there is sufficient provision made for this very particular, or at least such provision as by the parliament was adjudged sufficient: besides, upon a politique account, I am much more free to diswade your highness from, then perswade to this thing; because all the burghes in Scotland (being incorporated into one body) were the very first, that owned us, and submitted to us, and have ever since lived peaceably under us, and whose interest is most agreeable with ours, by reason of their trade and traffick, and so more easily to bee interwoven with ours, and therefore more tenderly and carefully to bee cherished by us. Now by such an act (as permised) to disoblidge one is to disoblige all, and will bee, I am afraid, too great a weakning of your highness's interest and power here; and the doeing of it cannot any way strengthen your hands. Lastly, seeing my advice is against the thing itself, I need say nothing as to the persons, whom I hear to bee good men; but I should humbly advise, they may bee lest to the free election of their fellow-burgesses rather than your highness should by command, or otherwise, in the least interpose therein. All which is most humbly submitted to your highnesse's better judgment, by
Your highnesse's most humble servant,
George Monck.
Dalkeith, 24th Sept. 1657.
General Monck to the protector.
Vol. lv. p. 207.
May it please your highnesse,
I Make bold to acquaint your highnesse, that the Norwich frigott being returned from
assisting in the convoy of the Izeland-fleete, the morter-peece and granadoe-shells are
on board of her; and I expect, that to-morrow mr. Hane, the engineer, will goe on
board, the frigott staying for some provisions, which I hope will be shipt by to-morrow
noon; and if the winde serve, they will sayle away in the after-noon towards the fleet
before Dunkirk. I remayne
Your highnesse's most humble servant,
George Monck.
Dalkeith, the 24th Sept. 1657.
The agent of the elector Palatine, to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. liv. p. 273.
Honoratissime domine,
Ea hactenus dominationis vestræ erga me exstitit humanitas, illud erga serenissimum
principem meum innotuit studium, ut quanquam rara mihi occasio datur dominationem vestram compellendi, cuivis tamen potius impedimento, quam neglectui rerum nostrarum adscribere illud malim. Quod si nec ipse quidem vel coram vel per literas eâ
importunitate usus sum, quàm urgentia serenissimi principis mei negotia excusare satis superque potuerunt, tribuendum illud partim summæ meæ erga celsissimum dominum protectorem reverentiæ, partim ingenitæ ab intempestivâ diligentiâ aversioni, partim siduciæ
illi, quàm de celsitudinis fuæ in serenitatem suam electoralem affectu tantam concepi, ut
ipsum quoque silentium meum, dum alii maximum servorem in prosequendis rebus suis testantur, monere satis celsitudinem suam, atque suggerere ipsi necessitates principis mei visum mihi suerit. Injurii autem sortassis essemus in heroicam celsitudinis suæ virtutem, si
insignem illam propensionem, quam erga serenitatem suam electoralem profitetur, substituram tantùm crederemus intra benevolentiæ ac comitatis terminos, ac non solidum aliquem ab ea expectaremus opportuni officii fructum; qui si desideratam subsidii pecuniarii
summam unâ vice fortè non exequaret, usui tamem nobis esse possit. Etiamsi si per partes
saltem eo frueremur, modò & promptè aliquot millia librarum nobis subministrentur, ac
de subsequuturis reliquis certiores securique reddamur, si quæ celsissimum dominum protectorem rerum externarum remotioribus in oris cura tangit, quam non dubitamus esse &
maximam & prudentissimam, non poterit non celsitudo sua serenissima ingentis istius sollicitudinis, quâ serenissimus dominus elector hoc tempore agitatur, sensum aliquem habere.
Sive enim partes regis Sueciæ constanter sustineat, sive terris ditionibusvè propriis tuendis conservandisque animum ac consilia applicet, pericula illa undique circumdant, inevitabilis instructum exercitum alendi necessitas usque ipsi incumbit. Quemadmodum autem
non diffitemur rationes gravissimas esse, quæ in amicitiâ ac societate incliti regis Sueciæ illum contineant, sic minime quoque dubitandum, quin non nisi maximi momenti causæ
dimovere serenissimum dominum electorem à proposito suo poterint. Quamcunque autem tandem viam serenitas sua electoralis iniverit, sacile demonstrare poterit interesse Angliæ, sidum & valentem amicum, & quanquam interdum sinuare cursum, ac quo velis
per obliquam semitam deveniendum sit, optimâ tamen ac generosissimâ intentione semper
præditum, istis conterminisque in regionibus novisse. Quod si igitur dominationi vestræ
molestum non fuerit, percipere ex ore ipsius velim, quidnam celsissimus dominus protector de petitis nostris demum statuerit, eâque gratiâ, ut hora aliqua certa mihi assignetur,
etiam atque etiam quam officiosissimè rogo,
Honoratissimæ dominationis vestræ
Observantissimus, obsequiosissimusque cultor,
J. F. Schlezer.
Die 24o Sept. st. v. [1657.]
Major Richard Creed to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. liv. p. 209.
Right honorable,
There are in my custody diverse Spanish leters and papers, which were lately intercepted in Dutch ships passing to and froe the Canaryes and Indyes, and have not
yet been translated; greatest part I conceive may concerne merchants and priests, though
there be amongst them, that are directed to the king. I have diverse times since I gott
them from ship-board waited at your honor's lodgings, to receive your order concerning
them; but missing an opportunity, take the boldnesse this way to acquaint you of it.
Your honor's most humble servant,
Richard Creed.
24th Sept. 1657.
De Thou, the French embassador in Holland, to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.
Hague, 5 Octob. 1657. [N. S.]
In the possession of the right honourable Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high-chancellor of Great Britain.
My Lord,
Although I have little to write to you by this post, having receiv'd none from
you by the last; yet this is to assure you of the continuance of my correspondency.
All thinges here are in a way of settlement betweene us and this state.
On monday next I goe for Amsterdam, being yesterday invited the second time by the magistrates of that cittie, who will doe the king a great deale of honour in my person. Now that monsieur de Turenne is with his armie upon the sea-coast, you will have a more speedy advise of his designes than wee can. The assemblie of Holland adjourneth to morrow, if nothing extraordinary happen. They meete againe in November next.
Bisdommer to Nieuport, the Dutch embassador in England.
Hague, 5 Octob. 1657. [N. S.]
In the possession of the right hon. Philip lord Hardwicke, lord highchancellor of Great Britain.
My lord,
Their H. and M. L. have sent for their militia from Dantzick.
Here is news, that there hath been a fight at sea between the Danish and Swedish fleet; and according to the advice, which came yesterday to Amsterdam, by three skippers from the Sound, the Danes triumphed in the end, 6 Swedish ships being brought into the Sound, and 8 more sunk and destroyed by the Danes. We expect the particulars to-morrow by the post.
The city of Munster is still besieged by the bishop, and the differences are not yet decided, through the interposition of the nobility; and to further this agreement, four commissioners of this state went from hence on saturday last to the said bishop of Munster, and without doubt are with him by this time. There be also other commissioners come to the said bishop from the dukes of Mentz, Triers, and others: in the mean time the city is hard put to it by the besiegers.
The lord lieutenant-admiral Opdam hath writ to their H. and M. L. bearing date the 12th of September, that he with his fleete was happily arrived betweene Goutstart and Lesaer; and hoped to be within five dayes before the river of Lisbon.
Kent, ss. The information of Richard Calverly, of the parish of Sundrish in the said county, taken by captain John Browne of Orpington, one of his highness's justices of the peace for the said county, the 25th of Sept. 1657.
Vol. liv. p. 215.
Who saith, that on saturday last, the 19th present, being at the White Hart at Brasted in the said county, falling in discourse with one Richard Reynolds, a sawyer (working at that time in the parish of Sundrish) the said Reynolds did relate, that a woman living at Deptford or there abouts (with whom the said Reynolds did sometime quarter) did give unto Syndercomb a powder, which he snuffed up, and died thereupon in the Tower; and that she did know several persons (which he for a need could name) that had laid a plot to take away the lord protector's life, and had appointed the time when to do it, which this informant upon a conscientious account could not conceale, although there was no other person present, that heard the discourse: and at that time the said Reynolds did not seem to divulge it, but withal did desire first to get some money, which this woman did owe to the said Reynolds, and then he would make the business known to colonel Blount.
Vera copia, John Browne.
Richard Calverly.
Kent, ss. The examination of Richard Reynolds of Salisbury-lane, in the parish of Redderiff, in the county of Surrey, sawyer, aged about 25 years, taken by captain John Browne of Orpington, the 28th Sept. 1657.
Who being asked, how long he had worked in Sundrish parish in the county of Kent ? he answered, about a quarter of a year; and, that on saturday the 19th present, he was at the White Hart inn at Brasted in the said county, and in the company of one Richard Calverly, and that he had some discourse concerning a woman (not naming Syndercomb's mother, who kept a victualling-house at the sign of the Three Pidgeons in Deptford (with whom this examinant did quarter some time); and lying at her house on Whitson-monday night last, the next day she told this examinant, that she had been in prison about her son, and cursed be he that took away his life (meaning the protector) and did believe, that he had not long to live that did it: and yet she had several friends come to see her (that were her son's) which she did think she had had no such friends.
Vera copia, John Browne.
The marke of [R] Richard Reynolds.
This examinant further saith, that the said Syndercomb's mother (now the wife of Thomas Weston) did relate the above-mentioned words, not to this examinant, but to one Dowglass (and he thinketh his name was James Dowglass) an upholsterer (who served his apprentiship at the signe of the Plow, in Cornhill London) who quarterd then in the house with this examinant, and stayed there 14 days, if not more; but what occasions he had there, he knoweth not. The said discourse between Syndercomb's mother and Dowglass was at a table in her house, and he this examinant sat in a chair by it, and heard it. Further he saith, that he doth believe, that the said Dowglass could relate more concerning it, than he doth now remember; but who the said Dowglass is he knoweth not, neither hath seen him since a week before Midsummer last. The said Dowglass was, as he doth guess, about 26 or 27 years old, a tall man, and a brownish hair.
Vera copia, John Browne.
The marke of [R] Richard Reynolds.
Mr. Bradshaw to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. liv. p. 216.
Right honorable,
Since my last of the 18th, which gave notice of the receit of the credentialls, I have
received your honor's letter of the 14th instant, which referrs me to your next for a
resolution touchinge my proceedinge or returninge. In the interim, I heere inclose duplicates of the letters I have dispatched since my last to the chancellor, a copy with the
credentialls now sent me, I meane the former credentialls with the rectified titles; likewise copies of my letters to the kinge of Sweden, and elector of Brandenburgh, to whom
I thought fitt to give notice of my sending forwards a second dispatch to the great duke,
because those princes had understood the reason of my stay upon the way. Your honor
will alsoe find heere a copy of the prince elector's letter to me, which was so long deferred. I found it not a little difficult to procure a fitt persone to undertake soe long a journey in this season of the yeare, to passe through soe many infected countryes; and now
I doubt, whether he will be permitted further than the border; but then the governor,
to whom I have sent the expresse, is bound in duty to see the dispatch of the chancellor's
letter, and noe doubt but I shall have an answer to it in course.
If it be but considered, that the companie I have with me are all hired persons and strangers, whoe may leave me in the way, if I goe for Musco, and are not further to be trusted then as mercenaries; I cannot then doubt, but if his highness and his councell judge it meete, that I proceede, in case the great duke approve this title, and send for me; that then not only a physician, a minister, and a cooke will be sent me, but allsoe some few genteele and trusty servants. The charge will not be great in coming hither, and when here, they will not be more chargeable than hired servants. I have sayd enough, if not too much, of this particular formerly: shall not therefore detayne your honor longer, haveing nothinge of intelligence to impart, but what will come more certain and fresh from Hamburgh. I remayne
Your honor's very humble servant,
Richard Bradshaw.
Goldinge, the 25th Sept. 1657.
There hath lately been a messenger with this duke from Nashokin, governor of Kokenhausen, but he saw me not, nor sent not to me, coming in one day, and returning the next. Onely the duke sent me this inclosed extract out of his letter; whence I gather, that his business was to enquire, if I had yet further commands as to my proceedinge or returninge. Noe doubt, but the great duke would have peace with the king of Sweden; but he will first try (I believe) if a general peace can be obtained, being undoubtedly confederate with the Pole and Dane.
James Cuffe to Dr. H. Jones, at Dublin.
Vol. liv. p. 231.
Since my last, I thinke I have received a better account of the Bodkin, that was
astray. There is one Nicholas Bodkin, alias David; hee seldom or never comes into
this countrey, but often from London to France, and sometimes (as I am informed) to
Spaine and Flanders. Hee is represented to mee to bee very malignant; and when hee
is in London, seldom appears for that reason. Hee may bee found often in London at one
Daniel Arthur's house, at the signe of the Shipp in Cornwall; but hee will not bee found,
unlesse hee bee cunningly sought for. Which being all that I can say in addition to my
last, I remaine
Your most humble servant,
James Cuffe.
Mr. P. Meadowe to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. liv. p. 229.
Right Honorable,
My last to your honor was from Elsenore, Sept. the 11th, soon after which I had
the welcome newes of his majestie's return out of Funen to Coppenhagen; so that
it proves abundantly for the better, that I steerd my course by the Sound rather than by
the way of Hamburgh. Upon my comeing hither I was welcomed in his majestie's name,
about two miles out of the citty, by monsieur Ritz, one of the councill, and formerly
ambassador extraordinary in England, an 1652, accompanied by 6 of the king's coaches,
and divers others of the city, wherein were many gentlemen of quality. At the entrance of
the citty I was received by the king's guards and liveries, and on both sides the streets, all
along to my lodging, the burgers were drawn up in military equipage. I was 3 dayes
seasted very magnificently at the king's cost, attended by his officers with all the formalities of the court, carving, saytaking, &c. I am informed, my reception was more solemn than usual, to the regret of some other ministers resideing in this court; which I
thought myself obliged to signifie as a respect don my master. I sent a gentleman to
complement in my name the French and Dutch ambassadors, and to give them notice of
my arrivall: the French is sick, and keeps his chamber: the Dutch has given me no visit, nor I him. The 20th instant I had audience, and was graciously received by his majestie: he is a prince of a most noble presence. The 23d I had audience againe; mr. Ritz
was both times his majesty's lingua. The rix-hoff-master and he are appointed as commissioners, with whome I may have further conference, as occasion offers. Besides the verball
assureances of his majestie's kind resentment and acceptance of his highnesse's interposition, I pressed to have a declaration thereof, which was this day brought me by monsieur
Ritz, sealed with his majestie's seale; a copy whereof I have herewith enclosed to your honor, and have sent another to col. Jephson: so that it now rests with his majestie of Sweden, to declare his concurrence and readinesse to a peace; and then commissioners will be
appointed to meet in a neutrall place, and enter upon a treaty. The place I suppose will
be Lubeck; and it will be needfull, that I receive orders for my removall thither, or elsewhere, according as the business shall issue; as alsoe for my comportment towards the
ambassadors and ministers in point of precedency. Your honor may believe it, they have
made no alliance with the king of Hungary or the Austrians, nothwithstanding the large
proffers, which have been made them by the baron Goet; neither is it their intention, as
they tell me, to make any, unles deserted by their neighbours and allies of the same intrest in religion. I have assured them of his highnesse's real and hearty good will towards
them; and I believe, that propositions of a strict alliance and confederacy with England
would be well entertained by them; tho' they are not averse from treating, yet they expect
honorable conditions, as supposeing themselves under no necessity. Altho' they blame
the ill conduct of their affairs in Holstein, yet hope to serve themselves of the same strattagem against the Suede, as Fabius did against Hannibal, beat him by not fighting. This
at land, but at sea they follow different counsills. The 2 fleets had lately a contre-scuffle,
for fight I can't call it; but the Danish fleet, about 4 dayes agone, set sayle with a new
renfort and peremptory orders to seek the Suede and fight him. 'Tis not doubted here
but the elector of Brandenburg has confederated himself with the Pole, and received in
requital the sovereignty of Prussia. I shall not enlarge further upon newes, onely I hear
the king of Sweden is at Stralsundt; and I fear his often removes will make it long before I hear from col. Jephson, from whom as yet I have received nothing. I beseech
your honor not to fail me by the next convenience. I am
Your honor's most humble and most faithfull servant,
Ph. Meadowe.
Coppenhagen, Sept. 26th, 1657.
The elector of Brandenburg to mr. Bradshaw.
Friedericus Wilhelmus, Dei gratiâ marchio Brandenburgensis, Sacri Romani Imperii archi-camerarius & princeps elector; Magdeburgi, Prussiæ, Juliæ, Cliviæ, Montium, Stetini, Pomeraniæ, Cassubiorum, Vandalorumque, nec non in Silesia, Crosnæ & Carnoviæ dux; burggravius Norimbergensis, princeps Halberstadii & Myndæ, comes Marcæ & Ravensbergi, dominus in Ravenstein.
Vol. liv. p. 217.
Illustris ac generosissime domine legate,
Non solùm ex domini legati transmissis ad nos literis summâ animi lætitiâ percepimus singulari authoritate serenissimæ suæ celsitudinis protectoris reipublicæ Angliæ,
Scotiæ, & Hyberniæ, amicum compromissum magno Czaar, Moscovitarum duci ad componendas tollendasque dissensiones inter serenissimum ac potentissimum Sueciæ regem &
magnum ducem Moscoviæ, per dominum legatum offerendum, sed etiam domino legato
impositum esse, ut præviâ nomine serenissimæ suæ celsitudinis protectoris salutatione nobis
singularem ipsius benevolentiam contestaretur. Gratulamur proinde nobis de tanto inclinationis affectu, debitasque pro illo gratias agimus, sed etiam reciprocum & candidum benevolentiæ affectum serenissimæ suæ celsitudinis promittimus, gratoque animo accipimus domino legato clementissime commissam officiorum oblationem; si quâ in re nobis præsenti
hâc occasione prodesse posset. Quemadmodum igitur magnus Czaar, Muscoviæ dux, nobis
etiam omnem benevolentiam nostrisque provinciis pacem promisit, nec ægrè fert, si interpositionem similem prædictarum dissensionum in nos susciperemus; idcircò non inconsultum
foret, modo dominus legatus non gravaretur nostram hanc similem interpositionem magno duci Czaar in memoriam revocare, ipsiusque ulteriorem animi propensionem erga nos
& nostras provincias reconciliare, nosque datâ occasione de compromissi successu certiores
reddere, prout dominum legatum rogatum volumus, ipsique omnia prospera optamus,
necnon gratiam & benevolentiam spondemus. Dabantur Regiomonti in arce nostrâ, die
12 Septembris, an. 1657.
Illustris & generosissimi domini legati amicus benevolus,
Friedericus Wilhelmus, elector.
Illustri & generosissimo domino Richardo Bradshaw, serenissimi protectoris Angliæ, Scotiæ, & Hyberniæ ad Moscoviæ ducem legato, amico nostro plurimum dilecto.
Responsio.
Serenissime ac celsissime princeps elector,
L Iteræ serenitatis vestræ electoralis 12o Septembris Regiomonti datæmihi perquam
gratissimæ, quibus me honorari dignata est nuper à serenissimâ ducissâ Courlandiæ in
arce Goldingâ summâ cum clementiâ mihi traditæ sint. Ex iisdem summâ animi lætitiâ
intellexi officiosam salutem & singularem affectum cum omni officiorum promptitudine
suæ serenitatis magni mei & clementissimi domini non solùm suisse gratum, sed insuper reiteratum benevolum suum affectum, (de quo nunquam antehac dubitavi) majorem in modum erga altè memoratam serenitatem, dominum meum clementissimum declarasse, in votis habens, ut mutuus & reciprocus ille singularis affectus inter utramque serenitatem in
dies crescere & perseverare velit, pro majori incremento ecclesiarum reformatum, quarum
dominus meus clementissimus & serenitas vestra præcipuè columnæ & summi patroni sunt:
& quia modo firmiter mecum constitui inter meum in Moscoviam (quàm primum cœli temperies permittet, & viæ gelu obduratæ erunt) Deo adjuvante quam citissime maturare, neque
immemor ero circa adventum meum in aulam potentissimi magni Czaari summam habere
curam eorum, quæ serenitas vestra in literis suis novissimis mihi committere dignata est, &
quæ de successu & progressu negotiationis meæ in istâ aulâ occurrent, summo observantiæ
cultu serenitati vestræ electorali sideliter communicare conabor. Hisce serenitatem vestram
electoratem tutelæ divinæ commendo, animitus apprecans, ut eandem cum totâ serenissimâ
familiâ benignè protegere & conservare velit. Goldingæ, 10 Octobris, an. 1657.
Serenissimæ vestræ celsitudinis humillimus servus,
R. B.
Potentissimo Sueciæ regi.
Serenissime ac potentissime rex, domine clementissime,
Posteaquam in conceptâ negotiatione cum Czaaro & magno duce Moscovitarum à meis Rigâ vestræ majestati hâc de re humillime missis usque hinc parum relatu digni accidit, cùm alte memoratus magnus dux ad titulum à serenissimâ celsitudine, domino meo clementissimo, ei attributum insurgeret: (qui tamen submisse sentio suam
excellentiam dominum archi-thesaurarium, comitem Magnum, à quo & ipse titulus
Rigæ visus & approbatus, ad serium meum & officiosissimum petitum vestræ regiæ majestati hæc humillime detulisse) quccirca regiæ vestræ majestati ulterioribus meis molestias
creare nolui. Jam verò cùm denuò diplomata rectificato titulo (ad quem neminem quid
posse certus sum, quia modus ipsis solitus observatus est) à domino meo magno & clementissimo habeo, extremum tentare constitui, ne forsitan hoc compendium præcipiat, sub formali prætextu repudiare ea, quæ in substantiâ forsitan fastidiat. Cùm verò cœli intemperies huic anni parti reservata ad Moscoviam iter cum comitatu oneribus protrahere suadet
in hiemem terrarum induratorem, misi expressum idcirco ablegatum, iteratâ institutione Czareæ majestati, & cum illo prolixiori sensu ad istius cancellarium literas, quem jamdum propensiorem reconciliationi subitaneæque bonæ correspondentiæ cum regiâ vestrâ majestate inventurum mihi polliceor, consideranti vestræ majestatis heroica victricia arma
versus regem Daniæ (cujus effectum ut experiretur genuinam causam prætentionis suisse
quis dubitet?) quæ suæ Czareæ majestati sole multo minùs celari possunt.
Humillimè igitur proque debito in mentem mihi revocavi, quæ vestra regia majestas in gratissimis (quibus me clementior dignari voluit) Thorunii, 16 die Junii datis, clementissime imposuit, animusque mihi est responsum magni ducis (qued spacium sex hebdomadum afferet spero) in quoquo loco hujus principis territorii (in indies crescens pestifera lues deserere ea impellet) præstolari, ut, si Moscus tractatus quosdam cum regiâ vestrâ majestate denominaturus est, pro virili istis astare, & inservire queam, submisse ex intimis apprecans, quo mea negotia in vestræ regiæ majestatis humillima servitia cedant, exoptatumque effectum sortiantur. Præscriptæ vestræ majestatis clementi eminenti notificationi morigerus (quæ hisce in arduis comparatis quoquomodo conducibili fortè non carere possint) expectabo hîc vestræ majestatis clementissima jussa inque horum humillima debita observantia, me cùm in his tùm in aliis oblationibus talem exhibebo, qui nil nisi vestræ majestatis maximæ personâ istiusque concernentium summam prosperam, prosperitatem ex præcordiis in votis habet. Doleo certè futilem hunc prætextum tantum mihi obstruxisse, quin tanto in tempore quid in me sit servitiis vestræ majestatis consecrare non potuerim. Verumenim verò alterâ ex parte spes suggerit, divinam ex alto providentiam hæc stante modo in regiæ vestræ majestatis emolumentum sic disposuisse, quod jam proprium interesse agnoscet, & recordabitur firmissimum & honorificum pacis fœdus sancire, quibuscum & cor calidissimo in voto consentit, regiamque vestram majestatem cum totâ regiâ familiâ serenissimâ Dei tutelæ commendat, permanendo
Regiæ majestatis
Humillimus servus,
R. B.
Goldingæ, 18/28 Sept.
Ad magni ducis Moscovitarum legatum cancellarium.
Illustrissime domine cancellarie,
Decimo octavo mensis Julii die, quas illustrissimo gubernatori Kockenhusensi vestræ excellentiæ reddendas officiose misi; de ad me nuper Mytaviâ vigesimo sexto
Junii datis certæ fuerunt. Et ut decenter agerem, serenissimæ celsitudini domino meo
clementissimo obtuli, à quo nunc demùm novis diplomatibus instructus sum. Hâc inde
præsentem expressum ad vestram excellentiam, qui unanimè descriptum diplomatis origini
affert, ut & secundò easdem Cæsareæ majestati submissas jam libero signo literas nunc vestræ excellentiæ perlegendas, mittere volui, si forsitan excellentiæ vestræ consultum videretur alte memoratæ Cæsareæ majestati hæc humillimè porrigere; siquidem ego ferè præsagino, examinans quod de tituli omissione anteà vestra excellentia exceperat jam in integrum
redactum, ex quibus luce meridiana clarius innotescet, ipsaque satisfactio erit defectum hunc
hunc non quod à me est (quippe Cæsareæ majestatis priori inscriptionis titulo quæpiam
derogarere vel irrogare meum nec est, nec fuisset absque ullo insuper domini mei clementissimi imposito) esse. Hæc si vestræ excellentiæ humillimas meas datas ad Cæsaream majestatem tenens propense considerare placuisset, non ut meus me sensus literis adeò dentatis
in me invehi sibi sumpsisset.
Siquidem igitur anni vices jamdum in serum serè autumnum desierunt, & istis temporibus ita comparatum est, ut mihi impossibile sit cum comitatu & oneribus sacræ Cæsareæ majestatis altè dictam aulam, quæ Moscuæ est, appropinquare, ne gelu domita uditate vias accommodabit, visum mihi est (ne jactura plenioris temporis non solum pausibilem scopum domini mei magni & clementissimi, in amicabili hâc interpositione & mediatione ad componendas stantes dissentiones, inter Cæsaream majestatem & serenissimum Sueciæ regem intentionem impediret, verum etiam suæ Cæsareæ majestatis opinanter conceptum inclinationis assectum sterilem & cassum redderet, si hæc sronte capillata occasio negligeretur) intereà ope præsentium literarum per dictum expressum me vestræ excellentiæ indicare, ne, si ista suæ potentissimæ Cæsareæ majestatis interesse cum serenissimo Suecorum rege pacisci reperiret, absque ullâ remora pacis tractatus in neutri magnorum dominorum suspecto loco (cui rei aptiorem hoc Curlandiæ ducatu locum nullibi perspicere possum, quippe cujus illustrissimus princeps in neutrius majestatis partes propensior est) institui possint. Nullus dubito, quin si vestra excellentia præsentem rerum statum in his regionibus mentis acumine exanimabir, & quæ consilia ad componendas differentias inter tres potentissimos monarchos, Suecum, Polonum, & Danum ortas in promptu sint (quem in sinem, ut mihi perfertur, quám primùm Lubecæ tractatus instituentur, æquâ lance pensitabit) sua Cæsarea majestas amicum compromissum à magno meo & clementissimo domino pacis instrumentum subitaneâ & selicissimâ cum serenissimo Suecorum rege, non solùm consimili humanitate acceptura, verum etiam in me studium & officium, in missione præsentium (siquidem mihi dictis de causis suæ Cæsareæ omni mundo celeberrimâ aulâ præsens frui, & illud optato modo usque instructus sum transigere denegatur) candidissimè explicatura & dijudicatura sit. Si igitur sua Cæsarea majestas sæpe-dictam mediationem acceptaret, & eum in sinem tractatus cum serenissimo Suecorum rege initurus esset, ut & in hanc mentem suæ Cæsareæ majestaris legatus plenariè instruatur plenissimè, boni consuleret, communicabo fidelissimè & citissimè omnia, quæ à vestra excellentia tenuero serenissimo Suecorum regi, meque ipsum etiam tractatibus suæ Cæsareæ majestatis assignaturo loco, dicto tempore, pro officio sistam, & utili ad lætissimam catastrophen redigere totus laborabo. Sæpiùs repetitam verò domini mei magni & clementissimi amicam interpositionem si sua Cæsarea majestas consimili vultu amplecteretur; nomine suæ serenissimæ celsitudinis literas salvi-conductus & passus, quæ ad tutissimum & commodum iter conducere valeant ad celeberrimam Moscuam, rogo: his persecto talo stantibus quoad possum celeritate, priusquàm oras ubi receptio mea assignabitur tanguam, qualitatem & numerum personarum me concomitantium offeram, quod & tune temporis ut mihi persuadeo commodius fieri posse, ignoranti, qui sua Cæsarea majestas intimam mediationem magni mei & clementissimi domini apprehensura sit. Dc cætero vestram obnixè oro excellentiam, quo repentinâ & favorabili dimissione præsens respiciatur, ut clementissima suæ Cæsareæ majestatis in superioribus mentis propositis declaratio (quam in hujus principis territorio, cui proh in diversis locis pestisera lues dominatur, non minori periculo expectare cogo) mihi quanta potest celeritate innotescat
Vestræ excellentiæ officiosissimo,
R. B.
Goldingæ 15/25 Sept. an. 1657.
Commissioner Pells to the states-general.
In the possession of the right hon. Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high-chancellor of Great Britain.
H. and M. lords,
My lords, yesterday came several letters from Warsaw of the 28th of September,
advising, that the king of Poland was arrived at Warsaw on the 26th of the same
month, the king being resolved to go from thence very suddenly to the Austrian army,
which doth consist of 10000 horse, and 9100 foot, which was marching towards Thorn,
and was come within 12 miles of the place, with an intention to pass over the Weyssel at
Wissegrot, and to besiege Thorn. There was great joy at the Polish court for the peace
made with the duke of Brandenburg. There was also news of the death of Ragotzky,
but very uncertain. The city of Cracow hath a garrison in it of 3000 men of the Austrian forces.
Just now cometh news, that the Poles are come with a great strength before Straesburgh in Prussia.
Dantzick, 6th Octob 1657. [N. S.]
P. Pells.
From mr. Bradshaw.
Vol. liv. p. 217.
I am desired by the duke of Courland to request your honor's mindfulness of the business of his ship, which his late agent acquainted you with; in which he is like to susser much, besides the dishonour, if his highness over-rule the matter with those that have abused him, and desrauded the master of the ship.
Extract out of governor Nashokin's letter to the duke of Courland.
As touching the English ambassador, I have no further commission from my master, who expects the ultimate resolution of his highness the lord protector of England,
Resident Le Mair to the states-general.
Vol. liv.p.233.
H. and M. L.
My lords, since my last of the 29th of September, the Swedish army is retreated out
of Schonen towards Holland, and doth fortify itself against the coming of the Danish strength, which lyeth some four miles from them. Yesterday came a galliot from
Gottenburgh, which bringeth news, that all things were so dear there, and many things
begun to be wanting, by being block'd up by sea, that it was probable the king of Denmark would become master of the place, if it were not speedily relieved.
The king of Denmark's fleet is again gone to sea, being reinforced by five good ships of war, and many men; so that now the said fleet doth consist of thirty-two ships; and it will shortly meet with the Swedish fleet, in regard the same doth keep near to Jasmont.
The private men of war of this kingdom do daily much prejudice to our merchant-men, which doth occasion much trouble to his excellency Beuningen, and to my self; but I hope by all possible means to endeavour the preventing of the same, and that your H. and M. L. subjects may peaceably enjoy their navigation.
J. Le Mair.
Elsenore, 6th of Octob. 1657. [N. S.]
A letter of intelligence.
Bruges, this 7th Octob. 1657. [N. S.]
Vol. liv.p.235.
Sir,
This is my fourth I have directed in your cover for mr. Richardson. Sir, I intreat
you to let mee know, whether any of myne comes into your hands or noe; for I have
not missed any occation since my coming hither. Sir, if I can bee steadable to you heer,
or elswher, you shall command mee in a greater matter. If you please to honour me with
a lyne or two, direct yours to be left with the post-master heer for, sir,
Your very humble servant,
John Harrison.
The superscription,
For mr. William Rowe, in the admiraltie-chamber, Whyt-hall, in London.
General Monck to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. liv.p.241.
Honored sir,
Being earnestlie desired by this bearer, the lord Mountgomery, to write to you in
his behalf, hee being to make some application to his highnesse concerning his fine;
and indeed considering the small estate he hath during his father's life-time, it will be very
hard with him to pay it; and if you please to befriend him in any thing, that you shall
find reasonable and fitt, I shall take it as a savour at your hands; by which means you
will oblige a very noble family in this countrey, who are much esteemed by the religious
people, and also him who is
Your very affectionate humble servant,
George Monck.
Dalkeith, 27th Sept. 1657.
Charost, governor of Calais, to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.
Calais, 9th of October 1657. [N.S.]
Vol. liv.p.253.
My lord,
Yesterday the English soldiers were seen to pass by this city on their way to
Flanders. The English ships ride under the fort of Mardyke, and they are very
busy in repairing the fort. The admiral Montagu hath sent a gentleman to me to get
him safe conducted to mons. de Turenne. Yesterday I sent your letter to mons. de Turenne: if I receive any answer to it, I will take care to send it to you. Were it not so
late in the year, and for the abundance of water, that lies about Graveling, our army would
have laid siege to that place; but what will be done further, we shall soon hear, now the
English recruits are arrived.
General Monck to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. liv. p. 243.
Honoured sir,
I am very glad to heare of the surrender of Mardyke-fort. I hope this good weather
continuing, they may gett Dunkirke speedily. Itt is a very great mercy, God give us
grace to bee thankfull to him for itt. You may acquaint his highnesse, that mr. Hane
sett sayle from hence on saturday morning last, the winde being very faire. Hee had his
tackling fixt, and every thing ready to play his morter-piece, as soone as a platforme
should be laid for it; being hee could nott gett those materialls there, which hee carried
with him, wee thought fitt to provide him heere, and wee hope hee was there on monday last. I heare, that the Dutch have seized uppon all the Dunkirke shippes in Holland, taken out their gunns, and taken away their sayles; and the reason is, that they
have bin busy with their shippes att sea, takeing in provisions, and what they wanted out
of their shippes, and that they intend to keepe them, till such time as security bee given, that they shall doe soe no more. Which is all the newes I have to write to you, and
remayne
Your very affectionate humble servant,
Geo. Monck.
Dalkeith, 29th Sept. 1657.
General Monck to secretary Thurloe.
In the possession of the right hon. Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high-chancellor of Great Britain.
Honored sir,
I Made bold formerly to recommend unto you col. Henry Blackader and major James
Borthwick, who had done some service heere, that they might have some imployment
abroad; and if you could get each of them a company for the service of Portugall, I believe
they would deserve itt, being stout men, and fit for the command of a companie, or some
better imployment, if itt bee to bee had for them. Which is all at present from
Your very affectionate humble servant,
Geo. Monck.
Dalkeith, 29th Sept. 1657.
Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwell, major-general of the army in Ireland.
In the possession of the right hon. the earl of Shelburn.
My lord,
This weeke hath beene a very buissie weeke in reference to the affaires on the other
side of the water. The fort of Mardyke beinge upon thursday last put into his
highnes hands (the French havinge taken it with 3 or 4 dayes seige) all hands have
beene since imployed for the sendinge over provisions to victuall and repaire it, and also to
encourage the French to proceed on to the takeinge of Dunkirke, the enemy being under
a great deal of feare and confusion. Its true, all the force they have lye advantageously
entrenched behinde a river by Dunkirke, which makes the French backward to that seige,
but rather enclyne to attacque Gravelinge; and indeed their last counsells were to that
purpose, and that they intended to sitt down before it as yesterday. This is a stronger
place by much, but they judge it not victualled. If it please God to give them successe in
this, it is to be put into his highnes possession untill Dunkirke be taken. It is of great
advantage, this of Mardyke, it givinge us the best harbour in Flanders.
I gave your lordship some account of the establishment, which was thought of here as to Ireland; I meane in point of money; which is to this effect: that the army of Ireland should be reduced to 23,083 l. 12 s. o d. per mensem, which comes to per ann. 300,086 l. For the payment whereof the tax of Ireland is to be assigned; which beinge 9000 l. per mensem, which comes to per ann. 108,000 l. out of the 35,000 l. per mensem on England, they assigne 8000 l. per mensem, 796,000 l. per ann. And then the customes, excise and other revenew of Ireland is to answere towards the payment of the army there 96,086 l. per ann. All which beinge put together, comes to the said sume of 300,086 l. And as for the contingencies, and the whole civill-list, they are to be borne and desreyed by the residue of the revenew arisinge in Ireland by customes, excise, rents of land and otherwise, which wee here compute at 120,000 l. per ann. in the whole. How this calculation will hold, I am not able to say: if there be any mistakes, I hope your lordship will rectifye us. Here is 70,000 l. per ann. bid for the excise and customes of Ireland. The committee of parlament doe yet delaye the lettinge of it, and have writt, as I suppose, to your lordship about it. I pray, my lord, be pleased to let me knowe what you thinke of lettinge it at all, and at what rent, if it be adviseable to let it.
The kinge of Sweden makes a shist to bussle through many great difficulties: his chiefe army is in the provinces of Jutland and Holsteine, two of the most rich and fertile places in all the Danes dominions. Himselfe is gone to Wismar, to see the issue of a fight, which was at sea betweene the Danish fleet, consisting of 25 men of warre and 3 fire-ships, and the Swedish ships, consisting of 35 men of warre, and 2 or 3 fire-ships. It began upon the 3d of this instant, and continued all that day and the next; the successe whereof was not knowne when the letters came away. The Dane is sollicitinge hard at the Hague for supplies of money. The Swedish affaires are most difficult in Prussia and Poland, where the Pole and emperor are joyned; and threaten the invasion of Pamer-land, the hereditary countrye of the Swede; and soe to joine with the Dane if they can, and soe to swallow up the Swede. This is the more difficult to the Swede, because the elector of Brandenburgh is weary, and begins to stand neutrall, and the prince of Transilvania is retired. I begge your lordship's pardon for this long scribble, and rest
Your lordship's
Most humble and faithfull servant,
Jo. Thurloe.
29th of Sept. 1657.
Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwell, major-general of the army in Ireland.
In the possession of the right hon. the earl of Shelburn.
My lord,
His highnesse hath it in his intentions to doe somewhat for doctor Goodwyn, who is a
good man, and entirely affectionate to his highnes, which he hath alwayes given
testimony of, and most fully and particulerly in our late questions and disputes; and is one
that loves your familye: and there beinge now a great desire in doctor Goodwyn to leave
the colledge where he is master, that he might seperate hymself to his studyes, to perfect
severall bookes, which he hath now under his hands, conteyneinge a body of divinity, and
without doeing of which he professeth he cannot dye in peace, his highnes would take
his tyme of bestoweinge upon him 150 l. per ann. There is noe way here to doe it by, nor
other way left but by some bishop's lands in Ireland. I desire therefore your lordship most
humblie to consider, where 150 l. per ann. good rent may be most conveniently had in that
realme, and to signifye it with the quantitie, bounds, scituation, and what else will be necessarie for enablinge his highnes to make a lease of it. It is the only thinge I ever undertooke to manadge of a particuler concernment; and truly I thinke I doe a service in it to
God: and your lordship will very much honor and oblige me, to give effectuall and speedy
directions in it, concealinge the person, and the reasons of your comaunds, to those your
lordship shall imploy in the doeinge thereof. Thus humblie begginge your lordship's pardon for this great boldnesse, I remeyne
Your lordship's most humble and faithfull servant,
Jo. Thurloe.
Whitehall, 29 Sept. 1657.
Dr. Henry Jones to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. liv.p.247.
Right honorable,
Since my last of the 8th instant I received the inclosed (of the 26th) concerning (I
suppose) that Bodkin you mentioned; this being the best account I can give at present of him, yet shall not my enquiries after him stoppe here, if you judge this not the
man.
I omitted in my former the informing your honor of one Simons a fryer, who sett out of Dublin with my lord Henry, and followed his lordship through that progresse, untill his lordship's being at Portumna. Some hints I had of him when he entered Ulster; but not having his physiognomy, or any other character of him, he then passed me undiscovered; but on my lord's returne hither, I understood, that this fryer was here: concerning whom, on enquirey, and concerning his business in that journey, I had that relation in the enclosed paper of the 15th, and more persectly in that other of the 23d, the later being in answer to certain heads, which I gave privately to my instrument (his confident) for his instruction, and my further information in the particular.
The late oath of abjuration is the great engine by which the popith clergy stir up the people here, and whereby they move foreign states to their assistance. I assure your honor, they have by this that advantage, that nothing could be found like it for their work; this being so terrible to the Irish, that in many places they gave over plowing, and sell theire cattaile and stock at strange undervalues, standing now in a loose posture, ready for any dangerous undertaking: besides your thereby wasteing the countrey as to tillage; whereby will follow (if not timely prevented) a considerable loss of contribution to the publick. There is much of providence in their not seeing their advantage of our non government, which in publick destractions may be dangerous.
In my former I gave your honor something of the proceedings in a court-marshall against lieutenant-colonel Brafield; since then, there hath been a discovery of some factious spirits among the soldiers in his garrison of Athlone, denying obedience to their officers commanding them to their duty; and capt. Heyden, their captain (as avowing that disorder) forced out of prison the mutineers committed by the officer then in command. This Heyden is of the same regiment and judgment with Brafield. I only add, that major Price, one of the witnesses against Brafield, strangely escaped the last week, a great stone being thrown downe from the castle of Athlone as he passed under it, which touched the brim of his hatt, and had dashed out his brains had it not. I could not omitt these things, haveing mention'd the former; conceiving it necessary to present you with whatsoever may be here of consequence, for your judging of distempers, and for preventing or provideing for them. All which I leave to your consideration.
Sir, your honor's most humble and faithfull servant,
Hen. Jones.
Dublin, Sept. 30th 1657.
Mr. T. White to mr. R. Bostock.
Dover, 30th of Sept. 1657.
Vol. liv.p.257.
Mr. Richard Bostock,
Loveing friend, my love to you, desireing you all happines. The Flanders maill
arrived here at 5 or 6 a clocke this evening. Mr. Jacus. Oyse rights me word, he
haith wrought to mr. Nowell and mr. Clarke. Our boot, which went to Flushing, is not
arrived here yet; but mr. Hoys telles me in his letter, he haith sent for here to Ostend,
to ly there for the next maill; and if the wind be eastorlye, that our boot from Dover
cannot git Ostend, he will send the next maill over with all speed in her. I pray accuant
mr. Nowell and mr. Clarke with it, for it is very nedfull to keepe a spare boot theayer.
I receved no letter from you by the French maill: I pray do not faill me by the next.
Our nuse from Dungurke is, that our English are fortifiing Mardike forte with all care
and diliients, and hope to hould it against all the forse of Flanders. The Lord be ther
captain-general, and then none can hurt them.
Your loveing frind,
Tho. White.
Instructions from don Peter de Bayona, governor of Cuba, to serjeant-major John de los Reyes, in his restoration of Jamaica; and extracts of several letters.
In the possession of the right hon. Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great Britain.
1st,
To obey his governor's orders in all things, that shall concern the service of the
king, with all reverence, love and modesty, that thereby he may engage him
to trust upon all occasions of acting against the enemy. And he may propound with all
humility, what he shall conceive most conducible to the royal service, advising the captains to do the same, and that they behave themselves peaceably and lovingly towards the
soldiers, that there may be no dissention, whereof proceed many miscarriages, but from
union very great selicity.
2dly, The first thing he shall do (being arrived at Jamaica, and the relief landed) is to dispose of the ammunition and provisions into a dry place, that it may be preserved from damage; and to choose out a place upon that coast, from whence correspondency may be kept with this city, and to fortisy it very well, and leave a guard of soldiers therein, and to make huts for the sick and wounded.
3dly, To choose out a convenient place for the head-quarters, which must be adjoining to some water, and situated high, to enjoy the benesit of the fresh air, for preservation of health; and to be sure, that it be at such a distance from the enemy, that you may be able to make war with him without making of long marches, and to divide the ammunition and provisions betwixt the two quarters, and keep a continual correspondence between the one and the other.
4thly, You are by the means of good spies to discover the enemies quarters, the strength of them, the manner of their keeping of guards, and what men they have to assist one another's quarters upon occasion. All which may be effected without giving them suspicion, that relief is come, in regard of the thickness of the woods, if it be not our bad fortune, that it be discovered by sea. Those things being done, you ought (carrying with you good guides) to set upon that quarter, which you shall understand to be of least strength; and my opinion is, that it be at Port-Morant, in regard the planters of Nevis live there with a very small guard of soldiers, and those much discontented. And it is most certain, that with the good success of the first encounter the plunder and benefit, that the soldier usually reapeth upon such occasions, they will be encouraged to attempt and perform greater actions. And the governor and serjeant-major are to have special care, that the soldiers be not weary with marching when they come to fight, and that they do not plunder, until such time as the enemy be routed, and that they may do it with security. And as for the manner of fighting, it ought to be in parties, having the body near, that in case of bad success they may be relieved as occasion shall require; but having good success, as I hope we shall in the first engagement during the heat of it, it ought to be very bloody, but afterwards to offer good quarter, and passage for this city, and from thence to Spain, to those that shall desire it, and to treat them civilly, which will be a means to gain most of them to embrace those terms, as we have seen by experience in divers parts, and my self more particularly commanding Sconce of Aan in the siege of Lerida, by civil usage of the French at Catalans, I sent seven hundred of them in nineteen days time to the marquis of Leganes, that came to me from enemies garrisons. And to effect this the better, tickets ought to be conveyed among them by some trusty messenger. The manner of your marches ought to be thus; eight musketeers, commanded by an able serjcant, to march before the van, and as many before each slank, at a good distance from the body, which are carefully to discover all ambushes; and in case they meet with any, to fire upon them, and to retreat fighting, and in good order, to the body, which ought to be formed with the best advantage the place shall give leave, to receive the charge of the enemy.
The time you shall remain at your forts, you shall place such guards as the situation shall require, in every way half a quarter of a league off, to put a serjeant and seven soldiers; and from them to the fort, centries at a convenient distance one from another, and upon the approach of the enemy the said guards to fire upon them, and to retreat to the fort, which must be well fortisied, and each captain's standing appointed for the defence thereof.
As the officers ought to have special care to look over the arms and ammunition of the soldiers every morning, and to exhort them, and encourage them, laying before them the justness of the cause, and that they are to fight against the enemies of the holy catholick faith; and that his majesty hath promised to reward those, that should do faithful and remarkable service, and to treat them with love, esteeming the good, and chastising the bad.
You are also to be careful, that there be no quarrels about plunder, but that every one shall enjoy what he shall lay hold on; for they all run the same danger, and fortune sometimes doth favour some more than other.
And because I have notice, that the enemy hath above fourteen hundred slaves, and that most of the Spanish negroes are already reduced to our side, you ought to endeavour with great care to get in some of our negroes amongst theirs, who are to perswade them with promises of good conditions to come to us, or at least-wise to betray some of the enemies quarters. But you ought to proceed herein with great discretion and sagacity, because of the little confidence, that is to be reposed in such kind of people. With these advertisements, and imploring the Divine assistance, by the intercession of the holy Virgin, we may hope for most glorious enterprizes. So God preserve you for many years.
At Cuba, the 26th of June, 1657. [N. S.]
Don Peter de Bayona.
From the governor of Cuba to capt. Lucas Borrero, the 12th September 1657.
I Do not dispair of going my self to your assistance in the regaining that island, and then I shall answer to all. I am very sorry, that so considerable relief, that hath cost so much to the royal treasury, should miscarry so basely. Your long march to the Vermegales (instead of going to seek out the enemy) hath procured nothing but waste of provisions, and sickness of the soldiers. In my opinion, every thing goeth amiss. God rectisy all. We have three companies of foot here intended for your island.
From the governor of Cuba to serjcant-major John de los Reyes, and captain don Domingode Silva, the 10th of October 1657. [N. S.]
As my joy was great to hear of your good health, so was my sorrow for the loss of the brigantine in her return from that island, and also of a great shallop, that went out from the Baycnna with a very considerable recruit. All this hath its original from not having assaulted the enemy in their quarters; had that been done, they would not have been able to send out their vessels with so much freedom and readiness as now they do; notwithstanding, out of my zeal to his majesty's service, and preservation of that infantry, I send this shallop, which is the last, and all that we have in this harbour: I hope she will go and return in safety, the enemy, I suppose, being gone to harbour with their prizes. Serjeant Barba hath the command of the shallop, and at his return I have resolved to send him for New Spain; so that you may write to the vice-king of all occurrences since our last letters, and to the king, declaring the truth in every thing.
I pray comfort the governor, for I conceive he is now sorry for what he hath hitherto acted. He is now sensible, the island is to be regained by the paid infantry, and not by the natives. It is better they come not hither; for he that shall come without licence from his governor, I shall be sure to hang him.
From the governor don Christopher Arnaldo Sasi, to serjeant-major John de los Reyes the 10th of October, 1657. [N. S.]
I Charge you, in his majesty's name, that you forsake not the ammunition and provisions; and that you make a proclamation, that no man offer to go out of the island upon pain of death, for I am expecting six hundred men from Cartagena.
From the deputy-governor of Cuba, to the vice-king, the 21st of July 1657. [N. S.]
What I promise your excellency is to give you an account very shortly of happy success in Jamaica, which must of necessity be the issue of actions, that tend to the service of both majesties. Your excellency's zeal in advancing of this business is sufficiently express'd by the recruits you have already sent, and what you promise to send to my brother in the spring. I have proposed to the governor Peter de Bayona (desiring him to do the like to your excellency) with what conveniency men may be raised in this jurisdiction, with less charge to the royal treasury, and better men, than those that come from that kingdom; but I refer you to what my governor shall represent to your excellency in this business.
From the governor of Jamaica to the king, the 29th of August 1657. [N. S.]
I have signified to the vice-king, and to don Peter de Bayona, the necessity of being supplied with provisions, till I become master of the field and cattle; and I hope it will be the first news, that your majesty shall hear, that I have either lost my life, or forced the enemy to their fortifications upon the sea-side; for he that hath hazarded his person so much with such vile people as negroes, will do it much more, having such encouragement, and so large a recruit from your majesty.
I am on the date hereof marching to beat the enemy from the harbours he hath at Oristan and Guatibaton, and from thence to unlodge him from the town; and I promise your majesty, directing all my actions to the service of God and his church, to do my utmost endeavour to expel the enemy out of the island this year of 1657, or at least-wise to reduce him to his sorts on the sea-side. And seeing your majesty hath begun to take notice of this island, I hope you will continue it out of your accustomed greatness, for the safety of the commerce of your gallions and fleets in the Indies.
Intelligence.
Calais, the 10th of Octob. 1657. [N. S.]
Vol. lv. p. 99.
I writ to you the last week, which I hope you received, and in it I gave you what account I then could, you being desirous to hear of the welfare of our English army. We only stay for some recruits, and then without all dispute we shall have Dunkirk, if the season be not too far gone before they land. We have had much ill weather. Some of our officers do doubt of the taking of it. I suppose you have heard of the surrender of Mardyke. They held it out but 24 hours, and then gave themselves up prisoners of war; then marched out 840 of as good men as ever I saw in these parts. Our English did gallantly: they took the wooden fort, which struck the poor Spaniards into a pannick fear, and made them surrender immediately, and we now keep it as our own, until we have Dunkirk. Sunday we encamped before Graveling, to keep our army in a little exercise; but the same night the rogues in the town let out so much water amongst our men, that we were forced to remove further off. The enemy's army doth not lie far from us, but are too fearful. They dare not make any attempt upon us; but I wish we had gain'd Dunkirk. If we should not get it, I fear the enemy will get Mardyke-fort from us again this winter: but I hope we shall be more vigilant, and prevent them.