Henry VIII: September 1533, 11-20

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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Citation:

'Henry VIII: September 1533, 11-20', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533, ed. James Gairdner( London, 1882), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol6/pp466-477 [accessed 5 November 2024].

'Henry VIII: September 1533, 11-20', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533. Edited by James Gairdner( London, 1882), British History Online, accessed November 5, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol6/pp466-477.

"Henry VIII: September 1533, 11-20". Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 6, 1533. Ed. James Gairdner(London, 1882), , British History Online. Web. 5 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol6/pp466-477.

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September 1533, 11-20

11 Sept.
R. O.
1115. Christopher Mont to Cromwell.
Wrote on the 21st Aug. from Nuremberg to the King and Cromwell. Departed thence to Augsburg to the dukes of Bavaria, with whom he is now staying, and who will send an ambassador to England when they have consulted with the duke of Saxony and other confederate princes. These dukes of Bavaria, though they adhere to the old religion, take away many things from the clergy. "In monasteriis ... que septuaginta duo (preter Mendicantes) in suo ducatu habent, credo ad numerum discipulorum Christi quos septuaginta duos Evangelista commemorat, omnia (?) conscripta et regeistata habent, que alicujus pretii sunt. Abbatem quoque ... cujus monasterium, an negligentia an casu nescitur, combustum est, in vincula conjecerunt. Ferdinandus jam olim quartam partem bonorum in mundum ab omni clero suo abstulit et in perpetuum vendidit. In singulis ecclesiis ... supra unum aut alterum calicem non reliquit. Ludovicus comes Palatinus ... monasteria in suo ducatu opulenta emori vult, interdum noviciorum susceptione et admissione. Hic omnium rerum magna caristia est, cujus causa est, tum illa profectio et expeditio per has partes superiori anno contra [Turcam?] et omnium frumentorum ex hiis vicinis regionibus in Hungariam ... tum celi intemperies que maxima hoc anno fuit. Veneti quoque modo in his partibus agunt ut frumenta comparent, qui a Bavarie ducibus licentiam satis (?) ... (ut fertur) munere redimerunt ut hinc evehere possint siliginis ... nam ingenti fame laborare totam dicunt Italiam ... us [Majestatem] Regiam que cognita habui certiorem feci." Munchen, 11 Sept.
Hol., Lat., p. 1, partly illegible from damp. Add. : "Ornatissimo viro D. Thome Crumwello consiliario regio inter ... patrono meo colendissimo."
The writing in the passages quoted is very illegible and gall-stained.
11 Sept.
Theiner, 603.
1116. Ferdinand King Of The Romans to Clement VII.
Thanks him for having pronounced sentence in favor of Katharine, of which he has heard from Wolfgang Prantner. Vienna, 11 Sept. 1533.
Lat.
11 Sept.
R. O.
1117. Henry Duke Of Mecklenburg Schwerin to Henry VIII.
Desires a licence for the bearer to procure ambling horses in England for his use. Schwerin, Thursday after the Nativity of St. Mary '33.
Hol., German, p. 1. Add.
R. O. 2. A Latin translation of the preceding.
P. 1. Add. Endd. : Concerning the King's cause.
12 Sept.
R. O.
1118. [Sir] John Arundell to Cromwell.
Sends him the residue of this one year's annuity ended at Michaelmas. Begs him to remember his poor suit before the prince be born, else it will do him no pleasure. Fears his son Thomas has not done his part in reminding Cromwell. It concerns his honor that the thing be not omitted. Tresorow, 12 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To the right worshipful Master Cromwell, of the King's most honorable Council.
12 Sept.
R. O.
1119. Nicholas Farshyn to Cromwell.
Has desired the information, &c. that the customer and searcher of Poulle brought from the merchants that lost their goods. Laurence Devyt is so threatened by the customer and controller that he durst not come to Poulle. London, 12 Sept. 1533. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
13 Sept.
R. O.
1120. [Lord Lisle to Lord Sands?]
Compliments to your Lordship and my Lady your wife. I send you two hogsheads of wine ; one of claret Gaskoyn, the other white, better than Gaskoyn ; "and at your commandment have autorisyed hym one of the vyttelers of this town, and for your Lordship's sake he shall have both here authority and more larger liberty at his next coming." If you wish to have herring and wine for your own mouth this winter let me know. Calais, 13 Sept.
Hol., p. 1.
13 Sept.
R. O.
1121. Lawson to Cromwell.
My lord of Northumberland and the Commissioners are still at Newcastle, and write to the King of their proceedings with the Scotch commissioners. The Council has commanded him to stay here till the King's pleasure be known. Reminds him of their diets and expences. Newcastle, 13 Sept.
Asks Cromwell to write him his mind in all things, which will be much to his comfort, for he has only been at his house two days since Midsummer. Has delivered the King's letters to the sheriffs of Yorkshire, Cumberland, and the bishopric of Durham. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
13 Sept.
R. O.
1122. Robert Abbot Of St. Alban's to Cromwell.
The bearer will report to him certain words spoken by a wretched person against the honor of the King, the Queen, and the Princess. St. Alban's, 13 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To the right worshipful Mr. Thomas Crumwell, one of the King's most hon. Council.
13 Sept.
R. O.
1123. Export Of Wool.
"Eskippacio versus Cales xiij. die Septembris anno regni Regis Henrici VIII. vicesimo quinto," viz., wools, 482 sacks, 23 "cl." ; customs therein, 965l. 17s. 8d. Hides, 156,286 ; customs thereon, 1,302l. 7s. 8d.
Lat., p. 1.
14 Sept.
R. O.
1124. Thos. Legh to Cromwell.
You are advertised by my cousin Sir Jas. Layborne of a cruel murder committed on 18 July, at Furnes, in Lancashire,of a kinsman of mine named John Bardsey, son and heir to Wm. Bardsey, the bearer, whom I recommend to you. The matter was contrived by the prior of Conygished and Wm. Lanc[aster], brother to Edw. Lanc[aster], and others unknown. The murdered man's head was cut asunder in three places, his legs and arms mutilated. My cousin says he informed Mr. Antony Fitzherbert, justice, of the whole affair, at the last assizes in Lancaster, but no indictment was put in. As the matter is colorably borne by divers gentlemen, I beg you to provide a remedy. The bearer can tell you much of the county, and may be trusted. Camberag, 14 Sept. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add. : Sir Thos. Cromwell. Endd.
15 Sept.
Vienna Archives.
1125. Chapuys to Charles V.
Yesterday morning I was with the Council, as I wrote the day before to your Majesty, to take resolution about the recovery of the Spanish merchandise plundered by those of Lubeck. In the discussion of the matter a great deal was said that was very ill considered, which I shall pass over for the most part. Among other things, the Council, wishing to show their subtlety, or, if I durst say it, their little discretion, remarked, first, that it was strange that the Lubeckers, seeing they were subjects of your Majesty, should make war upon the Dutch ; secondly, that it would be more proper for the Spaniards to have recourse for justice to your Majesty as sovereign of the Lubeckers than to the King their master ; and, thirdly, that the King would have cause to complain of your Majesty if you did not punish your subjects, the said Lubeckers, for the said outrages committed here. To those points I replied that the first was nothing to the purpose, and that if they knew the custom of Arragon, Valencia, and Catalonia, in which each gentleman, without leave and even against the will of the sovereign, can denounce war against another, they would not be astonished that one city or country had the privilege of making war upon another, especially in Germany, where all the cities had a sort of royal authority, and that your Majesty was the preserver and augmenter of their privileges. As to the second, I said the Spaniards had very good cause to press the King for justice and reparation of their injuries, seeing that the outrage had been committed here, and that they had some of the criminals in their hands ; and, moreover, because the King, besides his ordinary customs, levied certain taxes for the protection of his ports and of the neighbouring coasts, he was bound to repair the said injury. As to the third, it was not likely that the Lubeckers would do them (the English) any injury, considering the favor they had shown them, even in delivering victuals to them ; and if it pleased the King to make a complaint to your Majesty, or the king of the Romans, or to the Government of the Empire, I was sure it would be proved to his satisfaction ; and this I affirmed boldly, knowing they had no case to come to such terms, and telling them further that I knew well how, by the delivery of the said victuals, the treaties of peace had been observed, seeing that they were not ignorant the Lubeckers were enemies or rather rebels to your Majesty, although I protested I would not enter into such a dispute, nor had come thither except to assist the said Spaniards. The Council, however, would not admit that the King was bound to make redress ; and as to the giving of victuals, they at first attempted to deny or dissemble it, but seeing this was impossible they said for excuse they had counselled the King thereto because there was no readier means of making the said ships leave the coast than to give them the said victuals on condition they sailed with the first. After innumerable discussions, which lasted nearly the whole day, the Council did all they could to arrange the matter, and it was at last determined that the King should send a man to the city of Lubeck to insist on the delivery of the things taken within his limits, and redress of the outrage done to his authority, and that with him should go the captain here detained, who promised to make restitution, or return here prisoner ; and for this the merchants of the Steelyard have given surety.
The duke of Norfolk being charged by the Lady with his too great familiarity and freedom of speech [with me], and fearing lest I should take advantage of some words he had spoken to me about the legitimacy of the Princess, and the right of succession belonging to her even if there were 1,000 daughters from this new marriage, has avoided giving me an opportunity of speaking to him, pretending always to be busy, and, when I was in his company, being always occupied with other concerns. All his conversation, even during dinner, was about the ladies of France, and the good reception made to him there even by the duke of Albany, both in his own country and in the lands under his Government, also of the intimate friendship and fraternity between the two Kings, which he said nothing could exceed. These things, I presume, he set forth to intimate that the affairs of Scotland would go quite after their mind, for everything depends on the said Duke. On my asking what other captain of repute France had, he answered smiling, and with exaggeration, that there were plenty, and more than 50. At last he said that they had all gone away, and that there was none left. He spoke much also of the grace and wit of the duke of Angoulme, praising him as if he wished to make a match for him. I know not if he did so to make me suspect that it would be a good bargain for the new-born child. At last he was obliged to speak as he felt (Il faillut que la langue alat ou le dent luy doilloit), and said that the world would never be in peace while one prince held so many kingdoms. I showed him that your Majesty's greatness was very necessary for the resistance of the Turk, and that your kingdoms were as well governed as if they had separate kings. He would not admit either one or the other, and said the number of children your Majesty will have will bring a remedy. I had much conversation with him to get him to talk of business, but could not bring him to it.
The daughter of the lady has been named Elizabeth, and not Mary. The christening has been like her mother's coronation, very cold and disagreeable. both to the Court and to the city, and there has been no thought of having the bonfires and rejoicings usual in such cases. After the child was baptised, a herald in front of the church-door proclaimed her princess of England. Previously, i.e. from her birth, it was ordered that the true princess should not be so called, and her lackeys were deprived of their goldembroidered coats, which they bore with her device, in place of which the arms of the King alone have been put on them. There is a report that they will diminish her establishment. God grant that they may do no worse to her. Like a wise and virtuous princess as she is, she takes matters patiently, trusting in the mercy of God, and has written a comforting letter to the Queen her mother, which is wonderfully good. I shall not fail, after ascertaining the Queen's will, to remonstrate against this monstrous injury and injustice, although I am sure it will be all in vain ; for sin, misfortune, and obstinacy have closed the King's ears, and something more than words will be necessary to move him. London, 7 Sept. 1533.
P.S.Since writing, the King sent to me yesterday by one of his chamber, desiring me to come to him at once. After leaving his mass, I made him reverence, and he received me very well, but not so openly as he used to do. He said he had called me about the affair of some merchants, and, instead of waiting in the room as he used to do, without further words he retired, and left me with the Council. They detained me such a time that they might have despatched me 100 times, the business being such as your Majesty will understand ; but they kept me long after dinner, for no other end, I believe, than that the world should know I was waiting at Court (que je faysoye la cour). At last, after much discussion, I was called ; when the duke of Norfolk, after excusing the trouble the King had given me to come, having in his hand a letter from the English ambassador in Flanders, told me that the said Ambassador had informed the King that the Dutch fleet had gone out, of which he presumed I was notified ; and because men at sea were very commonly ill governed, they all desired me on the King's part to write to the queen of Hungary to take measures that the said fleet should not injure this country or the King's subjects. I told them this was unnecessary, as the said Queen, both of her own disposition and by the general command of your Majesty, would take all precautions ; and, on the other hand, I begged them that, as they themselves said men at sea were demi-devils, they would impute any little disorder to the bad condition of the soldiers, and not to those who have charge of them, and that in such a case we should do the best that could be done. After this conversation, which was designed to cover the fear they had of the said fleet, they communicated to me the letters which the King wrote by an express messenger to Lubeck, in order that corrections might be made by my advice ; but of this there was no necessity, the letters were so well worded, and I promised to write and do my duty, as it pleased the King to command me.
During dinner the duke of Norfolk, who on the Thursday before desired entirely the appointment between the king of the Romans and the Turk, to the end, as he said, that it might be understood in the court of France, told me yesterday that he would wager 100 to 1 that it was not concluded without comprehending the Vayvode, and reserving to him the principal part of Hungary, and that what remained to the King could be only a very little, and ten times more loss than profit, as he understood by Capt. Rincon. On this he began to speak of Barbarossa, extolling his forces, and saying there was some danger that he would injure his neighbours, as he had been made by the Turk captain general on the coast of Africa. Afterwards, when one of the company remarked that the Turk was hindered by the Sofi, and that you had done a great good to Christendom by finding means of moving the said Sofi, the Duke replied that there were Christian princes who had greater intelligence with the Sofi than your Majesty. I answered, as to the first point, that I would not quarrel with him, as events would soon speak for themselves, and that my conscience would be ill at ease to win his money upon a wager that he made upon the report of such a man as Rincon, whom he ought to know well enough. As to the second, the neighbours of Barbarossa could have no such great reason to be afraid on account of his being made captain, for he had been so for two years, and had not done much during that time, and this would make the kings of Barbary join to put him down ; apart from which I hoped that your Majesty, by the aid of God and your allies, would prevent him doing as much mischief as he would like to do. On these words the duke of Suffolk said to the Chancellor, who sat above him, quite loud in English, knowing that I did not understand it, as my man informed me, who served at table, that not only your Majesty had done your duty to Christendom against the Turk, but even more than your duty, and that the French and the English had acquitted themselves very ill, and that God would punish them for it (les avoit deschastier) ; which he afterwards repeated in French, but not quite so energetically. As to the third point, I said to Norfolk I was sure your Majesty had no jealousy, but great pleasure at the intelligence of other princes with the Sophy, which was much more praiseworthy than having it with the Turk, Barbarossa, or the king of Fez. To this he made no reply, knowing well to what such generalities might turn, and it was then the duke of Suffolk repeated his observation in French.
At my departure from Court I begged Norfolk would allow me to speak with him apart, which he showed no inclination to do for the reasons already mentioned. He therefore sent the brother of the Lady, as I understand from a man who heard him, on a message to the King's chamber, who returned immediately in haste to break off our conversation. I accordingly called thither Cromwell, and told him that I had been informed the new-born child had been proclaimed as princess, but I could not believe that the King on that account would bastardize the first one, or deprive her of the succession, which rightly belonged to her. And, to color their error, and open a road for them to excuse themselves without prejudice to the Princess, I told them that there was no harm in having proclaimed the child a princess, for all children of a King ought to be so called, but I thought they did not intend as abovesaid to do prejudice to the first. On these words they remained looking at each other without knowing what to say ; and I entered further in remonstrance, reminding the Duke of what he had formerly said to me of it, and that I wished to know what to write to your Majesty. They both told me that it was a matter too high and important for them, and that they must consult about it maturely with the King ; and as to what I should write to your Majesty they left that to my discretion. On this the Lady's brother arrived with his commission to call them to the King, and thus I came away without seeking to speak to the King of this matter until I had learned the wish and opinion of the Queen ; and I think, if I had then demanded audience to speak upon the said subject, I should not have had it.
Since my return from Court the marchioness of Exeter, who is the sole consolation of the Queen and Princess, has informed me that they have sent letters through the kingdom by which the King informs his subjects that they ought to thank God for giving them a lawful heir. She has also informed me that the bishop of Winchester had gone to France to complain somewhat that the king of France had not prevented the sentence being given, as he might have done, and had given hopes that he would do, when he promoted the going of the duke of Norfolk, and to urge that since nothing more could be done he would now endeavour, by promises, threats, or otherwise, to get the said sentence revoked, or at least that no further steps should be taken to put it in execution. She also informs me that the councils, which they hold day and night at Court, are only to reform the establishments of the Queen and Princess, and that they can come to no resolution. London, 15 Sept. 1533.
Fr., hol., pp. 8. From a modern copy.

Arund. MS. 151, f. 194. B. M. Burnet, (fn. 1) V. 363.
1126. Katharine Of Arragon to the Princess Mary.
"Daughter, I heard such tidings today that I do perceive, if it be true, the time is come that Almighty God will prove you ; and I am very glad of it, for I trust He doth handle you with a good love. I beseech you agree to His pleasure with a merry heart ; and be you sure that, without fail, he will not suffer you to perish if you beware to offend Him." I pray you, good daughter, to offer yourself to Him. If any pangs come to you, shrive yourself ; first make you clean ; take heed of His commandments, and keep them as near as He will give you grace to do, for then are you sure armed. And if this lady do come to you, as it is spoken, if she do bring you a letter from the King, I am sure in the self-same letter you shall be commanded what you shall do. Answer you with few words, obeying the King your father in everything, save only that you will not offend God and lose your own soul ; and go no further with learning and disputation in the matter. And wheresoever and in whatsoever company you shall come, [obey] the King's commandments. Speak you few words, and meddle nothing. I will send you two books in Latin : one shall be De Vita Christi, with the declaration of the Gospels ; and the other the Epistles of Hierome, that he did write always to St. Paula and Eustochium ; and in them I trust you shall see good things. And sometimes, for your recreation, use your virginals, or lute, if you have any. But one thing specially I desire you, for the love that you do owe unto God and unto me, to keep your heart with a chaste mind, and your body from all ill and wanton company, [not] thinking nor desiring any husband, for Christ's Passion ; neither determine yourself to any manner of living until this troublesome time be past ; for I dare make you sure that you shall see a very good end, and better than you can desire. I would God, good daughter, that you did know with how good a heart I do write this letter unto you. I never did one with a better, for I perceive very well that God loveth you. I beseech Him of His goodness to continue it ; and if it fortune that you shall have nobody to be with you of your acquaintance, I think it best you keep your keys yourself, for howsoever it is, so shall be done as shall please them. And now you shall begin, and by likelihood I shall follow. I set not a rush by it ; for when they have done the uttermost they can, then I am sure of the amendment. I pray you recommend me unto my good lady of Salisbury, and pray her to have a good heart, for we never come to the kingdom of Heaven but by troubles. Daughter, wheresoever you become, take no pain to send for me, for if I may I will send to you.
"By your loving mother, Katharine The Queen."
Modern copy.

Vit. B. XIV. 52. B. M.
1127. [ to Katharine Of Arragon.]
"Pleaseth (fn. 2) it your [Grace] ... and had knowledge ... maryng my ... certain ... wrote unto ... and displeasure ... when the Emp[eror] ... gence in your G[race] ... same, the which ... and inspiration of ... be God your Grace's ... mind and will and ... with his pitiful eyes y ... [the court of] Rome hath given sentence ... concerning (fn. 3) the cause principal ... [consisto]ry of the Cardinals that the prohibition of your [marriage was] of the law of man, against the which the Pope [ma]y [well] dispense ; of the which conclusion it followeth necessary[ly] ... in the cause principal, but that there was not here all [the process which] was begun in this matter in England by the Pope's jug[es] ... of the said process men supposeth it very necess[ary to be] had here for to give judgment, or else by the know[ledge of the] process the sentence should be more solemnized. This notwith[standing the] Emperor's ambassador made many strong reasons and argu[ments to] the learned men that [it was not] necessary to tarry for the process that was begun in Eng[land ; but] for all the Ambassador's reasons the Consistory would not give [sentence], but for the diligent calling in this matter the Consist[ory has] given sentence against the marriage that the king of England ... to make with my Lady Anne ; (fn. 4) the which surely is to be h ... reputation because it is named a sentence, and for to b ... much solemnity, and with so great authority as it was, for whe[n it was] given, the court of the Consistory was opened that every [man might] come in and hear and see the sentence given ; and here it was ... that the marriage that the King made with my lady Anne wa[s of no] strength, and the children that were had between them ... married to be unlawful and base, and likewise [all such issue as] they should have hereafter, and also it wa[s declared that the] King and my lady Anne did enter and r[un into the] dangers and excommunications contained ... [by reason of] their unlawful marriage, but the d[ate of execution] is suspended unto the latter [end of this month of September] to give the * * * e your Grace to your ... [rig]ht queen of England ... [se]ntence that is given, and ... [S]eptember do not... ence as taking your ... lerly to put away my ... eynst his Grace, and ... me and all privileges which ... he and Pope, also this sentence ... [King]es grace, shall be printed ... e by the which the French king ... ease to aid the king of England any ... ... demand, lest the French king enter and be ... rd the King's offences and pains ordained and put forth ... the Church, or else that the French king will cause and counsel [the] King to forsake my lady Anne, and take your Grace again unto his [la]wful wife and queen, the which the Pope's holiness doth [tr]ust to persuade the French king now at their meeting and coming to [N]eza. So let your Grace put your sure confidence and whole trust in [Alm]ighty God, the which of His infinite goodness will send your Grace, after these great storms and tempests, fair and prosperous weather, both in this world and in the other ; and I beseech Jesu send the [King] (fn. 5) grace shortly to return and conderect himself, to the which [th]ere hath been many devout and holy prayers said, and many mo shall be in Spain, with many godly and solemn processions. Also let your Grace not myst (mistrust?) and take it for a truth the Emperor is [e]arnystly set and fixed in that, and to do that an Emperor and your nephew is bound to do in this your Grace's business and matter. [N]o more, but I beseech our Saviour always strength and [com]fort your Grace in His holy service, and save and keep the noble [Pr]ence your daughter. Amen."
Probably a copy. Mutilated.
15 Sept. 1128. Thomas Cromwell to the French Ambassador. (fn. 6)
Announces the arrival of the ambassadors of Denmark and Norway at the Court of the queen dowager of Hungary to conclude and sign a treaty of alliance. Thinks that Court inclined to treat with them on the footing that whoever is elected king there (the election being again deferred for a year) shall swear to the alliance. Stepney, 15 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
15 Sept.
R. O.
1129. Lawson to Cromwell.
Asks him to favor Edw. Paynter, owner of a ship of Lynne, whom Lawson retained to convey corn to Berwick at the King's adventure and his own. He has been arrested in a wrongful action of debt by Oduell Selby, of Berwick, and been unjustly condemned in the court of the bishop of Durham at Norham. He will sue to Cromwell for remedy. Berwick, 15 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
15 Sept.
R. O.
1130. The Galleon Of Flushing.
Certificate by the burgomasters, &c. of Antwerp that Andrew Macambro, merchant and citizen of Antwerp, has made oath before them that in April last his ship called the Galleon of Flushing, Matthew Pierson, master, sailed into Scotland, and in returning was attacked by the English as a Scotch enemy, and the cargo taken, to the value of 16l. 17s. Fl. Dated 15 Sept. 1533.
Lat., vellum. Seal of the town appended.
16 Sept.
R. O.
1131. Francis Halle to Lady Lisle.
Thanks for her letter of 31 Aug. Has not deserved her thanks. Till he comes again to Kent on his return to Calais, cannot arrange for the delivery of beef and mutton according to her letter. Came to London five days ago from Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, where he had been to see his friends, having returned so soon that he might the sooner be at Calais again. Has now to visit these counties again at his father's desire, but wherever he is will remember her affairs. While in Nottinghamshire, the archbishop of York desired to be recommended to lord and lady Lisle. Hopes lord Lisle has heard from Bond his servant and Master Russell that Hall did not fail to deliver his instructions. Would have done the same to Mr. Treasurer, but he has not yet come to Court. Mr. Kingston wishes for a goshawk. He says Ric. Blontte, of Newnam Bridge, will do as much for him. Every one asks after lord and lady Lisle. London, 16 Sept. 1533.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. : At Calais.
16 Sept.
R. O.
1132. Edw. Lord Stourton to Cromwell.
The abbot and convent of Bruton granted to the bearer, John White, an annuity of 10l. and other profits in past time, which the present abbot withholds contrary to right. I beg your charitable interference in the matter. Stourton, 16 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : Of the Council.
17 Sept.
Harl. MS. 6,148, f. 29 b. B. M. C.'s Letters, 257.
1133. Cranmer to John Flemyng.
Summons to appear before the Archbishop immediately, at Otford or elsewhere. Otford, 17 Sept.
Add. : "To Sir John Flemyng, curate of St. Nicholas parish, in Bristoll."
Copy from Cranmer's Letter Book.
17 Sept.
R. O.
1134. De Dinteville to Lord Lisle.
The bearer will give you a packet of letters from me to the King, with news of the good health of the King his brother. We are expecting news of the truce from Scotland.
I beg you to cause the packet to be given to Colin Caron, who is the French king's post at Boulogne. I have given the bearer money to pay for the carriage thither, and have written to your servant Jehan to find a carrier. I thank you for the directions you gave to my man going into France with greyhounds. London, 17 Sept.
Hol., Fr., p. 1. Add.
17 Sept.
Camusat, 139 b.
1135. Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.
Yesterday evening received his letter of the 3rd. Would be glad to send some notable personage to be present at the baptism of the expected prince, but if the King cannot wait for this the Bailly may do it. Will send a ring to be presented to the Queen, and meanwhile he may use one which Norfolk will give him. Had already heard of the mission of the bishop of Winchester, and expects him here today or tomorrow.
Is pleased with the Scotch news he has had from the Bailly and De Beauvais. The Grand Master writes from Marseilles that the duchess of Urbino has arrived at Nice, and that Albany had returned to Spezzia ( l'Espece) to meet the Pope, who will be there on the 20th or 22nd. He left Rome eight days ago. Arles, 17 Sept. 1533.
Fr.
17 Sept.
Add. MS. 28,586, f. 3. B. M.
1136. Count Of Cifuentes to Charles V.
Has received his letters of 18, 27, and 30 ult., in answer to his own sent by Davalos, and those of the 5th and 13th.
Told the Pope what your Majesty ordered to be written to me touching the case of the queen of England. He was pleased to hear that you were contented with his declaration ; and in answer to your request that he would make a declaration in the principal cause, he said that he would persevere in doing justice with as much haste as possible. Showed him what you had sent me,that writing which was handed in by the English ambassador here, to be communicated by the Pope. (Amostrele lo que V. M. me mando embiar que el ambajador que ay reside por aquel Rey dio in scriptis por communicarlo por su S., como V. M. me lo mandava.) The Pope was annoyed, and said he wished the Emperor had not desired it to be kept secret, as he would have had it printed and published in the streets of Rome, so that every one might know the good intentions of the king of England, and that he inclines more to Lutheranism than to Christianity. He denies having made the promises mentioned in the writing. Passages in the brief and decretal are falsely interpreted in it, and it is all cavilling, to make him speak in the King's favor to the Emperor. He thought your answer to the first point was prudent, but wished you had said more. The second satisfied him much more. Asked him to write about it ; but he said he would consider it, and then answer me. I see that he wishes to show his feelings about these writings, but is content with the rest.
He is more satisfied than before with the passage in your Majesty's letter, that he might declare in the principal cause, because your Majesty would not fail in acting in accordance with your dignity and your relation to the Queen. Has sent the executoriales to queen Mary, with instructions from the lawyers.
Passages about the Swiss, the Council, and the death of Maraviglia (Merveilles).
At the interview the Pope intends to prove to the French king, and to certain lawyers and prelates who are well affected to the king of England, that he acted legally in giving this last sentence, which they dispute. There will be some discussion about the matter itself, and the Pope has ordered Simoneta and Cappisuccha to accompany him with a copy of the process. He desired Juan Luys de Arragonia, the Imperial Advocate, to go also ; but he excused himself, as not knowing your wish. The Pope said he should come, not as the Queen's advocate, but as a member of the College. I have advised him not to go ; but the Pope has ordered the King's advocates, and another of the Queen's, to go ; and the College of Advocates has pressed Juan Luys to go also ; so that he says it will be very difficult to refuse. I have promised to speak for him to the Pope, whom I expect to overtake in two or three days.
The Pope says that the Vayvode has commissioned a brother of el Cavallero Casal (Sir Gregory) to go to the interview, and complain of his excommunication without a hearing.
Will speak to the Pope, when I have an opportunity, of the trust of the king of England in the Papal Nuncio, of which you write. * * * Sto. Loreno, 17 Sept. 1533.
Sp., pp. 21, modern copy.
19 Sept.
Add. MS. 28,586, f. 14. B. M.
1137. The Count Of Cifuentes.
"Relacion de lo que escrive el conde de Cifuentes y su secretario, 17-19 Sept. 1533."
With marginal notes.
19 Sept.
R. O.
1138. Robert Abbot Of St. Alban's to Cromwell.
Has caused John Corke to be examined, of whom Cromwell wrote, and also one Will. Lowe, who is here in prison for like cause. Encloses their confessions, and desires instructions what to do with them. St. Alban's, 19 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To, &c., Master Thomas Crumwell, one of the King's most hon. Council.
20 Sept.
Harl. MS. 416, f. 22. B. M.
1139. John Lord Huse to [the Council].
According to the King's commandment, showed me at Greenwich on Sunday last, I have signified to the Princess his pleasure concerning the diminishing of her high estate of the name and dignity of Princess. She was astonished at my declaring such a thing alone, and without sufficient authorisation by commission or other writing from the King, not doubting that she is the King's lawful daughter and heir. She will not believe that the King intends to diminish her estate without a writing from him.
I have declared your commandment to her servants. They answered that they will always be ready to obey the King, saving their conscience ; but they think such a commandment, given only by me, is not sufficient. I commit the matter to you to be further weighed. Beaulieu, 20 Sept.
Signed.
P. 1.
20 Sept.
R. O.
1140. Nicholas Longmed to Cromwell.
I have had manifold troubles since I left England, not to be comprised in three paper leaves. I am sorry I cannot discharge you and others and myself against the King. I have been so handled in the city of Groyne by a false corrygidor that I am utterly undone. My wife and children are "sparkled" among my friends, and I am cast away without your favor in recovering my goods. I am at the Blackfriars here, awaiting your commands. In the house of Martin Howberd, some time servant to Mr. Wyott, in the Black Friars in London, this Saturday.
Hol., p. 1. Headed : London, 20 Sept. Add. : Of the Council.

Footnotes

  • 1. The latest editor of Burnet says that the Norfolk MSS., from which this letter was originally printed, have been destroyed. They appear to be the Arundel MSS. now in the British Museum ; but the text in Burnet contains several inaccuracies.
  • 2. Modern marginal note."The Emperor offended at the King's marriage with Anne Bullen, and complains to the Pope."
  • 3. Modern marginal note."The Court of Rome gave sentence in the case of Q. Catharine that the prohibition of her marriage was de jure humano, against which the Pope might dispense."
  • 4. Modern marginal note."The Cardinals give sentence against the marriage with Anne Bullen."
  • 5. This word is omitted in the text, but is clearly necessary.
  • 6. MS. sold by Messrs. Sotheby, 17 March 1875.