Henry VIII: July 1525, 1-13 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: July 1525, 1-13', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530, ed. J S Brewer( London, 1875), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol4/pp655-673 [accessed 5 November 2024].

July 1525



1 July. Lettere di Principi, I. 166 b.	1467. GIO. MATT. GIBERTO, Datary, to LODOVICO CANOSSA, BISHOP OF BAYEUX, French Ambassador at Venice.
	The Pope is waiting to see what course events will take. Inform Madame (Louise) in what unity you find the whole of Italy. To take the Spaniards by surprise will facilitate the design. For the love of God, let an agreement with England be accomplished, now that matters are so well disposed; for, unless I am greatly mistaken, they will be arranged without difficulty. Above all, let there be given to that King and to the cardinal of York all the glory and incense (fumo) which they covet, for if you gain him this once, you gain him for ever. If I knew here what Madame would be willing to offer them, many good effects might result; still, I am not idle, and believe I have produced some fruit with these ambassadors of that King. All will go well, if what has been effected be not by other means spoiled, after the manner of the French. Confirm Madame in the purpose for which she sent M. Lorenzo Toscano to the Pope. As France has nothing to fear, she should aid Italy. Rome, 1 July 1525.
	Ital.
1 July P.S.	1468. For CARDINAL WOLSEY.
	Grant of the site of the suppressed priory of St. Frideswide, Oxford, and the manors of Bolles, Shipton, Cuddeslowe, Binsey and Pedyngton, Oxon, Over Winchinton, Bucks, Huddon, Edyngton and Knightington, Berks; the rectories of Hedyngton, Marston, Sydley, Churchill, Fritwell, and Elsfeld, Oxon; Wornall, Ocley, Borstall and Bryll, Bucks; and other portions issuing from Melton, Northt., the counties of Oxon and Berks, and from the rectories and churches of Garsyngton, Wallingford, St. Aldate, and St. Michael, Oxford, and Ceresdon, Oxon. Greenwich, 28 January (sic) 17 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 1 July.
	Pat. 17 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 19.
P.S.	2. Similar grant, with additions and variations. Greenwich, 28 January (sic) 17 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 1 July.
	Pat. 17 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 40.
	3. Another enrolment of the same, with differences. Westm., 1 July.
	Pat. 17 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 40.
R. O.	4. Letters patent for the same.
	Lat., vellum. Great Seal mutilated.
R. O.	5. Other letters patent for the same.
	Lat., vellum. Part of Great Seal remaining.
R. O.	6. Draft petition of Wolsey for a signed bill granting him the site and lands of the suppressed monastery of St. Frideswide's, Oxford, for his college.
1 July. Calig. B. VII. 236. B. M.	1469. SIR. WM. EURE to WOLSEY.
	Went to the Cock Law 29 June, to meet Angus, who came not, but sent Mark Carr. Made a proclamation that notice of anything stolen in Carr's lieutenantship should be sent to Robt. Collingwood, or in the Middle Marches of England to Mark Carr, from the 29th June for 20 days. Had made an attack on the rebels of Tynedale, who desired to speak with him. He sent to them Will. Ellercar, Robt. Collingwood and Jo. Heron. They desire to submit. Hexham, 1 July.
	Pp. 2. Add. as before. Endd. as before.
2 July R. O.	1470. WARHAM to WOLSEY.
	Has received Wolsey's letter dated Westminster, the 1st, complaining that Warham had not followed his directions in explaining his mind to the inhabitants of Tunbridge, and desiring him to come to London and be present at an audience to be given by the King to the president of Roone. When he was at Tunbridge lately he told the inhabitants there, of whom not more than 16 appeared before him, that he and Wolsey had thought it would be better for themselves and their children perpetually to have 40 children of that country to be brought up in learning, and afterwards sent to Oxford, and that certain priests should sing there continually for their founder, rather than to have six or seven canons. To this all except three answered that they wished the canons restored, but desired to be allowed till the Friday following to discuss the matter with their neighbours. On that day they brought to the archbishop at Otford a book of the names of those who desired the restoration of the canons, but finally referred the matter to the King's and Wolsey's pleasure. Does not see, therefore, why any bruit should arise of this, but some men in Kent think nothing can be done without them. Has written to Sir Edward Nevill and to the vicar of Tunbridge to stop the bruit if there be such. Has ordered the parish priest of Cranbrook, and Peke of Tunbridge, to come to him at Maidstone next Wednesday, that he may see what they have said in the matter. Does not know any ground for Wolsey's suspicion that some of those that raised the bruit "should be towards me." If Warham find them, he will not fail to punish them. As to his coming to Lambeth, intends going tomorrow to Maidstone to keep the feast of the Translation of St. Thomas next Friday. Has made great preparations there of beer, ale, and wine, and got all his chapel stuff ready. Could not make other arrangements now without great loss. Will return to Otford as soon as possible, and remain till he hear further from Wolsey, arranging meanwhile for his coming to Lambeth. Otford, 2 July.
	P.S.—In accordance with what was said between them, has sent for the vicar of Croydon, who has not yet come in person, but has written to him the enclosed answer. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add.: "To the most reverend father in God, and my very singular good lord, my lord Cardinal of York and legate de latere his good grace."
3 July. R. O.	1471. WARHAM to WOLSEY.
	Has enquired, according to Wolsey's letters, about the murmur concerning the priory of Tunbridge. Finds there is none, but that the inhabitants of the town, and others adjoining, "had liever to have the said place not suppressed if it might stand with the King's pleasure." Henry Fane, and others who had a suit with the late prior, are supposed to have stirred this rumor, for fear the prior should be restored. As to the parish priest of Cranebroke, the matter was published by him by desire of the inhabitants of Tunbridge, in order to get the advice of those of Cranebroke, as it concerned the interest of both in regard to exhibitions at school, and those of Cranebroke concurred with the men of Tunbridge, subject entirely to the King's pleasure. If any such rumor had arisen, Warham would have been the first to hear of it. Thinks the inhabitants ought not to be suspected of making murmurs upon light persons' letters. Otford, 3 July. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: My lord Cardinal of York, legate a latere.
3 July R. O.	1472. OUDART DU BIES to the CAPTAIN OF GUISNES.
	Has received his letter. Sends the ransom of Pierre de Veus (?). Will send back the English adventurers for whom the captain offers 4 écus each, and the 10 others who were "aux arbanoys," for whom you offer 28 écus in all. Is content, for pity, to release Mr. Feaguenat (?) at the ransom at which he has always been put of 100 écus. Will send him on payment of this and the usual dues. M. de Brienne writes that he has heard from Jean Jaquin in England that peace is concluded between France and England, and that Henry has despatched a man hither to make abstinence. Hopes the captain is aware of it, but his men make booty, which he would revenge but for fear of hindering the arrangements. Desires to know by tomorrow how the captain means to act about it. Boulogne, 3 July. Signed.
	P.S.—Sends this trumpet for an answer about the abstinence. The captain's trumpet remains here for the wine of Captain Palme.
	Fr., pp. 2. Add.
4 July R. O.	1473. LORD BERNERS to WOLSEY.
	Sends news received from Hector (de Vicquemare), who came to him on Monday, July 3. Wishes to know if he is to be retained. Calais, 4 July.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's good grace. Endd.: Calisia, from the lord Beners (sic), dat' 4 Junii.
5 July. Lettere di Principi, I. 167.	1474. GIBERTO to the BISHOP OF BAYEUX.
	I beseech you to do what I wrote to you the other day. More and more every day I see how necessary it is to use diligence, without which the finest opportunity that ever could be desired will be lost. We have since received advices from England of the 14th ult., which show their minds over there, and especially that of the cardinal of York, to be, I do not say inclined to, but ardent with desire for arrangement with France. Write, therefore, and tell them (the French) to conclude (the league), and not to endeavor, on account of the good inclination of England, to stretch matters too much in their own favor; for if the French yield a trifle it will be returned with usury and abundant fruit, owing to the good which is sure to ensue. If they seize this favorable opportunity, considering the good cards which we shall here have to play, there is no doubt as to an honorable victory. Solicit to have in hand the disposal of the moneys, and that order be given for the descent of men-at-arms and choice infantry from the mountains into Italy. The fleet likewise should be sent. If these things be done, Madame (Louise) will soon recover the King (Francis) with much greater glory than the Emperor took him prisoner.
	Urge the signory (of Venice) to hurry on their negotiations with Milan. M. Lorenzo's (fn. 1) arrival is anxiously expected. The English fear lest the French are treating only to gain time and allay suspicion, in order that the Emperor may become disgusted with England, and so facilitate the agreement between him and the French king. If they take offence accordingly, I am afraid that a worse result will follow. If, therefore, the King's delivery can be accomplished by this means, with more advantage and glory than by an agreement with the Emperor, which would involve so many sacrifices and obligations, let the utmost endeavors be used to bring the negotiations with the English to a good effect, and let those with the Emperor be relaxed. Rome, 5 July 1525.
	Ital.
6 July. Vit. B. VII. 174. B. M. Captivité,&c. 242.	1475. BOURBON to HENRY VIII.
	Since the departure of the French king the Emperor has requested him to go to Spain, which he intends to do by the same galleys which took the King. Expects them at Genoa in seven days. Wherever he is, will always act for the good of the common cause, as the King will hear from Russell. Milan, 6 July. Signature pasted on.
	Fr., p., 1, mutilated. Add.. Au Roy. Endd.
6 July. R. O.	1476. BOURBON to WOLSEY.
	Although a journey to Spain would have been very convenient to him, especially since the departure of Francis for the same place, has remained here to serve the Emperor and the King. The Emperor has sent for him, and he will go when the galleys which took Francis return. Expects they will arrive at Genoa in seven or eight days. Wherever he is, will act for the welfare of the common affair, and will be always ready to serve Wolsey, as he has told Russell. Milan, 6 July. Signed.
	Fr., p., 1. Add.: A,&c., Mons. le Cardinal. Endd.
6 July. Vesp. C. III. 66. B. M.	1477. CHARLES V.
	Commission of Henry VIII. to Tunstal, Sir Ric. Wingfield and Sampson to rescind the treaty of Windsor, for the marriage of the Princess to Charles V., and all other treaties, and to treat for the repayment of the money due from the Emperor. London, 6 July 1525, 17 Hen. VIII.
	Draft, pp. 9. Lat.
Ibid. f. 250.	Another copy.
	Pp. 8.
6 July. Harl. MS. 442. f. 51. B. M.	1478. The COINAGE.
	Proclamation to be made by the sheriffs of London, fixing the values of the following coins: ducats at 4s. 6d.; crowns of the sun at 4s. 4d.; gold crowns, not of the sun, at 4s.; gold Carolus at 6s. 10d.; florins of base gold at 3s. 3d.; florins of less quantity, 2s. 1d. Groats, half groats, and pence of the King's and other coin to be received, if not clipped nor broken, although cracked. Westm., 6 July 17 Hen. VIII.
	Modern copy, pp. 3.
7 July. Vit. B. VII. 173. B. M.	1479. RUSSELL to [WOLSEY].
	There has arriv[ed here a gentle]man of the marquis of Pescara, from th[e Emperor], who has brought letters to Bourbon from his am[bassador there], bidding him come as soon as he can, for the Emperor will keep all his promises. The Emperor had despatched a gentleman of the Duke's with the letters, but he met the Viceroy and French king at Barcelona, of which the Emperor was not apprized, and was sent back. He has written to Bourbon, who expects him daily with the Emperor's letters. He told the King and Viceroy that the Emperor had sent for his master; at which they were greatly astonished, and not glad, although the Viceroy said he would it had cost him one of his fingers so that Bourbon were with the Emperor, and said he would send back the galleys as soon as he could to fetch him. Bourbon looks for them daily, and will go as soon as they arrive.
	It is supposed here that the Viceroy will [not] be so welcome with the Emperor as he expects to be. Again asks what he shall do when Bourbon goes. He leaves tomorrow for Piedmont to put the men of war in order; "which is needs, for I think there was never men did more mischief, reservyng fire, than they do there." He tells Russell he will be a true servant to the King wherever he is, and desires to serve him as much as any servant he has, as will appear if this enterprise proceed, which he desires above everything. Whatever appointment the King and Emperor make with Francis he will never love him, trust him, or be under him or his successors, but will be always their enemy. Milan, 7 July. Signed.
	Pp. 2, mutilated.
7 July. Galba, B. VIII. 182. B. M.	1480. SIR ROB. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Received on the 27th ult. Wolsey's letters of the 21st, with two from the King and two from Wolsey to my Lady and Hochstrate, the receipt of which he mentioned in his letters to Tuke of the 31st. Had no opportunity of seeing my Lady and delivering them before Sunday last, the 2nd inst. Saw that when she had read them she was somewhat chafed. Never heard her speak so sharp. Endeavored to temper her displeasure against Hesdin. Discussed the matter for an hour or more, during which she brought many charges against him, and named many lords for witness,—who will probably not confirm what she said. When Wingfield told her how faithful the King had always found him, who had honored him with knighthood and rewarded him so liberally, she said she was much surprised the King and Wolsey, who so lately urged that De Praet might be punished for no fault she knew of, now wrote so affectionately for Hesdin, who had grievously offended; and that, as to taking him back into her service, she would not do it if commanded by the Emperor, or even by the Pope on pain of excommunication.
	Begged to know what his offence was. She said no better proof could be given of it than the way he left her court, and asked her pardon afterwards by letters to Hochstrate. Neither his wife nor any of his friends could tell where he had gone to, and everybody said she had caused him secretly to be put to death. She wishes to know why she should pardon him, for ever since the Emperor's last departure he has been continually sowing discord among the Emperor's councillors, whom she has found so out of frame that she has been weary of her life. When he left the court she knew no reason why he should have gone, though a month before she could have given 20,000 florins to be rid of him.
	Wingfield excused his secret departure by her own words, which showed that he had some cause to be afraid of her, and said he thought he had not done ill in suing for pardon, as it became a servant to humble himself to his mistress, even though he knew no cause for her displeasure. Was unable to move her, but she said she would write to the King and Wolsey, and that if she had known I was going to speak so stiffly in Hesdin's behalf, she would have declined to have any long talk with me. Has forborne to write, trusting that she would, before this, have sent her letters to the King and Wolsey. Since she takes so long a breath, hopes her letters will be more gracious. After leaving her, delivered the letters to Hochstrate, who spoke much more temperately than my Lady, saying he bore no displeasure against Hesdin, but charged him with many things that Wingfield does not believe. Both my Lady and he raked up everything to his discredit, since the first day they knew him,—even his birth.
	As to the suspicion entertained by the King and his Council that the gentleman sent by the French king's mother had not so slight a charge as my Lady declared, used every endeavor while he was at Malines, which was only for two days and three nights, to learn by friends if he was better laden, but could not hear of it. My Lady meant to have sent Nicholas Perno (Perrenot), one of her Council, to the Emperor through France, but he still remains, because it was expected that the gentleman or some one else would have been sent again to my Lady by this time, with some charge, of which Perno might have informed the Emperor; also Hannart and De Praet were to have set forth, but have remained here; and Hochstrate told Wingfield yesterday that John Joachim is in England, and, if not provided of more substantial matter than the gentleman who came from my Lady, might as well be redespatched like the other.
	The French lately took by treason a strong castle of the Emperor's on the frontiers of Luxembourg, and gave it to Robert de la Marche in compensation for his losses. The squire Bouton, now in the duchy of Luxemburg, managed to plant ordnance before it so suddenly, that, though Messer Robert's steward was within, well accompanied and provided with all things necessary, it was at once surrendered. As for the unfortunate and ill-advised people of Almain, though upwards of 100,000 of them have been slain in different places, they are again assembled in as great number as ever. Nothing is heard of what the Archduke is doing with the Tyrolese, who have robbed the monasteries, and chased out their two bishops of Trent and Bryxeno. Cardinal Gurk is said to be besieged in a castle of his own by his subjects. In Hungary and in the Turk's countries, there are similar disturbances,—which is just as well for Christendom.
	Thanks Wolsey for ordering the captain of Guisnes to deliver to him 100 marks over and above the 30l. he received at Calais. Begs still further remittance, as these sums are all spent in advance, and much more, though they should have lasted till St. Margaret's day, which is not far off, at the rate of 20s. a day. Wingfield's constable of the castle of Calais, who received the half year's wages for him and the retinue, due on the 6th April, when he had paid all charges had only 16l. in hand. Has this year sold 200 marks of plate, so that now he eats in pewter, as he has not done these dozen years past, being the King's ambassador. Breedaw, 7 July 1525.
	Hol., pp. 7. Add. Endd.
8 July. Harl. MS. 442, f. 53. B. M.	1481. The COINAGE.
	Proclamation to be made by the earl of Shrewsbury, steward of the Household, and by the treasurer and comptroller, fixing the values of the following coins: large gold ducats, 4s. 6d.; crowns of the sun, "Perpynes" and others of the same fineness, 4s. 4d.; other gold crowns, 4s.; Carolus, 6s. 10d.; base gold florins, 3s. 3d.; base gold florins of less weight, 2s. 1d. All groats, half groats and pence of the King's coin, and other groats and half groats current in the realm, not clipped nor fully broken, to be received without refusal. Westm., 8 July 17 Hen. VIII.
	Modern copy, pp. 3.
8 July. R. O.	1482. SIR WM. EURE to WOLSEY.
	Went into Tendale on the 7th July with Sir Rauf Fenwyk, he being on one side of the water and Eure the other. Fenwyk asked for 80 of "my nayrcharys" (mine archers). Sent them to him with "my nuckyll hewystes" (my uncle Eustace ?), John of Hogyll and 50 spears. Burnt their "chellis," and took all in them and their cattle. The Scots set on Fenwick, took Eure's uncle and 10 of his servants, and killed one. Sent to his friends in the bishopric of Durham, round Hexham, to accompany him on the journey, and 300 came. The gentlemen of this country would rather have the favor of the thieves than take them. Wishes to know Wolsey's pleasure for his future conduct. Continues the wages to the garrison, and remains himself at Hexham. Hexham, 8 July. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace. Endd.
8 July. Vesp. C. III. 188. B. M.	1483. TUNSTAL, SIR RIC. WINGFIELD and SAMPSON to [WOLSEY].
	Curson arrived here on June 30 with letters of credence to the Emperor from the King, and instructions for them, but no letter from Wolsey to the Emperor, though there was a mention thereof in the letters to them. Will deliver the King's letters to the Emperor, Nassau and the Chancellor, in the favor of the Queen's physician, at a convenient time. Received also copies of the articles delivered by the Emperor's ambassadors, and of other matters.
	Refer him to the King's letters. He will see by their former letters what they have done and said about De Praet. The matter of opening the Emperor's letters is now pacified and out of mind. Think they had better say no more about it, as De Praet is gone, and the matter past. Think the Emperor is still faithfully minded to England, and that he will take no peace with France without the contentation of the King. He has always spoken as well as possible towards the King, and now says expressly that he will proceed as sincerely with him as with himself, and that he desires no amity in the world so much as the King's. As Francis is here, it cannot be long before the intent of the French about peace will be known. Are waiting to know their offers, and shall then advance or withdraw as they find occasion. More will be obtained, both from the French and the Emperor, in this way, than by seeming inclined to peace. If the King means to consent to the Emperor's marriage with Portugal, they must have his letters as a warrant, as it concerns breaking of alliance; they dare not do it without.
	Remind him that the said alliance was the cause of many articles in the treaty more beneficial to the Emperor than to the King, viz., that the King should defend him "in statu quo regali et imperiali, et si quis illum invadat, quod Rex suis expensis teneatur inferre bellum invadenti;" which is indeed reciprocal, but he has more places to defend than the King. It is to be considered whether these conditions should remain or not, and whether, if they were "defeatyd" the Emperor might not think all the residue was to be "defeatyd," and make his peace with France, leaving England.
	Have heard no more of the Emperor's voyage to Italy this summer, and think it will not take place now the French king is come to Spain. It must be considered that if the King does not consent to this marriage with Portugal, the Emperor may do it without, as his subjects urge it so strongly; and then distrust might arise between the princes. The Chancellor has lately abstained from exercising his office, in consequence of certain Spanish secretaries who have usurped upon it, but the matter is now pacified. Are glad thereof, as he bears a good mind to the King's affairs. Do not know whom else the Emperor would have had to cope with John de Selva, when he comes. Have heard nothing of the duplicates sent by France and Jeanis. Toledo, 8 July. Signed.
	Pp. 5.
8 July. Vesp. C. III. 176. B. M.	1484. TUNSTAL, WINGFIELD and SAMPSON to [HENRY VIII.]
	Received his letters of the 11th ult. on the 29th, for the Emperor, with one from Wolsey of the 12th. Understand by them Spinalosa's demands and your answers; also what declaration we must make to the Emperor. Sent the day after to the Grand Master to learn when the Emperor would be pleased to receive us. He appointed the 1st. Were admitted to his bed- chamber, "none of his council being by." After presenting their letters, told him Spinalosa's demands for the delivery of the Princess,—instant payment of 200,000 ducats for Bourbon's invasion of France;—in event of the Princess being refused, her dote 200,000 in hand of the said 200,000 ducats (sic), and 100,000 per mensem for four months:—if this were refused, "an amiable loan" of 400,000 ducats, half in hand, the other half in two months by equal portions. We begged him to consider what he would do in the like case; that as for my lady Princess "she was your only child at this time in whom your Highness put the hope of propagation of any posterity of your body, seeing the Queen's grace hath been long without child; and albeit God may send her more children, yet she was past that age in which women most commonly are wont to be fruitful and have children." Besides, as the Princess is not much more than nine years old, it might greatly endanger her health and growth if she were transported into an air so different from that of England.
	For bringing her up, "if he should seek a mistress for her to frame her after the manner of Spain, and of whom she might take example of virtue, he should not find in all Christendom a more meet than she now hath, that is to say, the Queen's grace her mother, who is comen of this house of Spain, and who, for the affection she beareth the Emperor, will nourish her, and bring her up as may be hereafter to his most contentation." If the Emperor should die, she would have parted with her dote without receiving her dowry; or if the King should die, who would prosecute her claims ? We urged the danger of delivering young ladies out of their friends' hands, and the instance of my lady Margaret his aunt.
	Next, as to the demand of money: we said the war was oppressive, and the King's charges great; that an army was sent by sea to conduct his person; that Norfolk was sent into France and my lord Steward northward against the Scots with 40,000 men;—then Suffolk had been sent,—then Norfolk against the Scots;—that your Grace had contributed much money to Bourbon's invasions, kept up a garrison at Guisnes and Calais, and so exhausted your treasure;—that it was not in your power to maintain your estate, and accomplish such invasions as you were bound unto by treaty, to keep up a war with France and Scotland, and condescend to his request for a loan;—that whereas the Emperor can by his position take his enemies at advantage, your realm lieth in the midst of yours, and is put to much expence. Therefore the King hoped he would not be offended at the refusal of his request.
	The Emperor replied that his wish for the delivery of the Princess only arose from his anxiety that if he should be compelled to leave his realm some person might be left in charge of it, whereas now he was tied by the foot; that he thought the King, who was reported "to be the richest prince in the world," had enough "to accomplish his desires" and serve himself, but now he perceived that bruits are not to be trusted, "for ofttimes bruit runneth that men be richer than they be; howbeit, he said, the bruit that runneth upon him is true, for he is bruited to be poor, and is poor indeed." He then said Spinalosa had received instructions which he had kept back by order of the lady Margaret, sc., that if his demands were not complied with, the King would consent to his marriage with Portugal. After more words to the same effect he left us.
	Two days after, went to Nassau's chamber, where we were showed Spinalosa's instructions to the said effect, with a copy of the same by my lady Margaret, confirming the Emperor's assertion. Cannot discover her reason for so doing, but all are discontented with her. Letters will be sent to England to explain this. The French king is now in the castle of Cabanillios in Valentia, "there to tarry three or four days unto he had taken a purgation, because he was grieved by travel by sea." The president of Paris has spoken to him since his landing. Will watch the overtures for peace with moderation, lest, if the French king sees that they are too anxious, his offers should be too slow, or the Emperor's demands too high. Think that an alliance of England, the Emperor and Bourbon will secure to the King whatever Francis offers. Are told that the French king has said that if he has an interview with the Emperor he can inform him of the treachery of his friends. He will win no credit by so doing. The Viceroy arrived on the 6th. Have congratulated him on the victory, and how by it the pride of the common enemy was abated, offering also that if there was anything he desired in England it should not be in vain. He thanked God that he had an opportunity of serving the Emperor and the King, "saying amongst other devisings that the necessity of money that they have been in hath, peradventure, done good, and brought it to the point that it now is."
	On telling the Emperor they were going to send a post, he said he had received letters by Montmorency, who had come with the Viceroy, containing three requests from Francis: 1, to visit the Emperor "for to basir las manos" after the custom of Spain; 2, that my Lady his mother might come to Narbonne; 3, safe-conduct for the duchess of Alençon, who should come with many sad personages, and bring authority from all the realm to arrange for his delivery. The Emperor replied that he would refer all to his Council. and if reasonable offers were made to Henry's friends he was content. He proposed that the six galleys of the French king should remain in Spain. Over this he said that Francis had proposed a marriage with Eleanor, but he had refused, as she was promised already. We told him that such a match was "worth not only one captivity, but twice to be taken prisoner," as he would gain more by it than if he had been at liberty. Think the reason for the duchess of Alençon coming hither is "to wowe the Emperor for herself, and the Queen dowager for her brother." The Emperor desires the detention of the galleys in order to secure the transport of Bourbon hither. Toledo, 8 July. Signed.
	Pp. 13.
9 July. Vesp. C. III. 72. B. M.	1485. TUNSTAL, WINGFIELD and SAMPSON to [HENRY VIII.]
	P.S.—While giving the letters to the post last night, the Chancellor sent for them. Found with him the Great Master and John Almayn, who said that the Emperor wished for their advice upon three points: 1, whether it would not be better to move the French king from Valencia to Castile, which would be safer, as further from the sea, and the Castilians do not think it to their honor that Valencia should be more trusted than they, and because the castle of Chatina in Valencia is not honorable for him, being used only for malefactors and traitors; 2, whether he shall grant safe-conduct to Madame d'Alençon, who wishes to come with Robertet, Janlyse and others to treat of peace and the delivery of her brother; and, 3, whether a truce should be taken while she remained.
	Asked leave to defer their answer till 8 o'clock the next morning, and then said, 1, that it was best to keep the King wherever the Emperor thought he would be safest, and where he could get most profit out of him; 2, that the Duchess would be sent only to hinder the Emperor's profit and comfort Francis, who would be more obstinate when his dearest friends might come to him, and to drive on the time, as the President and archbp. Dambroun, who are more fit than a woman to treat, will have to wait for her. Besides, being young and a widow, she comes, as Ovid says of women going to see a play, to see and to be seen, that, perhaps, the Emperor may like her, and also to woo the queen dowager of Portugal for her brother, which no one else dares do without the Emperor's knowledge. Then, as they are both young widows, "she shall fynde good commoditie in cakling with her to advance her brodyrs matter;" and if she finds her inclined thereto, they will help each other. Besides, if the French will not finally come to reason, but are intending to abuse both the Emperor and the King, it would be better to be abused by wise men than by a woman, who can only be chosen for this reason, for it will be a long time before she comes. To the third point, said that while a treaty was being made by convenient ambassadors, it would be well to have a truce for the convenience of sending to and fro, and to save the cost of defending the frontiers.
	As to the first point, the Imperialists approved of their opinion. To the second, they said the English ambassadors had made good objection, but the Emperor did not intend the said lady to have access to her brother or the queen of Portugal, unless matters were first so settled, that those ambassadors now coming might frame matters to some good end; that it would do no harm if she came to the confirmation, and that there was no likelihood of the Emperor thinking of a marriage with France. To the third point, they thought the abstinence should be very short, as the French would not come to their uttermost till it had almost expired; that if they did not come to reason, the King and Emperor would have time to prepare to press them to do so, and besides it could be prolonged, if necessary; but if it were for a longer time it would encourage the enemy to be slower in their offers. All which they said they would show to the Emperor, and inform them of his decision. Approved of this abstinence, because otherwise they could not send news with diligence to England. A general safe-conducts to pass through France, of which Wolsey wrote, will not serve. An Imperial courier, with such a safe-conduct, was lately detained at Lyons, and the Emperor's letters taken, but the Pope's allowed to pass for old acquaintance sake. The Emperor is much displeased, and has opened all the letters that come hither to the French ambassadors. The French daily break safe-conducts, and so an abstinence should be taken, with an article for the passage of couriers and ambassadors. Ask him to send them a simple commission for truce and abstinence, as, though an abstinence is mentioned in their commission for peace, they could not deliver it out of their hands. Think this will bring on a peace sooner for the reasons contained in Wolsey's letter by Roger Basyng. Wish to know what is to be the duration, and who are to be comprehended, especially if France shall be allowed to comprehend the Scots. Think an answer can come before the truce is agreed on, for the President is not yet here. Toledo, 9 July. Signed.
	Pp. 6.
Calig. D. IX. 133. B. M.	1486. FRANCIS I.
	The Regent is at Lyons, and proposes to go to Narbonne. She spreads a report that her negotiations proceed favorably with the Emperor, and that she expects to have her son soon, "mais elle n'a gard[e]," for the Emperor sticks to his first demands. The president de Salva has written to say he is [afraid] nothing can be done, as the Emperor has withdrawn 25 leagues from the King, who is now at Valencia. The duke of Albany has retired with his wife to his house in Auvergne, dissatisfied at not receiving the reward they promised him. They have great trouble at the parliament of Paris. The Regent has had proclamation made in the duchy of Orleans that the sentence of the Parliament touching the abpric. of Sens and the abbey of St. Bénoit shall not take effect. This proclamation has been opposed by the Parliament, and they have banished from France the governor and b[ailly] of Orleans because they took part with my lady Regent. They will not allow the money to go to her, and have written to the town of Rouen, desiring them to do the same. She is hated by all the towns, who say she has no authority, and who mock the ambassadors who are sent to England, Spain or Flanders. She thinks of putting 400 or 500 men in Paris to punish the mutineers. The citizens have strengthened their watch. St. Pol has been sent to them to get them to agree, without effect. Many are of opinion that the Dauphin takes part entirely with the Parisians, and abandons the Regent and her Great Council. She threatens them with the return of her son. The duke of Savoy is at Lyons. Bourbon has sent to ask passage of the Regent into his country with 30,000 men. They are pillaging Piedmont. The men of the long robe say that the Emperor and the king of England must put no trust in the ambassadors sent them by the Regent, because after the captivity of her son she had no power; least of all could she be regent of France, for after she had learned from the Estates that she should be deposed from the regency, she summoned to her presence at Lyons those only who she knew were favorable to her party, among whom were the two ambassadors sent to Spain and to England.
	Fr., mutilated, pp. 3.
9 July. Lettere di Principi, I. 168 b.	1487. GIO. MATTEO GIBERTO, Datary, to the BISHOP OF BAYEUX, French ambassador at Venice.
	Complains of the slowness of the French in concluding the negotiations. They should do England the honor of making it the head of this league. Nothing will he omitted here. The cavalier [Gregory] Casale will be sent to England to facilitate the agreement with France, if it be not made already, and to dispose their minds towards this enterprise. The Bishop should urge the Signory to write to its ambassador in England to assist in the same work, communicating with the Auditor of the chamber (Ghinucci). Although M. Sigismondo is going to France to urge despatch, the Bishop should send a flying courier to request mandates for himself and the signor Alberto [Pio count of Carpi], empowering them to conclude the league. Rome, 9 July 1525.
	Ital.
10 July. Vesp. C. III. 75. B. M.	1488. TUNSTAL, SIR RIC. WINGFIELD and SAMPSON to [HENRY VIII.]
	Last night after supper the Chancellor sent for them. Had dispatched Curzon an hour before. Found the Great Master and John Almain with the Chancellor, who said they had showed to the Emperor their advice on the points mentioned in their P.S. After debating the matter with his Council, when Momorancy strongly advised a truce, he came to the resolution of which they enclose a copy, and wished them to be informed of it, that they might add to or change it if necessary. A truce will be greatly to the Emperor's profit, as his army in Italy is an intolerable expence. Momorancy wished for a draft to send to the Regent, who, if she approved of it, would immediately send back a commission from the Estates to the Archbishop and President. They then read the minute; the limit mentioned is the 1st of March, and provision made for intercourse and for the comprehension of those named by the contrahents. Seeing that this truce is desired by the enemy, and convenient for the King and Emperor, answered that the former did not mislike them, except in three points: first, that the time was too long, for the French always prolonged matters where it was to their profit, and "will never unlase themselfes to shew what is in their stomaks to the last day," and therefore Jan. 1 would be better, for it could easily be prolonged. To the second point, did not wish Scotland to be comprehended by France, and therefore thought it better to leave out all comprehension. They said they wished the Italian states to be comprehended, or else they might incline to France; and after some debate it was determined that Italians only should be comprehended on both sides, which will neither hurt the King, nor help the French. To the third point, intercourse of subjects, said they would only agree to a simple abstinence, for else, as their subjects would resort to the French with their goods, the latter could get a good booty if they did not come to reason. They therefore agreed to its being a simple abstinence for passage of couriers and ambassadors. Did not stick at the fishing, which the Emperor wished to have free for his Low Countries; though it will profit France, it will also be good for the King, and especially for Calais. Memorancy will take the form of a truce to Madame, that she may send a commission if she approves thereof. Ask for a commission for themselves, with power of prorogation. If it does not come, they must pass the truce and deliver the commission by a certain day, for they cannot part with the great commission till a final peace is agreed on.
	The Emperor will grant a safe-conduct to Madame d'Alençon, and the French will grant one to Bourbon to come to Spain. Consent to this abstinence, because they perceive by Wolsey's letters in cipher that the King's coffers are not furnished for a continuance of war, and his subjects cannot help him, of which they are right sorry, and that therefore they are commanded to advance the peace as much as possible. This abstinence will hasten it, and the King (fn. 2) will meantime profit thereby.
	The marquis of Brandenburg went ten days ago to Valentia, where he was Viceroy, to meet the French king. The city, which greatly loved him, made him a banquet, after which he played at tennis, caught a fever by over-heating himself, and died in three days. No foreigner was better loved in Spain. M. de Wallen, Berghes' son and heir, died yesterday, leaving M. de Grymberg, the king's servant, heir to the said Lord. Toledo, 10 July. Signed.
	Pp. 5; part cipher, deciphered.
10 July. Galba, B. VIII. 185*. B. M.	1489. MARGARET OF SAVOY to HENRY VIII.
	Has received his letters in favor of Hesdin, and heard Wingfield's charge to persuade her to restore him to the post of maitre d'hˆtel. Has always desired to please the King as well as the Emperor; but this would be unreasonable, for many reasons, which she will not state now, having told them to his ambassador. Breda, 10 July 1525. Signed.
	Fr., p., 1. Add. Endd.
10 July. Galba, B. VIII. 186. B. M.	1490. MARGARET OF SAVOY to WOLSEY.
	To the same effect. Breda, 10 July 1525. Signed.
	Fr., p., 1. Add. Endd.
R. T. 137. R. O.	1491. INSTRUCTIONS [given by the POPE] to GREGORY [DA CASALE].
	Is to take with him briefs to the King and Wolsey, which he is to deliver in secret, requesting that the strictest secrecy be observed, and taking none to counsel except the auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci).
	Knowing the King and Wolsey's good will to Italy, the Pope implores their protection, now that it is threatened by the Emperor, and the French king is carried into Spain, which they pretend was done without the Emperor's knowledge. If Henry will help her now, he will have Italy always at his devotion, and be the first of kings, as his ascendancy will provoke no jealousy like the Emperor's or French king's, especially as he claims nothing. None of his good offices should be wanting in promoting the peace with France, as the bishop of Bath and Gregory have already provided; and, if it seem good, the influence of Albert de'Carpi should be employed. But as the French are unreasonable, so the king of England must not be too exacting on his side, as he cannot be engaged in anything more glorious than the salvation of France and Italy. As soon as the affairs in Italy are arranged, if the Regent and the French offer 50,000 ducats a month, and such forces as are necessary for the liberty of Italy, if they will renounce their claims upon Italy, liberating the Swiss from their obligation to defend Milan,—and if Italy will contribute what is sufficient to throw off the Imperial yoke,—nothing more will then be required, except the assistance of England, to free Italy, and to preserve it when free. The two powers must assist each other. If this design be carried out, the liberation of Francis will be the more easily accomplished, and war may be carried on with combined forces in the event of the Emperor proving refractory. When peace has been made with France all will be easy, and the King can carry on the negotiations as he thinks fit. Then if the King will send some provision of money for carrying on matters more efficiently, and contribute to the entertainment of the Swiss, he will be reckoned the author of the peace of Christendom, and the subverter of heresy, and an expedition against the Infidels may be set on foot. Never had the King or Wolsey, on whose virtue and prudence so much depends, a better opportunity.
	Gregory is to return with this commission, and omit no opportunity of furthering it by his diligence. Sigismund, the secretary of count Albert, will write to him from France, or John Joachim will speak with him, and he is not to omit any means of forwarding news. Money must be provided for messengers, and no time is to be lost. The bishop of Bath shall be consulted, so that all things may be done as the King's honor and Wolsey's shall require. The King will thus have all Italy at his feet, and may dispose of it at his will, as its protector and defender. This June he shall have 1,000 heavy armed horse and 12,000 foot for the liberation of Francis and the defence of France, as often as may be required.
	Lat.
10 July. Lettere di Principi, I. 169.	1492. GIBERTO to GHINUCCI.
	As the announcement made by the bishop of Bath and the Cavalier (Gregory) has been confirmed by your letters, we have informed them that since the King has determined, with so much affection and prudence, not to permit poor Italy to undergo servitude, she will unite her forces, and, with the great aid of troops, ships, and money offered by France, will strive first to liberate herself, and then act vigorously in her own defence. With this resolution Casale has returned in haste, and will confer with you. He has breves for the King and credentials for the Cardinal, and by word of mouth will ask credence for you; for till we see what course they take the Pope does not think fit to send credential breves for your Lordship. I know you will not be offended at this, as your sole aim is to serve his Holiness; and you will probably be the better able to do so, if it do not appear that you are employed in this negotiation rather as a servant of the Pope than of the King. The signor Alberto is sending M. Sigismondo to France, to solicit the agreement with England, if it be not already made. He will inform you how he thinks you ought to advise them (Henry and Wolsey), either by his own letters, or by means of Giovan Giovacchino [di Passano], who, I suppose, will have had orders to confer and consult with you, as also with the Venetian ambassador there. You must direct them all, and jointly endeavor to dispose the King in the manner desired. If the King and Cardinal act in concert from their quarter, and make provision, as expected, we shall witness a revolution of the world, and from extreme misery Italy will be raised to the highest felicity; and the King will be the most esteemed and adored prince that ever was. Impress on the King and Cardinal the glory and grandeur which they will derive from so noble an enterprise. I know you will conduct yourself in such a manner that, if nothing be gained, nothing shall be lost. Whatever be the result, let it be immediate and decisive, so that we may not have to haggle; for time passes, and an hour is as important as a year. They are too slow over there. Adjuva, si non cis pereamus. Rome, 10 July 1525.
	Ital.
July. Vit. B. VII. 175. B. M.	1493. CLERK to WOLSEY.
	After receiving his letters of June 13, went with master Gregory to the Pope, and declared to him the contents of the said letters, the King's displeasure with the Emperor, and his towardness to conclude with France. His Holiness was glad that the King and Wolsey agreed with him, and that Wolsey saw that the only way to disturb the practices between the Emperor and France was to put the latter in hope of peace with England. He thanked the King for his willingness to remit some of his claims in France, and said that the same day that this good news came from England a commission arrived from the lady Regent to conclude with them, and, doubtless, the like was sent to Venice. Asked him what he would do now these commissions were come. He said he would write to Madame that he would do nothing until they had concluded with England, which he thought would make them come easier to our demands; for when they have concluded with England, they are sure to conclude with all the world beside, but, if they do not, they are assured of no conclusion except with the Emperor.
	Will not repeat what he has said in his letters of June 30, concerning the Pope's endeavors to facilitate the negotiations. His Holiness said that doubtless there would be great facility for concluding in France, and that they had offered 40,000 ducats monthly, for the war in Italy. Asked if he knew of any particular offer made by the French to the King, but he said he knew of nothing except a great sum of money. The Pope and the Venetians have both determined to join France, "if France and you do co[nclude] hereupon." Everything depends on the success of the present practice. Sends master Gregory, that matters may be more fully explained. He has done good service here. His brother, the prothonotary, has just arrived with Wolsey's letters. Rome, ... July.
	Copy, pp. 3, mutilated.
12 July. Vit. B. VII. 176*. B. M.	1494. PACE to [WOLSEY].
	The Emperor's ambassador resident here tells him that Francis arrived at Barcelona about the 17th ult., where the Viceroy intended to keep him till he had a commission from the Emperor about his landing, and that a great parliament was assembled for that purpose. The matter between the Emperor and the Venetians is in the same state as before. In Almayne the villains do harm daily, and sometimes suffer. Since the Viceroy's departure Bourbon has been greatly urged by the powers of Italy to go to Spain, and it is thought he will do so if he can have sure conveyance, for the defence and furtherance of his own matters. Doubts not Wolsey knows his mind from Russell. Venice, 12 July. Signed.
	P. 1.
12 July. Galba, B. VIII. 187. B. M.	1495. SIR ROB. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Wrote last on the 7th, from Breedaw, informing him of his interview with my Lady, and intercession for Hesdin. His hopes that she would relent have not been verified. This afternoon, count Hochstrate, accompanied by Mons. de Rosyngbo of my Lady's council, brought him her letters to the King and Wolsey, open, and signed with her hand, which she wished to be showed to Wingfield before they were closed, in order that he might supply their deficiencies by writing what she had told him. Hochstrate then read to him his own letter, which Wolsey will receive with the others, and by which he will see that Hesdin is likely to have little favor. Hochstrate charges him with having for 20 years past created displeasure between the emperor Maximilian and the Council here, as well as in this Emperor's time, and that it had been owing to him that Wolsey had said openly the Emperor's affairs were so very ill administered that he had not a groat to bless himself with. He also accused him of many other things which Wingfield will not write, for if the princes are to continue friends, it is better they should be buried. Told him, however, he was surprised he had gathered so many things against Hesdin, whom he himself had known so long, both in Maximilian's court and here, and never heard a word breathed against his fidelity; and that he knew the reason why the King and Wolsey favored him before others was, that he esteemed him one of the most faithful; that he had hoped, even if my Lady did not replace him in his office, that she would have mitigated her resentment, and allowed him to resort to his wife and house.
	Hochstrate answered that Berghes, who has been at the castle of Hoye in the country of Liege with the Cardinal, where Hesdin is, has obtained a promise from my Lady, though she will not allow him to abide within Brabant till he has purged himself, to send the commissary to Centron, a town of the said Cardinal's upon the borders of Brabant, to lay certain things to Hesdin's charge, and hear his answer. Said it seemed nothing great could be laid to his charge, unless it were his departure from the court through fear. Hochstrate replied there was more to be laid to his charge than he thought could be answered. Hochstrate then turned the conversation, and asked how it was that while the French were strong on the frontier, and about to revictual Terouenne, a truce had been made between the King's garrisons and that of Boulogne. Wingfield said he knew of no such truce. When Hochstrate again asked if he knew it was customary to consent to such a truce when any great man of France passed by Calais into England, Wingfield said he had known in such cases abstinence of war agreed to for certain days. On this Hochstrate said he believed that a truce had been made for the passage of the president of Alençon. As to that, said he could make no answer. Hochstrate added that the French desired to have a truce with my Lady while they should treat for the liberation of their King, and asked Wingfield whether it might be granted. Cannot tell what he meant, but said that no truce of continuance ought to be granted, according to the treaties, without consent of both parties.
	Hochstrate said that Perot de Weerty was to be here again tonight from the French king's mother (while writing has been informed of his arrival); on which Wingfield said, that so long as the Princes stood in firm amity together, he thought it not unmeet that they should hear what the enemy said. Was shown letters from lord Fiennes, who has somewhat disturbed the French in revictualling Terouenne. It is difficult to see what will be the end of things in Almain. There is no news of the Archduke. Count de Bure is departed to assemble certain foot to make sure work of the people of Bolduke, who have been very riotous, and have caused the breaking up of the estates of Brabant, assembled here. They are to meet again on the first of next month, wherever my Lady shall be. It is not determined yet whether she goes to Holland or not. Breda, 12 July 1525.
	Hol., mutilated, pp. 5. Add. Endd.
12 July. R. O.	1496. A. DE LA LAING (HOCHSTRATE) to HENRY VIII.
	Has received his letters in favor of John de Hesdin, and has accordingly spoken to Madame. She answered that she would herself reply, and has communicated with Wingfield, from whom Henry will hear her intentions. Breda, 12 July 1525. Signed.
	Fr., p., 1. Add.: Au Roy.
12 July. R. O.	1497. A. DE LA LAING to WOLSEY.
	Has received his and the King's letters in favor of Hesdin, and seen what has been written to Madame, who has spoken with Sir Robt. Wingfield on the subject. Has done the best he could to please the King, but it was not possible to make things better. Breda, 12 July 1525. Signed.
	Fr., p., 1. Add.: A Mons. Mons. le Legat d'Angleterre.
13 July. Vit. B. VII. 177. B. M.	1498. RUSSELL to [WOLSEY].
	Since writing last, Bourbon has received two letters from the [Emperor], mentioning that the Viceroy will be here with the galleys about the end of this month, and speaking of the continual favor he bears to the Duke, and his intention to keep all his promises. He has sent him 23,000 ducats, by exchange, for his journey, and says he will send money to pay the army, which will amount to 250,000 cr. and more. Bourbon has shown Russell these letters, and others from his ambassador, saying that he had spoken to the Emperor, fearing that the Viceroy would impeach his master's marriage; but he answered that neither the Viceroy nor any one else should be so hardy as to move him from his promise. The ambassador then said that he had spoken of his own mind, and not from his master's orders.
	Bourbon is preparing to go as soon as the galleys arrive at Genoa. Bourbon has news today from Flanders that they are not so hasty towards the wars in England as they have been; and that another commission is sent to the King's ambassadors in Spain, so that he fears the wars will not be proceeded with. Assured him that the King's artillery is already this side the sea, with lymyners and wagons for ammunition and baggage, and all the nobles and gentlemen are ready, so that he could march in an hour. Doubts not that if the Emperor were as ready, the enterprise would be pursued to the utmost. Novara, 13 July. Signed.
	Pp. 2, mutilated.
13 July. P. S. Rym. XIV. 39.	1499. CARDINAL'S COLLEGE, OXFORD.
	Licence to Tho. cardinal of York to found a college on the site of the suppressed monastery of St. Frideswide, and endow the same to the annual value of 2,000l. Greenwich, 10 July 17 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., [13 July.] (fn. 3)
	Pat. 17 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 1.
R. O.	2. Letters patent for the same.
	Lat., vellum. No seal.
R. O.	3. Draft (apparently) of the preceding, with many alterations.
	Lat., pp. 14. Corrected by Cromwell.
R. O.	4. Draft of the same.
R. O.	5. Statutes of Cardinal's College, Oxford.
	Draft, Lat., pp. 42, imperfect.
R. O.	6. Another portion of the same.
	Pp. 14, imperfect.
R. O.	7. A third portion of the same.
	Pp. 45, imperfect.
R. O.	8. Imperfect copy of the same statutes.
	Pp. numbered 203–372.
R. O.	9. Another portion of the preceding to be found, by the arrangement of this office, in another volume.
	Pp. 48.
R. O.	10. A terrier of the lands of Wolsey's college in Oxford.
	Pp. 98, on vellum.
R. O.	11. Valor of the possessions and revenues of St. Frideswide's monastery, Oxford. Total, 283l. 9s. 5d. (including the King's alms, 6l. 13s. 4d.)
	Lat., pp. 3, large paper.
R. O.	12. "A yearly charge devised for the deans, canons, petit-canons, chaplains, conducts, quiresters, and necessary servants belonging to Cardinal college in Oxford."
	The Dean's stipend, 26l. 13s. 4d.; his diets, 26l. 13s. 4d.; his steward, chamberlain, and chief cook, 40s. each; under-cook, 20s.; their commons, 12d. a week each. The Dean's vesture, 6 yards of cloth at 6s. 8d. the yard; six of the servants to have 7 yards for their short and long livery, at 3s. 4d. the yard; the seventh servant, 3 yards.
	Stipends, liveries, and commons of the sub-dean, the masters of art, the bachelors of art, one bachelor in the law, the petit-canons, the chanter, 12 chaplains, the master of the children, 12 clerks, 16 quiresters, two clerks in the sextrye, the servants of the household, the master cook, the second cook, the under cook, the butler, the "panter," the "mancyple," the barber, under-horsekeeper, porter, and launder. Their liveries gradually decrease in quality and quantity; but the under-horsekeeper is allowed 7 yards.
	Stipends of private readers in certain faculties—in philosophy, sophistry, logic, and humanity. Also of censors in divinity, law, logic, and philosophy; and of 3 bursers. Rewards to canons making yearly four sermons, 10s. each sermon. Stipends to canons singing particular masses. "Sums of money to be divided to sundry persons at the quarter obits for the founder, his predecessors, and all the benefactors of the house."
	Total, 912l. 18s. yearly.
	Necessary expences, "foreign charges," charges of the stable, yearly fees to certain officers (the high steward, auditor, clerk of the lands, under-stewards, bailiffs, and receivers), and fees for counsellors in Westminster Hall.
	Pp. 14. Endd.
R. O.	13. "The yearly charge of my lord Cardinal his college in Oxford, when the number therein shall be fully accomplished, according to his most gracious statutes."
	The Dean's stipend, 10l., with the prebend of Witwaing, he finding himself and his servants in meat and drink, and the college finding them wages and livery. Stipends and allowance for liveries of the sub-dean, doctors, bachelors of divinity,&c., and their servants, chaplains, choristers, cooks, slaughterman, butlers, and other servants, librarian and readers, moneys to be distributed at anniversaries,&c.
	Pp. 20. Endd.
R. O.	14. Another copy, with total amount summed up in another hand, 1,922l. 4s. 4d.
	Pp. 22.
R. O.	15. Another copy, with some differences. Total, 1,982l. 1s.
	Pp. 15. Endd.
R. O.	16. Another estimate of the charges of the establishment.
	Pp 6. Endd.
R. O.	17. Another estimate of the same. Total, 883l. 19s. 4d.
	Pp 5.
	18. A "bill of remembrance" by "the whole company of the college," praying for more liberal allowances than those contained in a "book of annual charges" lately sent down to them.
	Pp 2. Endd.
	19. "A bill of yearly charges" for the master and under-master of the college.
	Pp 2.
R. O.	20. The yearly charge for Cardinal's college when the number shall be made up according to his statutes.
	Pp 19. Corrected by Cromwell.
R. O.	21. "Certain expences of the dean and canons of the Cardinal's College;" viz. for the commons of the dean, chaplains, lecturers,&c., for one year.
	Lat., pp. 4. Endd. as above.
R. O.	22. Notes on an estimate of the expences of the college when completed.
	Pp 2.
R. O.	23. Estimate of allowances for 40 canons of the first order, 20 of the second, professors, liveries,&c.
	P. 1.
R. O.	24. "A register of certain books of assurance of lands belonging to Cardinal's college," consisting of fines, exemplifications, reliefs, indentures, statutes of the staple, deeds of feoffment, a letter of attorney, a recovery, and evidences.
	Pp 3. Endorsed.
R. O.	25. Abstracts of confirmations and patents relating to Wolsey's colleges.
	Pp 12.
	26. The Cardinal's instructions to Rob. Cartar, Laur. Stubbes, and Nich. Townley touching his college.
	1. They are to call the Dean and others before them, and inform them that Wolsey intends this summer to set forth the buildings of his college; but as the roads about Oxford are in such a neglected state, commissions have been issued for repairing the same, to which the officers of the college shall give good heed, and that those who ought shall contribute to the same. It is the opinion of many that the destruction of the said ways has been caused by laying on them great stones and "talyon" instead of gravel and pebble. 2. They shall arrange with the owners of certain houses belonging to the late monastery of St. Frideswide's, and others belonging to Bayly (Balliol) college and Godstowe monastery, for pulling the same down, and clearing the site. 3. He has ordered his chaplains by his power legatine to take down the parish church of St. Michael, and annex it to that of St. Aldacte adjoining. 4. Gives careful directions how they shall proceed in compliance with the spiritual law. 5. That the burying ground of St. Frideswide's shall be now taken in for the buildings of the college, and other places hallowed for the purposes of sepulture. 6. To express Wolsey's displeasure that the Dean, through danger of plague, has licensed a large number of the canons to leave the university and resort to Pokley. They are to strictly examine into the likelihood of such infection, and take measures accordingly. 7. That the money devoted to the college shall, during the residence of the canons at Pokley, be delivered to Master Claymont, president of Corpus Christi. 8. The masons and others are to set forth the ground, for which he appoints a surveyor, Sir Nich. Townley and Rowland Mesanger, not forgetting this summer to cause timber and stone to be conveyed to the ground in convenient abundance. 9. To allow the Dean, on payment of 100l. according to promise, to resign his place in consequence of age and infirmities. 10. As warrant has been delivered to Sir Nich. Townley by the King's liberal grant to take such trees as are necessary from the park of Bekley and Shotover wood, they are to see that no waste is made.
	Pp 16. Corrected and partly written by Wriothesley.
R. O.	26. Wolsey's foundation charter for the above. Westminster, 15 July 1525. Signed.
	Vellum; beautifully written.
R. O.	27. Draft of a patent granting to Wolsey the lands,&c. of the abbey of Lesnes, Kent, in Kent, Essex, Cambridge, Suffolk and Surrey.
	Lat., pp. 10. Imperfect at commencement.
R. O.	28. Part of an inquisition touching the manor of Huddon, Berks, and other lands belonging to St. Frideswide's.
	Lat., pp. 5, very much mutilated and imperfect.