Henry VIII: July 1545, 1-5 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 20 Part 1, January-July 1545. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1905.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: July 1545, 1-5', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 20 Part 1, January-July 1545, ed. James Gairdner, R H Brodie( London, 1905), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol20/no1/pp532-551 [accessed 16 November 2024].

July 1545, 1-5



July.	1082. Gardiner to Paget.
R. O.	Estimate of provisions necessary for 8,000 men for the months of July, August, September and October, in which he points out that the order taken by Mr. Rowse exceeds the rate of "the expenses at Bolen the last month"; and proceeds, with many unfavourable comments upon the account sent from Bolen, to show that there is there corn enough for the four months, drink sufficient to last until January, and meat and .fish sufficient, without reckoning 30 barrels of honey, 150 qr. of peason and also beans. The flour in "Humbre barrelles" was specially packed in Hampshire for keeping, that in herring barrels came from Mr. Stannop out of the North.
	"And now, Master Secretary, I begin my letter to you, after I have made an end with my victuals; and thank you for yours and send unto you again all ye sent me. I am sorry my lord Poynings was troubled with our last letters, and would be sorrier he should be trained out by the Frenchmen, for I ween they begin to do as they did last because they would have us essay the same enterprise again. An they begin to build they may be looked on at leisure, for we know by experience that building asketh delay. I write this letter out of my malt loft at Fernham, a place fit for the matter, wherein I shall make you the best cheer I can. And thus fare ye heartily well. This evening or night, I cannot tell how late."
	Hol, pp. 7. Add. Endd,: "—(blank) July 1545, touching victualz at Boulloyn."
1 July.	1083. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A. P. C.,205.	Meeting at Greenwich, 1 July. Present; Suffolk, Winchester, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Paget. Business:—Edm. Finche, minstrel, who had reported slanderous words concerning Sir Thomas Cheney, committed to the porters' ward.
1 July.	1084. Hertford and Sadler to Paget.
R. O.	Send news arrived this night of exploits done by command of the Wardens of the East[and Middle] (fn. n1) Marches, and intelligence from the Warden of the West Marches; to be declared to the King. Dernton, 1 July, at night. Signed.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.: 1545.
2 July.	1085. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A.P.C , 205.	Meeting at Greenwich, 2 July. Present: Chancellor, Suffolk, Winchester, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Paget. Business:—Letter to my lord of Canterbury to send up one Collier, his chaplain, who disobeyed letters to repair to Court. Letter to the customers of Yarmouth to certify who had grain out of those parts upon bond for its delivery in places appointed: warrant to Tuke to deliver 30l in old angels, crowns or ducats to Nicholas, courier, for his voyage to Wormes and back. Letters addressed to the carl of Hertford signifying the sending of Brakenburye with 20,000l, the report of the commissioners of victuals of their provisions, the sending of Peter Hone with 100 Almains, to be followed by more, "with the declaration of their prests and the rate of Muscovit, Italian"; to devise some recompense to Mr. Hilton for the stewardship and farm of Tynmouth and move him to surrender them to Sir Fras. Leeke, captain; to send up lord Maxwell to the Tower and write of his sending, and to appoint the "combat between two Spaniards"; that Sir Robert Bowes shall have the offices which Sir Cuthbert Batclif had; and to put Davy Murrey (whom Lennox reports to be ill affected to the King) in ward with his brother, Lord Tulibarne. Letters sent to the Lord Admiral to advertise the King of an enterprise whereof he had written, sending copy of a letter from the Lord Chamberlain showing the order taken to victual him and the fleet, and the King's order how to use the Emperor's subjects on the seas, viz., to enter the vessels gently, and if their munitions and victual seem excessive or their lading appear to be French to stay them. Letters addressed to the officers of the Prince's household to admit Walter Cely as second clerk of the kitchen, to aid the clerk comptroller, who is aged.
2 July.	1086. The Privy Council to Wotton.
R. O. St. P., x. 498.	The King has received Wotton's sundry advertisements written to "me, the Secretary," and by those from Wormes, of—(blank) June, perceives Secretary Joyse's words to him from the Emperor touching the interception of two ships laden with linen cloth and the troubling of others in their passage. The Emperor's commissioners have had like talk with Westminster and Petre at the Diet at Bourburgh; and the ambassador was here yesterday, apparently for that purpose alone, and was well answered by the King, to the great comfort of those who heard him. The King required the ambassador to advertise the Emperor of their conference, and commands the writers to discourse it all to Wotton to be declared to the Emperor, to whom he shall say that, upon his request for redress to Jehan de Quintanadonnes, the King wishes him to know what has been done. One Renegar, having taken a French ship coming out of the Levant, found therein goods of divers Spanish merchants and repaired into the nearest Spanish port to restore them. There, because he refused to render certain feathers and other trifling things to a Spaniard who could not prove his claim, "they" arrested one of his ships, and would have arrested the rest and himself also but he departed to the sea. There he met a Spanish ship and took from her goods to the value of his own; whereupon letters of reprisal were granted by the Prince, and all Englishmen and their goods in Spain arrested, who have now for two months made daily suit to the King for redress. This matter of arrest was moved to Chappuis at his departing hence, two months ago, and has since been refreshed both to the ambassador and to the Emperor's commissaries at the Diet, but no relaxation obtained; and therefore the King could do no less than make like reprisal, and yet has not proceeded to such an extremity as was used in Spain, but only stayed two ships of certain the Emperor's subjects, who were already in controversy about certain merchandise claimed to be Frenchmen's, of which Quintanadonnes claims part, and he will release them if the Emperor will give caution that Englishmen and their goods in Spain shall be released. Not to interrupt the traffic of other of the Emperor's subjects, the King has revoked all adventurers and commanded the Lord Admiral to order that no ship of the Emperor's dominions shall be staid unless carrying victuals or munition to the enemy or French goods. If the Emperor or his Council mislike this, Wotton shall say that the King marvels that they would have their doing well taken, and yet think the King's doing the like to be against the treaty, standing to the words of the treaty when it makes for them and interpreting it where it makes against them, although the treaty contains an article against all interpretation or glosing. If the Emperor reputes the treaty for a treaty he will do as it requires, but the King, who entered the war for his sake, will not endure this strange handling. His new reconciled friend may have men directly by land out of Almayn while the King may have none unless brought by sea; the King may not transport munition through his country, but the Frenchmen may pass through it with whole armies with victual and munition for Arde. How can the suffering of their common enemy to make preparations in Almayn, Spain and Italy stand with the treaty? Whatsoever the Emperor may say or do upon Darras's report, Wotton shall tell him that the King never consented to his taking peace but for the relief of his present necessity, and on condition that the King was provided for according to the treaty; and if Arras's bare words shall dispense with a solemn treaty or shall be believed before the King's, it were too much for the Emperor to allow. If it be said that there were other witnesses to the King's answer besides Arras, Wotton shall say that "even so there was" and such as, if Arras made other report than the above, "will justify, yea with the sword rather than fail, upon an equal match, that Darras hath not reported the truth." It is near a year ago that the Emperor made this peace, and when first moved to re-enter the war he required respite for ten weeks, and afterwards, when eftsoons reminded thereof, he answered that he would do as the treaty bound. Now the King requires to know whether he will do what the words of the treaty purport, viz. declare himself enemy to the French king, which if he repute the treaty for a treaty is the very way to the observation of it. If he take the treaty for no treaty, or will needs believe Arras before the King, the King must provide otherwise, and trust in God, who knows what injury the Emperor does him in this ["whereof, albeit before his entry into the war with him his Highness had sufficient warning given by th'example of the Venetyans, yet would he not credit the same], (fn. n1) howbeit he trusts that, after so long deliberation, the Emperor will now join with him, when the French king is in such necessity as to be easily brought to release the title to Millan, and deliver Bourgoyn and the places which the Emperor desires upon the frontiers of Arthoys and Henault.
	This discourse Wotton shall make as gently and soberly as he can devise, adding that, if the Emperor now fail to accomplish the treaty, the Frenchmen, with whom he is anew entered, will expect to be used "after the same sort," and his delaying to keep the treaty is not so honourable a way of gaining his purpose with the French as to join with his friend according to his covenant. If anything in the treaty seems obscure, the King is content to have it perused and esclarced; but Wotton must not forget that the King's first object is to get the Emperor to declare himself enemy and send aid in case of invasion, "which is only avoided by the credit given to Darras' tale, whereunto his Majesty refuseth to stand, as afore, and so would have it ever inculked."
	In case the Emperor use any high words, he must be told that the King is a great prince too, and has a Millayn in his hands also for the French king, and, rather than be thus overtrodden by him whom he has helped, will do things "that th'Emperor will not peradventure think and would be loath he should." The Emperor's answer is to be advertised with all diligence.
	Wotton shall deliver a copy of the treaty to Mr. Buckler and Mr. Mont, to be shown secretly to the commissioners of the Protestants. And whereas Duke Philip, whom Wotton names Duke Frederick, has by his letter which Wotton sent gently offered service, he is to be thanked in the King's name and asked how and with what numbers he will serve, and how he can pass if the Emperor refuse passage.
	Draft corrected by Payet, pp. 84. Endd.: The Counsaill to Mr. Wootton, ij^o Julii 1545.
2 July.	1087. Van der Delft to Charles V.
Spanish Calendar, viii., No. 83.	Bearer delivered the Emperor's letters of the 13th June on the 19th; and the writer sent him back to Chapuys for further elucidation of certain points. On the 28th came the Emperor's letter of the 17th ordering a demand for restitution to the merchants of Burgos. As the King was to leave for the coast in a day or two—a journey now postponed for three or four days—Van der Delft saw the Council next morning, who kept him from eight o'clock until after ten, when Paget came in and was sent to the King. On returning, he seemed to tell the members in English that the King wished to see the writer; but they made no sign until after dinner, when he was told that he might have audience of the King. Describes how the King caused him to sit on a stool and listened to his request. The King said he could not understand how such complaints could be brought to him after the seizures in Antwerp and now in Spain, where also his subjects were denied a hearing and called heretics; such treatment he would no longer tolerate; he had been a good friend to the Emperor and would remain so, but he must be treated as a friend, in accordance with the treaties; he was denied export from Brabant even of a little powder which he had bought. Growing more and more angry, the King, impatiently putting aside the writer's explanations, said that the treaty should either be binding or declared null; the Emperor bad left him alone in the war, making a treaty with France without his consent, either by letter, seal, signature or word (the writer thought it wiser not to irritate him by saying, as the Emperor writes, that the treaty with France might have been made without his consent), and he would no longer be cajoled with interpretations of their treaty and might be forced to do that for which he had no will; for affairs of merchants princes should not break friendship or go beyond their treaties. He then summoned the Council, to whom he repeated the above conversation, more particularly his part of it, and said that he had a treaty and wished to know whether the Emperor meant to keep it; he would not endure being cajoled by interpretations, and if he undertook a thing he could carry it through. The Emperor was wrong to trust the Frenchmen so much; but let the Emperor fulfil the treaty and raise the embargo on his subjects and he would release the Emperor's. The King then took leave of him with a good countenance, and he was escorted downstairs by one of the Councillors with whom he waited in the Council chamber a quarter of an hour until the rest came.
	Told them he thought it outside the treaty to arrest all ships on the assertion that they contained French property, and said he was instructed to demand release of those of the Emperor's subjects, at least upon security. They answered that they had just induced the King to consent that merchandise might be released here on the merchants giving security that English property in Spain should be released. Replied that the merchants would give security that their goods were not French, but not for other things; were their ships arrested as French prizes or as a set off against the arrest in Spain? The Council answered that he might take it which way he liked; but, after much argument, they seemed inclined to admit the justice of the writer's demand and sent twice to consult the King, whose final answer, however, was that he would not release the property of Spaniards here unless English property in Spain was released or the Spaniards here gave security to that effect, and this answer the whole Council vehemently repeated and approved. As he departed they begged him to use his favourable offices and remember that in talking princes were apt to show their authority.
	Is surprised that they made no mention of the assistance they demand, and cannot understand the King's expression that he might be driven to do what otherwise he would not willingly do, unless he has some commencement of an understanding with the French. At any rate they seem more haughty than they were. On the writer's arguing that it was expedient to release the merchandise upon security they said they knew what he meant by 'expedient', he was thinking of the order just sent to Brabant for the seizure of English property; "let it be done if it is not already done." It may be that they have no property there; for, as he has written to the Queen and Granvelle, they have caused their merchants' goods everywhere to be put in safety and stopped exports from hence.
	Can only add to his three last letters that the Admiral has left to attempt some exploit on the coast of France before the French fleet appears, and then muster the whole navy at Portsmouth on the 13th or 14th inst., for the King's inspection,—200 sail. To Scotland the King of France has sent 2,000 infantry, 500 horse and some money. The Duke of Lauenberg with 600 or 800 horse is said to be in this King's service and coming to Calais through Liege and Hainault. The instalment of the Benevolence payable at Michaelmas is anticipated and payable at once; and the subjects doubt some fresh demand, but will refuse nothing, such is their fear of the King and eagerness to humiliate the enemy. A Spaniard named Caceres, who is said to have been a spy against the Emperor at Landrecy and was arrested here as a French spy, is liberated, probably for like work elsewhere. Sends copies of this letter to the Queen and Chapuys. London, 2 July 1545.
2 July.	1088. Vander Delft to Mary of Hungary.
Spanish Calendar, viii., No. 84.	Since writing to her, has had two letters from the Emperor, one enclosing copy of hers touching the aid demanded by the English. In accordance with instructions therein, went to Court and had conversations with the King and Council described in his letters to the Emperor (copy enclosed). The King is indescribably annoyed at the refusal of a trifle like the licence to export from Antwerp the powder he has bought. To gratify him in this would have a great effect. Learnt from the Council that Jasper Doulchy's claim before the arbitration court would be favourably settled, and therefore infers that other cases are not so hopeful. London, 2 July 1545.
2 July.	1089. Waltham Park.
R. O.	Sir Edw. North's warrant to "Mr. Treasurer" (fn. n2) to pay Benjamin Ferrys, the bearer, father-in-law to Ric. Cooke who is as yet too young to receive it, on behalf of the said Cooke, 13l. 13s. 4d., in purchase of a tenement and lands, to the yearly value of 13s. 8d., enclosed in Waltham park. London, 2 July 37 Hen. VIII. Signed.
	ii. Memorandum in another hand that "the obligation is delivered unto my master's hands by Strynger."
	P. 1.
2 July.	1090. Grain for Calais.
Add. MS 5,753, f. 17. B. M.	Indenture made 10 June 37 Henry VIII, of receipt by Andrew Michelson, the elder, of Cleye next the Sea, Norf., owner and master of a ship called the Androw of Cleye, from Jas. Calthropp, of 20 qr. wheat and 120 qr. malt, and from Martyn Hastynges of 112 qr. wheat, 36 qr. rye and "mestleyne," and 30 qr. malt, by appointment of Ant. Kouse, master of the King's jewel house, to be conveyed from Cleye to Callice with speed and there delivered to the lord Deputy. Sealed.
	ii. Endorsed with note of receipt, 2 July 1545, by Thos. Boys, Thos. Copland and Hugh Gillis of the above grain and also 12 qr. more "appertaining to them of the ship."
	Pp. 2.
2 July.	1091. Hume Castle.
Add. Ch. 12,523.	Receipt by George Seigneur de Humes from Maitre Jaques Veau, councillor of the King of France and commissioner for payment of extraordinary expenses of his wars, of 100 cr., paid by order of Mons. de Lorges, chevalier of the King's Order and his lieutenant general in this realm of Scotland, towards expenses in recipient's castle of Humes on the frontier of England. 2 July 1545. Signed: Georges Horn. Seal lost.
	French. Parchment.
2 July.	1092. Bucler and Mont to Henry VIII.
R. O.	The Protestants' ambassadors have had no conference with the Emperor or Granvelle these ten days "concerning matters of religion, peace and judgment in the Chamber of th'Empire," and the treaty thereupon begun before the Palsgrave depends as yet doubtfully. The Emperor and king of the Romans have daily consultations "with the cardinal of August and the Nuncio Apostolico." Learn from a secret friend that the Emperor has promised the French kiny not to suffer men of war to pass through the Low Country against him.
	Daily solicit the Protestants ambassadors, who look for answer from their masters shortly. Have this day by letter earnestly desired the Landgrave to further that purpose. The Emperor looks for the viceroy of Sicile and marquis of Guasto shortly, and has summoned Mons. de Lyra hither. He yesterday despatched an officer to Argentine to buy all the gunpowder in those parts. In this Diet all remains in suspense until the Emperor "shalbe certified from the Turke by his ambassadors, and from Spain, of the Queen's delivery of child, which is daily looked for." Wormbs, 2 July. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Partly in cipher, with contemporary deciphor interlined. Endd.: 1545.
2 July.	1093. Bugler and Mont to Paget.
R. O.	Although affairs of this Diet, as regards religion, peace, judgment of the Chamber and the Council of Trent, are as they were when we last wrote by Dr. Wotton's servant, we have thought better to signify this to the King than not to write at all. With great consternation we heard that our letters to you were delivered slowly and negligently; for every week we have written and Peter von die Whale, of Antwerp, has in turn certified us that he has at once delivered the letters to the King's officers to be taken to England. Of the delivery of one letter only are we doubtful, viz., that which we wrote on 28 May, to the King, of the secret departure of Fornesius. There is no quicker or surer way of sending our letters than by the ordinary post, to Peter at Antwerp—to be forwarded by him, as now for many years he has done. Worms, 2 July, 1545. Signed: "Yo^rs to commande, Water Bucler, praying you to perdon my shortnes by reason of sekenes": Christophorus Mont.
	In Mont's hand, p. 1. Add. Endd.
3 July.	1094. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A. P.C., 207.	Meeting at Greenwich, 8 July. Present: Chancellor, Suffolk, Essex, Winchester, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Paget. Business:—Letters addressed to Walter Myldmay, auditor of prests, to allow James Gage 14l. 3s 5d. remaining upon the end of his account and discharge Richard Hartlepole of 301. 10s. charged in the account of Sir Clement Harleston. Warrant to Tuke to pay Sir Ant. Knevet, lieutenant of the Tower, 3l. 17s. for apparel of Wm. Coningham, Scot. Warrant to the Exchequer to pay 4.000l. upon bills of the bp. of Winchester, Mr. Riche, etc., for victuals for Boulogne, etc. Wm. Bell, Mr. Stannoppe's servant, had warrant for 300l. for victuals to be sent Northwards. John Wynter had warrant to the Exchequer for 6,000l. for the seas. Dirrick Bourne had warrant to Tuke for 25l. for his pains lately beyond sea. Peter Hone, captain of 100 Almain horsemen, had warrant for 200l. for wages, he to reserve for two men of Tottenham the amount of their bill for victual and horsemeat. Warrant to—(blank) to deliver John Dymock, appointed to go to Hamburghe, 66l. 13s. 4d., Lucas Fringer who was prisoner in Antwerp, 25l., Laurence Racklyne, servant to the Duke of Meklingberg, 50l., the Duke of Lowenberg's man, 50l., Captain Ruffenberg, 125l., Captain Negro, Spaniard, 25l., and the Bastard of Geldres 25l. Allonseperes de Arquillada, Spaniard, had passport to return into Spain. Letters addressed to lord St. John at Portsmouth to discharge three Spanish ships brought thither by one of the King's ships.
3 July.	1095. Portsmouth and the Navy.
R. O.	The Council's warrants to the Treasurer and Chamberlains of the Exchequer as follows:—
	1. To pay bearer, John Wynter, for sea affairs, 6000l. st. Greenwich, 3 July 1545. Signed by Wriothesley. Suffolk, Winchester, Gage, Wyngfeld and Paget.
	P. 1. Add.
	2. To pay bearer, Michael Davye, for the King's affairs at Portsmouth, 6,000l., and for its conveyance thither 10l. Greenwich, 3 July 1545. signed as above.
	P. 1. Add.
	3. To pay upon bills subscribed by the bp. of Winchester, Sir John Gage, Sir Ric. Riche, Ant. Rous and John Rither, or any three of them, 4,000l., "having special consideration to despatch first the warrant for six thousand pounds appointed to be sent to Portsmouth for his Majesty's necessary affairs." Greenwich, 3 July 1545. Signed. by Wriothesley, Suffolk, Browne, Wyngfeld and Paget.
3 July.	1096. The Council of Calais to Anthony Rows.
Harl.MS. 283, f. 311. B. M.	At his last departure hence, wrote, to the bp. of Winchester and the other Commissioners, for restitution of 500 weigh of hard cheese and 50 barrels of butter, parcel of the King's staple of 500l. in their charge, which was taken by the King's purveyors after the writers had paid for it. Required Rous to be their solicitor in this, but have had no answer either from the Commissioners or him. Have written eftsoons to his lordship and the Commissioners for either so much ware or else the cost of it, 160l.; and require him to solicit this. Callais, 3 July 1545. signed: G. Cobham: E. Wotton: Frauncys Halle: Nycholas Wentworth.
	P. 1. Add: master of the King's Majesty's Jewel House.
3 July.	1097. William Lord Grey to Lord Cobham.
Harl. MS. 283, f. 313. B. M.	The Albanoyez, understanding that the strangers at Calice are mustered and paid, call upon him for the like. Requires Cobham to appoint someone to take their musters here tomorrow without fail; otherwise he will venture to cause them to be paid for what they have served, upon his own view, for they have such need of money for the bringing in of their hay and other provision that it can be no longer deferred. Guysnes, 3 July 1545. Signed.
	P. 1. Add: To, &c., my lord Deputy of the King's Majesty's town and marches of Calice.
3 July.	1098. Thirlby and Others to Paget. (fn. n3)
R. O.	"After or most har[ty commendations. Since writing our] 1'res to the Kinges Ma[jesty, the Emperor's commissioners] have delyvered us a [bag full of] wrytinges brought owt of [Normandy for the matter] of Burgos, and by the sa[me it appeareth that] no part of or goodes camme [to the men of Burgos]; for amonges other wrytinges . . . . . . . . . . . . is the copie of a sentence [given for one Mons. de] Langey (w^c as they say is th[e Cardinal of Bellay's] brother) thatt or merchant[ts' goods should be] dd to hym and cert[ain others who make] sute wl hym for t[he same upon lettres of reprisals w" wer graw[nted by King Louis for a] robbery pretendy[d to be done by Matthew] Cradock xxxv ye[ars past, which we thought] hadd byn buryed [long since, but is now brought] owt agayn. Wee have . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . of this mater wherein by . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . towardes no resolution in an[swering, wherein we] will nott be over hasty) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . any thing to the Kinges Ma[jesty] . . . . . . . . . . . . incident talk wchappene[d] . . . . . . . . . . . thought good to despec[he] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the same unto yow to be . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . uppon those wrytinges by them [presented; and for a]n entray sayd thatt besides thatt [they are from] enemyes they comme nolt in auteutique [form, and ther]for be of no credence, and so moche [the less fai]th is also to bee given bycause it [appeareth by t]hose w^c they have shewyd thatt they [have not broug]ht in all, butt have left owt many, [as namely] those by wc the proces made in Fraunce att [those Spaniar]des instance might best appere, and seing [that they leave] part behinde as it shuld seme, mala [intentione, such as] bee brought being butt an other part [ought not alone] to have any credence. In the reasoning [of this matter it cha]nced one of us to say to Chapuys [and the Chancellor the]se wordes, thatt though we dydd [differ somewhat] in this mater, yett wee doubted nott . . . . . . . . . . . an wee shuld agree in opinion . . . . . . . . . . the Chancelo^x affirmed the same, [adding that] they wold assent to have this mater [judged by indifferent men. Wee asked them if they [had commission to] offer so moche; if they hadd wee [would advertise] the Kinges Ma' thereof and bee humble [suitors to kn]ow his most gracious pleasure therin. [He an]swered that they hadd no such commission [; and (quoth he)j I will wryte for none, for I trust to [be despatched before any awnswar may comme from [the Emperor] therin. And this moche being spoken, as it seemyd . . . . . . [h]e addyd immediatly I trust so att the lest in respect of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . of his speech in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . further gathered wee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . go shortly hens lea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the same. Wee thought no . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to adv'tise herof to the K [as your] wysedome cann best cons[ider . . . . . . . . . . . . wee bydd yow most har]tily farewell. From] Burbarough the iijthof [July.]"
	In Petre's hand, pp. 3. The half torn away. Endd.: The Commissioners at Burboroughe to Mr. Seer. Mr. Paget iij^o Julii 1545.
3 July.	1099. Vaughan to Paget.
R. O.	On the 2nd inst. I received yours, by my servant, and will accordingly employ my wits to get money. I intend to speak with Jasper Dowche today, but expect to find him "the man of little hope that he was wont to be." Money might be had of the Fowker if Jasper's craft hindered it not; at whose instigation it was, as I guess, that the Fowker refused to "emprunte" money without the jewels. The Chancellor of Braband is lately come to Andwerp, and has talked secretly with the chief merchants, Spaniards, Italians and others, of their traffic in England and what goods they have there; and the Spaniards here, on pretence of buying cloth, have lately viewed our merchants' pack-houses: "so that (as it seemeth) the Chancellor, perceiving the goods that the strangers have presently in England far to surmount the value of the goods which our merchants have here, mindeth not to put that in execution which I guess he had in charge to do." Our merchants, fearing arrest, have since the Chancellor's coming hastily shifted away their goods. The strangers will now make shift to despatch their things out of England, so that, if more of ours remain here than of theirs there, they may lay hands upon it. The Spanish merchants, two days past, despatched a post into Spain, "I guess, to view what is there of our merchants," The King's merchants should be warned to take heed what they lade hither or into Spain.
	Hears that the captain of Gravelyng is dead. Perhaps the 200 men who went from hence, as he wrote by Mr. Wotton's servant, were sent thither. Has little hope to do anything among the merchants here concerning the matter of which Paget writes, and desires to know whether to tarry or depart. Signified lately to the lord Chancellor that Jasper Dowche calls for brokerage (but "that term he loveth not") for the 210,000cr. emprunted here last year. Has money of the King's to pay him, but defers, to know what order was taken for his payment when the other merchants strangers were agreed with at London. His due is ¼ per cent., but he likes to have more, and I have been often commanded by my lord Chancellor, you, and my lords of the Council, to tell him that his pains should be right well recompensed, and therefore have promised him ½ per cent., which is ready when "it shall please you to give me charge to pay it."
	Trusts to make an honest bargain with the Spaniards for their alum. Is told by many about Peter van Gelders' men, but none know their number. Andwerp, 3 July 1545.
	Peter Vande Wale daily comes to me offering to do what service he can. I would he might hear that the King takes it thankfully. I intend to work "coldly and softly" with Jasper Dowche, and not let him know my mind. I hear say that the Diet is broken up. If nothing has been concluded for him, he will be the more diligent in hope to have his herrings that way. Pray let me be answered what to pay him for his pains taken before.
	Hol, pp.3. Add. Endd.
3 July.	1100. Vaughan to Paget.
R.O.	This day, came to me in the English House at Andwerp a captain of Almain, naming himself to be one that serves the King in England, called Fallart Vander Luy, saying that he brought 100 horsemen out of Almayn and had left 80 more 30 leagues hence; and praying me to prest him some money towards their charges, When I answered that I had no charge nor money of the King's, he desired me to give him a letter to you. Has nothing else to write, having written only two hours before. Andwerp, 3 July 1545.
	Hol, p.1. Add. Endd.
3 July	1101. French News. (fn. n4)
R.O	En Roan, 3 de Julio 1545: — News has just come that our galleys have put to flight the England armada which came to Havre (la Havra Nueva) with great loss. The King has commanded the whole armada to issue out on the 8th inst., and sent Mons. de Portigny, gentleman of his Chamber, to despatch it. In it are 18,000 men of war besides many other people. We expect that as soon as the armada is at sea the King will advance with his army upon Guysnes; and, since the King goes in person, all the nobility of France will be there. His camp already numbers 40,000 men and Mons. d' Enguien is looked for daily with the rest of the army from Piedmont. So his Majesty is determined to make a royal enterprise against these English.
	Spanish, p. 1.
4 July.	1102. Henry VIII. to the Landgrave of Hesse.
R.O	Has received his letters in commendation of Frederic de Reyffenburgh, who offered to gather 1,000 horse and 8,000 foot in the county of Seekenh'm, not more than three days journey from the part of France opposite Boulogne, and with them to join Henry's army there. Although the man was unknown to Henry and might perhaps seem too young and inexperienced for such a charge, as the Landgrave thinks him worthy, Henry has admitted him, upon conditions which he will relate. "Praying you, in case you think him unable to have so great a charge, to appoint some grave and expert captain to join with him for his aid in leading of the footmen." (fn. n5) For their further safety in going to the place appointed, begs the Landgrave to appoint some other man to add to the said 1,000 horse another 1,000 lances and take command of the whole 2,000 horse. Greenwich, 4 July 1545.
	Lat. Draft, written and signed by Petrus Vannes, pp. 2. Add. Endd.: The King to the Landesgrave.
4 July.	1103. Peckwater's Inn, Oxford.
R. O.	Surrender by Henry Cole, professor of civil law, keeper or warden of the college of St. Mary of Winchester in Oxford commonly called "New Colledge of Wynchester in Oxon," and the scholars there, of their hall called Vine Halle alias Peckwater's Yn with all its possessions. Dated 4 July 37 Hen. VIII. Seal appended.
	ii. Certificate by Wm. Freurs that in pursuance of a certain commission hereto annexed, (fn. n6) made 4 July 37 Hen. VIII., by Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, he repaired on the said day to the college therein named, assembled Henry Cole, the warden, and his fellows in their chapter house, and, having read the commission, received from them the writing herewith to be enrolled in Chancery. Signed and sealed.
	Parchment. See Eighth Report of Deputy Keeper of Public Records, App. II., 37.
4 July.	1104. Russell to Paget.
R. O.	Writes nothing of what he has seen and done since his departure, for he knows that his letter to the Council will come to Paget's hands. Desires money and a paymaster appointed "for the poor labourers at Way-mouth at Powle, which yet have received nothing." Has found the sea coasts very unprovided for defence and this town is very weak. My house at Exceter, 4 July.
	Pray see my wife's letter conveyed to her. Signed.
	P. 1. Add. Endd: 1545.
4 July.	1105. Sir Res Manxell and Others to Russell.
R. O.	On 1 July received the King's letters commanding them to assemble the able men of the county of Glamorgan and be ready to attend his Lordship. Upon the King's letters from Bolleyn musters were taken which showed the number of able men of the shire to be 2,000 and the harness only 300 pair, for the county was then greatly charged with harness into France and Scotland. Now there will be as many men and 200 more pairs of harness, furnished by gentlemen who were then forth in the King's service; and the writers ask what number of unarmed men to send if need be, that they may provide money and victuals for conveyance of the men to the "sea coast of Sevarn." Kardyf, 4 [Ju]ly. Sinned: R' Manxell: George Herbert: Thomas Strad[ly]ng: George Math[ew]: Edward Lewys.
	P. 1. Slightly mutilated. Add.: To, &c., my lord Previe Seall.
4 July.	1106. Hertford, Tunstall and Sadler to Henry VIII.
R. O. S. P.. v.464.	Send letters from the Warden of the Middle Marches to Hertford, with intelligence of the Scots' proceedings. Thomas Forster is presently arrived out of Scotland, whom Hertford sent to speak with Anguisshe, George Dowglas and others upon their request made to the King by the earl of Cassilles' letters. Forster has put his proceedings in writing (herewith, together with a letter from Cassilles in cipher, here deciphered). Albeit they seem to persuade the King that they have always minded the advancement of his affairs in Scotland, chiefly for the peace and marriage, and will yet show that determination in the field if the King send an army, doubtless the King can decipher their intents. As the Scots, by procurement of the Frenchmen, intend to assemble an army by the 28th inst., it is to be supposed that they will make an enterprise to Berwik or some other of the King's pieces on the frontiers. The King, before Hertford's coming down, determined in such case to put 6,000 men into Berwik; but it is found that such a number cannot be put in suddenly, as most of them must come from Yorkshire. Ask whether the men shall be levied and brought to Berwick forthwith; and meanwhile will put all ready to come forward. Dernton, 4 July 1545. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add. Endd.
R. O. St. P., v. 464.	2. Thomas Forster's discourse, who, being sent to the earls of Casselles, Glencarne, Anguishe, Mershall and George Dowglas, returned to Derneton, 4 July 1545.
	According to the lord Lieutenant's command, entered Scotland at Warke and passed to his taker's house as though to his entry. Requesting to speak with George Dowglas, his taker "was contented, according to the custom there, that he should go at his pleasure"; and he went to Dalketh. Told George Dowglas that he had a messuage from my lord Lieutenant and Mr. Sadleyr to him and the said earls; and George Dowglas then willed him to go to Dowglas, as he could not get the earls to Dalketh without suspicion. Going towards Dowglas, met Anguishe hunting at Dunsiere, who, saying he would give him hawks and dogs, kept him that night and on the morrow brought him to Dowglas and sent for Cassilles, who, riding all night, arrived early next morning. Was called by Anguishe and Cassilles into a chamber and declared his instructions. To the first article they answered that he was welcome, and to the second "that every word of his message was true." Cassilles said that he remained the same man and would do as he promised when he departed from the King. Asked how he would advance the King's goodly purpose for the peace and marriage. Cassilles answered that it lay not in him to set forth the King's purpose, — that "rested wholly in his Majesty" — but he would forward it to his uttermost. Anguishe then answered that he would stick to the marriage and peace and come to the field or tarry at home as the King and Council thought meet; and in the field he would plainly maintain the peace and marriage to be for the weal of both realms. Forster said that if they would so do the King would forget their past offence; and both then said that they would perform their promise to the King to the uttermost. Forster asked for the matter "they would have sent with the gentleman that should have met Mr. Sadleyr at Alnewik," and they answered that it was no other than they had already declared; but Cassilles said that he would write in cipher to Mr. Sadleyr such matter as should be at the Convention.
	Returned to Dalketh and, declaring his conference with the earls, asked George Dowglas's opinion. He answered by willing Forster to tarry there till his return from the Convention, when he would tell him all. Within a day or two Douglas went to the Convention, only saying in the meantime that he would keep his promises to the King. Dowglas tarried seven days at the Convention. Forster walked with two or three Scotsmen to Muskelburgh and along the sands towards Leghe, and saw the corning in of the Mary Willoghby and six other ships laden with wine, sundry small brass field pieces and some hacquebutes, "which came about by the Irish seas." At George Dowglas's coming home, the 7th day after, asked the news of the Convention and what he would do to advance the King's affairs. He answered that he "would stand to it with all his power," the rather as he was one of those who procured and promised it, and no man of any honesty was against that promise, which was the doing of all the nobles of Scotland, and the Governor's part therein "as deep as the best of them"; he had spoken with Glencarne and knew that the earl Marshall, who was not at the Convention, would do as the other earls did. Forster then declared the third article of his instructions, as he did to Cassilles and Anguish, viz., that they need not doubt the King's favour if they would now tender his affairs, as signified by the King's late letters to George Dowglas and by mouth by the earl of Cassilles. Dowglas willed him to tell my lord Lieutenant that the Queen, Governor, Cardinal and, in manner, all the lords of Scotland met in Stirling in the Convention and agreed (1) to fulfil such things as Lordge Mongomerye "laid in amongst them, which was that they would keep their band and league between France and Scotland," and (2) to raise an army against 28 July, to assemble on Roselin More, three miles from Dalketh, with one month's victuals, to invade England, Mongomerye undertaking that the French army by sea would then be at hand to aid them or would have already invaded England.
	Douglas said that the sending of 3,000 or 4,000 men to aid "the gentleman of the Isles "would stop this army, by keeping Huntley and Argyle at home; otherwise a great power of England must come to the Borders, for all Scotland will be there by reason of encouragements of the Frenchmen and the French king's promises by Lorge Mongomerye. Douglas thought that he must needs be with the army, but would do his best to stop them; and if they stopped, after making such brags, they would lose the commons' hearts for ever. Many times Douglas said that such men as promised to be true to the King desired to know how they would be used if Scotland should have the overhand of England, after which they might not tarry in Scotland. Douglas willed him to tell my lord Lieutenant that if the King promised a good reward to have the Cardinal dead, "that adventure would be proved," that the Cardinal was thought the only occassion of the war and was smally beloved; also that if the King sent a main army to the Borders he should proclaim that such as assisted his purpose for the peace and marriage, promised by the lords of Scotland for the weal of both realms, should suffer no hurt.
	Saw at Dalketh sundry of the Frenchmen's great horses, which "be very fair pieces." Gawin Hume, one of the French king's guard, offered to wager his great horse that the Frenchmen would be in England by "such a day as he would appoint," for whose furniture great store of ordnance was already brought to Newehaven. And sundry of the French king's guard also said so. A friend, being servant to Douglas, told him, in secret, that at the Convention all the lords of Scotland agreed to unite against England and promised in writing to be true to each other. John a Barton has undertaken to victual the army with wines. Saw "costrelles and barrell ffereis" being made to carry wine and beer on horseback.
	Douglas told him that proclamation was made for all between 60 and 16 years to be at Roslin More, as above; and so delivered him a letter in cipher to Mr. Sadlyer from the earl of Casselles, and he returned to Dernton.
	Remembers that Douglas told him that the Frenchmen should lie at Haddington, North Berwik and Dunbarr and other frontier places, and set forward this Saturday, 4 July; also that my lord Lieutenant might at any time send a message to him by his servant Penangham at Coldingham; also that he had at the Convention made agreement between the Governor and Casselles; also that as yet the Frenchmen have no hold for the preservation of their treasure, but the Governor comes to Leithco to appoint where they shall lie, and there divers of the Council meet.
	Anguishe said that if the King had some hold in Scotland, such as Edinburgh castle or Dunbar, his friends dare declare themselves more boldly; and, when Forster said that it was better to burn and spoil than "to lie half a year afore an old hold," Anguishe answered that Edinburgh castle was indeed newly fortified but nothing had been done to Dunbar.
	Pp. 8. Endd.: Thomas Forster's discourse in Scotland.
4 July.	1107. Hertford, Tunstall and Sadler to Paget.
R. O. St. P., v. 469.	Send letters addressed to Hertford from the wardens of the East and West Marches, and to Maxwell from Anguishe and Robert Maxwell, By the last, Robert Maxwell seems to offer to lie in pledge for his father's relief. Maxwell, if he mean truly (which is no part of our creed), may undoubtedly do good service, and can do more with Anguishe than any man in Scotland; and his son, whose doings declare intent to hinder the King's affairs, may do more hurt thereto than his father (if at home) could; and therefore the exchange would not much prejudice the King's affairs. And if Maxwell digress from his promise of such things as shall be appointed, it shall more and more declare the King's clemency and their untruth, and also be a means of better deciphering Maxwell and the rest. Dernton, 4 July 1545. Signed.
	P. 1. Add. Endd,
4 July.	1108. Deputy and Council of Ireland to the Council.
St. P., iii. 526. R.O.	Bearer, Wm. Cantwell, had, for life, the Blackerath, Glasshecroo, and Listerling in co. Kilkenny, which he peacefully possessed until his going to Oxford to learn. In his absence certain persons riotously entered into the said three leases, and now forcibly detain them by assistance of the earl of Ormunde and bp. of Ossorie. Cantwell's brethren and kinsfolk in Mounester adjoining the King's "Irish enemies" think that if he is not restored to these leases, granted by the King's several patents, very few of the Irishry will put their children to learn English and be brought up like him; and contention is beginning thereabouts. Beg them to obtain the King's commandment to Ormond to restore Cantwell; and also letters patent to put him in wages at 18d. a day and his servant at 9d., with a livery coat and something towards his costs, which will do more to encourage the Irishry to put their children to learn English and obey the laws than 3,000l. sent out of England. Dublin, 4 July. Signed by St. Leger, Alen, Dublin, Aylmer, Brabazon, Travers and Cusake.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.: 1545.
4 July.	1109. Thirlby and Others to Wotton.
R. O.	According to our promise in last letters, we send copy of the articles and answers delivered on either side since our coming. Many unimportant private matters have been declared more plainly than these answers import; and some are ended, and some "by matters" have also been added. They cannot excuse "their new imposts of one in the hundred, of the assise for beer and wine, their demands of 5 in the hundred when the wars were with France, their confiscation of our merchants' goods for not paying the custom, their burdening of the whole nation of Ireland," and can only answer that in England we have of late burdened the Emperor's subjects with a greater custom, contrary to the treaties; which is untrue, as we offered six weeks ago to show by our old books of record if they would exhibit theirs, but they make no haste to it. When pressed, they answer "that they have had commandment to answer as they have written, and may not exceed their commission." We have ever offered to reform what they can prove to be against the treaty, but they show little haste to talk of these common griefs, and "call of ij or iij private matters," wherein, besides what we wrote before, we learn this morning by letters from England that Jasper Duche has taken his matter from the Diet and submitted it to the King, "whereof we ar no more sory then he wilbe of the recepte of his money when it shall come to his hands." In the matter of Burgos they have, since our last letters, brought a bag full of books out of Normandy, and as it is almost the only important matter we write the more of it. "You shall perceive, we doubt not, tha[t by the]ir answer we, for defence of this matter, d[o] a[lled]ge two things," viz., 1, that those goods arrested at the Isle of Wight belonged to certain Frenchmen and Spaniards naturalized in France, and, 2, that at the suit of these said men our merchants and goods were all arrested. We added that our merchants' goods were adjudged in France to be delivered for satisfaction of those whose goods were arrested at the Isle of Wight, and we produced the depositions of 8 or 10 witnesses that the goods then attached in France were worth 12,000l. st. Now these writings from France are to prove that those French Spaniards of Rowan had none of the goods of the Englishmen, and, apart from the fact that these are only paper copies and not authentic, such writings as might make most for the declaration of the matter are left behind; for, where our merchants were first arrested at the suit of those French Spaniards and certain Frenchmen, because of those ships at the Isle of Wight, and process followed therein as appears by some of these copies (one of which is a commandment for execution of a sentence given for them against our goods) their great bag of writings contains no piece touching that matter. They are not likely to have credit given to such papers coming from our enemies and so sorted. The writings are inventories of some of our merchants' goods (these men say of all, but our merchants swear not of the sixteenth part); which goods were apparently in the keeping of those Spanish Frenchmen, and are partly corrupted and partly embezzled. There are also copies of sentences against those Spanish Frenchmen for parts of the English goods under their arrest. And there is a copy of a sentence "(and this is sacra anchora)" for one Mons. de Langeys, the Cardinal of Bellay's brother, upon a pretence of an old letter of reprisal, and this sentence was never given but after [the] agreement of th'Emperor with Fraunce, and to what goods or how much of the goods of our men this doth extend we think it not manifest by these writings. But yet, to return to this sentence, we must needs think collusion used in it (if any such were), for this reprisal was granted anno 1512^o by King Lewes, then the French king. In all his time and long after no[thing] was done by it, but by treaties and agreements made after that time it seemed extinguished. This notwithstanding, this King in a^o 1523 revived the same, at such time as the wars were between Fraunce arid us; and yet nothing done by it, but, by their treaties made after, clean, as it seemeth, taken away, for the treaty provided plainly what order should be used for all reprisals granted before that time. And yet now again this double Lazarus is again restored to life, and, because he shall be well maintained, is put to service to this man who lost nothing by this matter but pretendeth that he bought the title of them to whom the reprisal was granted. Upon this reprisal (if their copies be true) they have given a sentence in Fraunce by the which they do not only give the same a preferment, for so was the French king's express commandment, but have also allowed for [int]erests viij of the c for every year from a^o 1512 until this present, wherein we know you will say they deal gently with us to ask but viij in the c, paying themself as we hear xviij." If such a sentence is there given for Langeys, we say that, because our goods were arrested by those Spanish Frenchmen, and but for their suit should have been immediately restored, as the French king himself confessed to Mr. Paget, then ambassador, we think that all our loss, both by that arrest and by this new found reprisal, is to be imputed to them. By these processes it appears that those French Spaniards were accounted French subjects and burgesses of Rowan and that they ever said that the goods taken at the Isle of Wight were their own,— and if the goods were not their own they could not have reprisals in France against Englishmen. Two of them are yet married and occupy in Rowan. "Only one thing in effect they [alle]ge to prove that these goods should belong to the Burgaleses, because their books of reckoning were seen in Burgos before the taking of the ships in England, by the which it appeareth that th'accounts of these goods were written in their books amongst their own reckonings. And this with certain private letters of the French Spaniards they would have to make full proof therein, as though we should now give credit to their letters who before confessed the contrary, saying these goods to be their own." Merchants' books are untrustworthy and there are too many clouds in this matter.
	"This morning Chapuis, to whom the Emperor's ambassador in England hath written the discourse signified unto you at this present, which he ([not knowing] that [we ?] knew any part thereof) did report to us summarily, told us that he would write, we know not what; but he said well, and that things might be well compounded. You shall best perceive there what shall follow." These long letters may be instead of many to recompense your gentle letters to us. Burborough, 4 July.
	Copy, pp. 8. Slightly mutilated. Headed: The copie of the Commissioners I're for the Diet to M^r Doctor Wootton, iiij^o Julii 1545.
4 July.	1110. Thirlby and Others to Paget.
R. O.	Among complaints delivered by the Emperor's commissaries is one of Alard Drumel and others for 76 tuns of Gascon wine taken by one of the King's captains named James Becke. If there be any such captain he is not to be called from the King's service hither; and therefore we desire you to write for his answer therein and to order as you think convenient. Burborough, 4 July 1545. Signed by Thirlby, Petre, Carne and Chamberlain.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.
4 July.	1111. Petre to Paget.
R. O.	We hearken still to hear from you, and meanwhile feed them, as they do us, with fair words or "mannerly brawling" but no hurt done, at least here. "Some of them have long fetches: God knoweth what they work elsewhere." I took copies of all their books brought out of France, wherein every man who could write English was a doer, as the books were with us so short a time. It seems by these processes that the Constable of France and sundry others have letters of reprisal in store. In perusing them I wished that like order had been taken in the arrest at the Isle of Wight and elsewere in England, as I shall tell you at my return, which if Chapuys today said truly is not like to be long. Commendations to my lord Chancellor and my lady. Burborough, 4 July.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1545.
4 July.	1112. Chapuys to Charles V.
Spanish calender. viii.,No. 85.	This morning received letters from the ambassador in England enclosing copies of despatches to the Emperor of the 2nd inst., while Westminster and Petre received letters sent by the King to his ambassador with the Emperor. Going to the place of meeting, found that Westminster and Petre had come early to meet him, and they at once drew him apart and said that, as an earnest of their King's desire to banish all grounds of dispute, Jasper Doulchy's claim should be conceded; Doulchy had honestly left the matter in the King's hands, and Paget and the Council thought that the claim for the jewels and the Antenori claim should be similarly dealt with. Promised to do his best, and asked if they had other news; but they, pretending not to know that the King had written to his ambassador with the Emperor, thought the courier had come only that they might signify to the said ambassador what was done here. Told them that the time seemed to require wise ministers, that complaints might be redressed pleasantly, and the ambassador in England was doing his part, for (as he informed Chapuys) although angry words had passed between the King and him he made no mention of it in his letters to the Emperor. Chapuys' object was that if the Emperor conceded their request they should not imagine that he was moved by their bragging. They replied that in their opinion declarations of release should at once be made by both parties; in future the King would take stringent measures to safeguard the Emperor's subjects, and as a good prince he was bound to desire the release of his subjects' property, who were always prompt to aid him with purse and person; the bail (mentioned in the ambassador's letters) seemed reasonable, and as the King was open and outspoken he wished the Emperor to deal frankly with him.
	If at present much English property and many substantial Englishmen were in the Emperor's dominions (as when the former seizure in Flanders was made) a counter seizure would be excellent, for the King of England may boast but will never undertake a fresh enterprise; but, as the English property in Spain hardly covers Renegat's depredations, and there cannot be much in Flanders, it seems best to take the solution suggested by the King, or some other, to effect a release on both sides. If the Emperor accepts the King's solution, and seems displeased at the seizures in Spain, the English will recommence trade and the Emperor will have in his dominions plenty of English goods to indemnify the merchants and furnish part of the indemnity, in the extremity of a claim for non-fulfilment of the treaty being made. Bourbourg, 4 July 1545.
4 July.	1113. Chapuys to Schoee.
Spanish Calender, viii., No.86.	Seeing the importance of keeping this King friendly, in view of the distrust and inconstancy of our neighbours, he should not be driven to suspect the Emperor or seek other combinations, as he threatens — although even if he comes to terms with France he will not enter against the Emperor. It seems better, however, that the arrangement should not come too soon, but that both should be more tired and tractable first. As the English promise steps to prevent future molestation of navigation, encloses a draft upon which some agreement may be based. Bourbourg, 4 July 1545.
4 July.	1114. Chapuys to Mary of Hungary.
Spanish Calender, viii., No. 87.	Has not written since his return from England because he has been ill and the Chancellor of the Order kindly undertook to write; but as the said Chancellor, this morning, informs him that she desires to hear from him he encloses copies of all his letters to the Emperor. Bourbourg, 4 July 1545.
4 July.	1115. Vaughan to Paget.
R. O.	This morning two friends brought me word as I lay in bed at 2 a.m. "that without fail we should all be newly arrested again this day." Andwerp, 4 July, 4 a.m.
	Hol., p. 1 . Add. Endd.: 1545. Beneath the address Vaughan has written: "Pour les affeires du Roy d'Angleterre."
4 July.	1116. Vaughan to Paget.
	Signified, this morning at 4 o'clock, that he looked hourly for the arrest of all Englishmen and their goods. Expected it to be done at the dinner hour; but now, between 1 and 2 p.m. they are still unarrested. This morning, at 8 a.m., Vaughan adjured a friend, whom he will name hereafter, to declare what secret counsels were devised against Englishmen, and was answered that the Chancellor of Brabant was commanded by the Emperor to arrest them and their goods, for satisfaction of certain Spaniards whose goods were taken in England. Had long communication which he has no time to write, because of the bearer's haste, who fears arrest; but they "devised how some good way might be taken in this matter between the Princes that so great an evil as was like to break out and issue of such arrest might be avoided." The result is that the arrest is not yet made; and possibly will not be made if it is seen that the Emperor's subjects in England do not secretly convey away their goods before the end of this matter. Weighed by wise and discreet men, the matter may turn to a confirmation of the amity between the Princes, which "is the ancientest standing at this day in all Christendon." Will signify the matter more largely when time serves. Andwerp, 4 July 1545, at 2 p.m.
	P.S.— Here goes a bruit that the Dolphyn is taken by our men at Bulleyn.
	Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
5 July.	1117. The Privy Council.
Dasent's A.P.C., 208.	Meeting at Greenwich, 4 July. Present: Essex, Gage, Browne, Wingfield, Paget. No business recorded.
	The King removed to Nonesuche.
	Meeting at Nonesuche, 5 July. Present: The above (except Gage) and Winchester. Business: —Letters, at John Arnolfyne's suit, written to the mayor of Hastinges to cause John Ragles to restore 21 balettes of woad, or the value, taken out of a hoy called the Egle of Roterdame.
	^*^ Next entry is 7 July.
5 July.	1118. The English Litany.
R. O.	Depositions.
	* * * *
	. . . . . . . .eche kneling on his knees reverently. . . . . . . sheweid mourover that my lordes Grace had gyffen commandement to a certeyne priste dwelling not past eeght myles from Mylton aforesaid, being complaineid [on by] his parisheaners that thei coulde not here what. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [churche]yarde neither tha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . on the workedaies to . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . desyrid that y^ei. mighte have . . . . . . . . in [the] churche on the sondaies and . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The w^ch. priste my lordes Grace did not [only] rebuke but also gave him charge to sing [the King's ?] proc [ess] ion on the sondaies and other . . . . . . . . . . . . to the intent that * * * * * * [chur] che and leve none to make answer to the priste . . . . . . . . for the said the churchewarden John Lacey and plucked [him] by the sleve and thurste him owte of the churche, the priste beinge lefte alone and never a clarcke to answer [him] . Then ij other of the parishe which accustomably do not use to sing made answer unto him. The clerkes all followid the crosce, singing ageine the ordynarye procescion aboute the churche yarde; [and] ther followid them of the same parishe Mr. John Fynche, which commandeid the seide churchewardens thus obstynatly to resiste the saide pristes godly exhortacyon; and ther foloweid also Mr. John Seathe, John Lacey, and Edwarde Johns, churchewardens, John Hyll, Thomas Master, Nicholas Herte, Thomas Maye, Robert Ruffen, the Yongars, William Coteman, Will'm Hennak, . . . Fynes, Mr. John Fynche's servante, . . . . . Webster, Mr. Seathes ser[vant], with vij (?) wemen, whereof on was olde Ruffen's wife. And this . . . . . all the persones of the same parishe w^ch. have here under written theis nameis be redey to testefye the same to [be] trewe, and apon the same to take ther othes, with maney other honest men of the same parishe.
	[By me] Edmunde Gaye: be me John Thoreneton: . . . . . . . . . . . :Thomas Clarke: Patrike Feme.
	"Thes persones whose nameis ar underwretin can not writ their owne nameis: [Thom]as Trowtes, Robert Blyton, William Skelton, Richarde Anderson, Thomas Heywarde, Denes Bradley, William Hilles and William Inglond.
	"The v^th. of Juley in the yere of Our Lord m'ccc[ccxlv].
	"The saing of William Foster, parishe clarke of Myddelt[on] , John Musterd, sexten there, William Cotting, clothewor[ker] of the same parishe, concerning the going a procescion upon Sondaye the same daye seneight. (fn. n7)
	"First thei saye that John Lacey, churc[hward]en ther, came on to them before the procescion, couimaunding them to go forthe with the crosce a procescyon; and so thei did, leaving the priste when he came in to the bodey of the churche and non of the singing men to answer him saving ij. the w^ch ar not accustomabley useid to sing. They s[a]nge w^th the priste the Kinges Magest^es procescion in Englyshe tyll thei came owte of the churche, and whan thei war owte of the churche thei leafte that and songe the ordynall in Laten."
	5 July 1545. Saying of John Lacey, that he commanded the clerk and other singing men of the choir to follow the cross, and the sexton to bear the cross "and not to stay for any commandment of the priest." He pulled out one of the singing men who stayed to answer the priest. Acted by command of John Fynche, gentleman.
	5 July 1545. Saying of Edward Joneis that Lacey told him that if the priest did not go forth a procession the procession should; and put forth one of the singing men, leaving the priest singing the King's procession in English without any to answer him. Thomas Master affirms the same.
	Memorandum that John Stubbard, of Mylton, heard and saw, on Sunday, 28 June 37 Hen. VIII., Mr. John Finche command Lacey to bid the clerk and sexton to go about the churchyard with the cross. The priest began the King's procession in the chancel and, coming into the body of the church, turned again to sing it in the church as he had done other Sundays before; but the sexton went out at the church door and Lacey pulled the clerk out, &c. (as above). Divers times before the priest had showed them that it was better to sing the said procession in the church and that, because of pain in his eyes, he could not so well read and sing it in the churchyard.
	Pp. 7. Much mutilated. Apparently a copy of depositions.