Henry VIII: November 1544, 6-10 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 19 Part 2, August-December 1544. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1905.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: November 1544, 6-10', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 19 Part 2, August-December 1544, ed. James Gairdner, R H Brodie( London, 1905), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol19/no2/pp336-355 [accessed 16 November 2024].

November 1544, 6-10



6 Nov.	558. Butter and Cheese.
Harl. MS. 442, f. 210. B.M.	Proclamation prohibiting the export of butter and cheese, of which some persons have conveyed away large quantities to their own profit on pretence of victualling Calais, under the proclamation of 5 Oct. last. Westm., 6 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII.
	Modern copy, pp. 2. Headed as addressed to the mayor and sheriffs of London.
Soc. Ant. Procl., ii. 143.	2. Another modern copy.
	P. 1.
6 Nov.	559. Rockingham, northants.
R.O.	Crown lease to Edw. Watson of the rent of assise and certain lands in the town of Rokingham, Ntht. Westm., 6 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII.
	Later copy on six large leaves written on the one side only.
6 Nov.	560. The Privy Council to Shrewsbury.
Add. MS. 32,656, f. 21. B.M. Hamilton Papers, ii., No. 355.	To his letter of the 3rd inst. are commanded to answer that the King is sorry that his loving subjects have suffered loss by the Scots upon those seas, but somewhat marvels that Newcastle and other ports and creeks there have not manned forth any vessels for their own defence, as has been done in other parts. As the great navy his Majesty has now upon the Narrow Seas may not be divided, Shrewsbury shall travail with the inhabitants of the ports and creeks within his commission to do as others have done. Of the west parts there are 12 or 16 ships of war abroad who have gotten among them not so little as 10,000l. The town of Rye has all this year had 3 or 4 vessels abroad and gained much by it. The men of Norfolk and Suffolk all this herring time set forth their own vessels to waft the fishermen. It were over burdensome that the King should set ships to defend all parts of the realm, and keep the Narrow Seas withal. They of Newcastle are the more bounden to show themselves loving subjects in this as they are not charged with subsidies and 15ths as others are.
	Touching the hostages, it is to be examined whether the King has been charged with hostages in like cases before these wars, and order taken accordingly. Shrewsbury shall write to Sir Ralph Eure to cause the men who have given these hostages "to be doing annoyances from time to time." The trumpeter (fn. n1) of the earl of Lynoux stole away from the earl and is therefore to be sent up here.
	Draft by Petre, pp. 3. Endd.: M. to therle of Shrewesbury, vj^o Novembris 1544.
Shrewsb. MS., A., p. 161. Heralds' College.	2. Original letter of which the above is the draft. Dated Westm., 6 Nov. 1544. Signed by Cranmer, Wriothesley, Norfolk, Russell, Essex, Westminster, Browne, Wingfield and Petre.
Lodge, i. 74.	Pp. 2. Add.
6 Nov.	561. The Privy Council to the Privy Council at Calais.
R.O. St. P., x. 172.	The King, understanding by your letters of the 3rd how the French ambassadors are departed from you, wishes you had declared to them, before their departure, the answers (fn. n2) lately sent to you for that purpose; and also that you had not, without more special commission, so frankly affirmed that his Majesty would not fail to accept such things as the Emperor should devise for this peace. Touching your return the King is not yet resolved, and waits, we think, to hear eftsoons from Hertford, Winchester and Wotton. The King licenses the lord Deputy of Calais to come to England for ten or eleven days, and prays you to signify this to him. Westm., 6 Nov. 1544. Signed by Canterbury, Wriothesley, Norfolk, Russell, Essex, Westminster, Browne, Wingfield and Petre.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.
R.O.	2. Draft of the above in Petre's hand.
	Pp. 2. Endd.: M. to the Counsell at Callys, vj^o Novembris 1544.
6 Nov.	562. [Sir] T. Seymour to the Council.
R.O. St. P., i. 772.	On Monday last (fn. n3) as they lay in Orwell Wanes there fell a very thick mist. Yesterday morning, came with the ebb, weather being calm into the Narrow Seas and lay all day, and at night came a gale from the North; so they made sail, and have reached Dover Road, where the wind came easterly, and they expect this night to get to Black Nasche. As he hears 17 men-of-war are at Etapeles, intends to morrow morning to scour the coast as far as Sen Hede, and then return the ships appointed to keep the Narrow Seas to Dover, the rest to go to the Wyght. Prays he may be set "a work" for the time he has loitered by reason of the wind. The masters "doubt" the enterprise of Etapelis: a good ship may not come near the shore by 7 miles and with any great gale at the N.W. it would be difficult to recover the seas.
	Thinks that if the Council would send the ships keeping the Narrow Seas to meet him at the Wyght, he could serve the King well in Brettayne. Desires to know their Lordships' pleasure before the Frenchmen learn he is about the Wyght. If sent thither he would leave the six sail that was in the first appointment, for both he and Mr. Care doubt how the Jesus of Lubek, the Galyon of Hameberge and New Bark will [stand] the Narrow Seas this winter. Dover, 6 November.
	"Having left out the Lesse Gale, Mr. Care hath desired me to put her in, for one too great for this place."
	Hol, pp. 3. Add. Endd.: 1544.
6 Nov.	563. The Privy Council at Calais to Henry VIII.
R.O. St. P., x. 173.	Yesternight received a letter from the Privy Council showing that he desires their opinion upon certain points concerning the peace. With apologies for their insufficiency, they give it as follows:—
	Where he thinks it not amiss to show trust in the Emperor by tempering the article touching the Scots and remitting to the Emperor's arbitrament the damages and interest which the Frenchmen offered since the taking of Boloyn, and for which he demanded Arde and the county of Guisnes; it is to be supposed that the Frenchmen will deny making such an offer. They offered at the assembly at Hardelo the pension and arrearages, saying that, rather than any sticking at damages and interest should break the purpose, their master would sell his plate to content Henry; and, when that offer was refused, they required to know what Henry would desire, and ere that was done Bulloigne was won. Afterwards, as they seemed willing to treat further, they were admitted to Henry's presence, but made no offer, only taking Henry's demands in writing and sending them to their master by Secretary Laubespyne. When the Emperor considers that Henry has Bulloyn and Bulloynois as the fruit of his expenses, and remembers that he once offered, for the sake of the Emperor's affairs, to remit the said damages and interest, he may think that Henry commits no great credence to him, and relents little at his contemplation; and therefore the writers would wish some other thing set forth to show that he is trusted; and, to save him the charge of re-entering the war, something relented. As to the truce, its advantages seem to be (1) time to fortify Bulloyn, (2) saving of crews and army by sea, (3) the Emperor's promise to re-enter war if peace follow not, (4) time to practise with the enemy. But the incommodities of the truce make us rather wish a peace, for during the peace (sic, for truce?) the enemy shall peaceably fortify Samaraboys, Daverne, Hardelo and Hewclyers and confirm their possession of Bullonoys, whereas now with the great garrisons at Bulloyn they may be empeached; and, as to fortifying Bulloyn, the time of year gives liberty to fortify the town sufficiently to stand a siege till succour come, and the haven could not be fortified in so short a time, for earthworks made in winter will soon decay, and when once taken will serve the enemy. To keep the haven the strength of the sea will serve, wherein Henry, especially in winter, has more succours of his navy than the enemy has; and there is no fear of a siege by land this year, considering the expense of victuals last year, and the great destruction of the ground about Bulloyn. As to the Emperor's promise to re-enter the war in June, if he will not keep his promise now, when all the world, knowing of the treaty, sees him at peace and Henry still at war, he is not likely to do it then when, after a truce, the world will see Henry at rest and think it to be in the same sort, and be easily persuaded that the war has been re-entered by Henry's fault. Also during the truce the Emperor and French king will go through with their bargains, and the Emperor may enter war with the Turk. Peace should therefore be called earnestly upon while the sore is green, and if that cannot be brought to pass some other way may be devised.
	Offer opinions upon the peace, viz., considering that King Henry VII had but 50,000 fr. pension while the King has a pension of 100,000 cr. besides, and 50,000 cr. pension for his son, and that experience has shown that the cost of obtaining payment of this goodly revenue leaves little or no profit from it, they think that Henry (remitting the arbitrage of the damages to the Emperor to allow aught or naught) should, in lieu of the pension, accept the county of Guisnez and town of Arde, being a member of it, with confirmation of his possession of Bulloyn and surrender to him of the county of Bullonoys, and do this at the Emperor's contemplation and for the quiet of Christendom. Thus (having his arrearages, or some of them, "or rather than fail, which should be the shot anchor, none at all") he shall have an honorable bargain and the Emperor be so bound in honor as to be always ready to do him pleasure; and in quiet and peace he may " amass and provide against occasion should serve," and his son after him may, if he wishes, claim the pension again. Before deciding upon this he may hear what answer is made to Hertford and Winchester; and, if they find the Emperor not agreeable to that they went for, Winchester might still remain to join with Wotton and proceed according to Henry's further determination. Calais, 6 Nov. 1544.
	Copy, pp. 9. Endd.: Minute. The Pryvey Counsaill at Calais to the Kinges Majestie, vj^to Novembr. 1544.
6 Nov.	564. The Privy Council at Calais, to Hertford and Gardiner.
R. O.	Perceiving by letters from the Council in England that the King looked not to have you depart until you had resolute answer from the Emperor and heard from the King again, we advise that, unless you have received a good answer from the Emperor and are departed hitherward, you should remain there until you know his Majesty's further pleasure, who may send you other matter to work upon. Calais, 6 Nov., at noon, 1544.
	Draft in Paget's hand, p 1. Endd.: Minute. The Counsaill at Calais to my lorde of Hertf. and Winchestre, vj^to Novembris 1544.
6 Nov.	565. Parliament of Scotland.
Acts of P, of Sc., ii. 445.	Held at Edinburgh, 6 Nov. 1544, by James earl of Arran, Governor, &c., Andrew bp. Galloway, David earl of Crawfurd, John abbot of Paslay, treasurer, Alex, lord Levingston, Mr, James Foulis of Colintcun, clerk of register and Mr. Thos. Ballenden of Auchnoul, clerk of justiciary and director of the chancellary, commissioners, together with Patrick Baroun, deputy constable, and John Dalmahoy, sergeant. Business:— John Perduvyn appointed deputy marshal, and Roland Dowison, judicator, during the Parliament.
	Lat.
7 Nov.	566. The Privy Council to [Matthew Colthurst].
Add. MS. 5,753, f. 112. B.M.	Order him to deliver to Sir Richard Ryche, 900l. of the treasure remaining in his hands for the payments of the ordnance of the King's battle. Westm., 7 Nov. 1544.
	Copy in Mason's hand, p 1.
7 Nov.	567. Shrewsbury and Others to Henry VIII.
Add. MS. 32,656, f. 24. B.M. Hamilton Papers, ii., No. 356.	Have received the Council's letters of 2 Nov. declaring his pleasure for the stirring of the Scots who have lately entered into bond to do exploits and for the bestowing of their pledges, and that 5,000l. is sent to pay the garrisons and the men of Berwick. Shrewsbury has sent for five of the best of the pledges, viz., of the lairds of Fernyherst, Cesford, Hundelee, Boundjedwourth and the sheriff of Tevydale, intending to bestow them with gentlemen of Nottingham and Derby shires; and will also put the rest in honest custody. Enclose letters from the Wardens of the East and Middle Marches of their exploits in Scotland. Darneton, 7 Nov. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.
	In Sadler's hand, pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1544.
7 Nov.	568. Hertford, Gardiner and Wotton to Henry VIII.
R.O. St. P., x. 178.	Having despatched letters to him from Hertford and Winchester on 31 Oct., solicited to speak with the Emperor on Saturday, (fn. n4) but could not because of the feast. On Sunday dined with Mons. de Bure and Mons de Hogstrate, Governor of Geldres, and saw the triumph in the Market Place, at which were all save the Lady Regent, who is yet sick. The Emperor had the Cardinal of Loreyn on his right and duke of Orlyance on his left. "The French Queen and Madame d'Estampes came both in one horse litter close." The countie of Feria, a Spaniard of great revenues, bore the charge of the triumph, where 60 men of arms "trimmed after the Morisco, showed the feat of the juogo de Cannes upon very good jenetts." At 6 p.m. Hertford and Winchester received letters from Henry's Council with commission to speak with Madame d'Estampes; but could not do so, as the French Queen and she departed suddenly next day, upon letters from the French king which arrived on Sunday night. The Emperor spent Monday in conducting the ladies out of the town and making them presents to the value of 60,000 cr. The duchess of Lorayne, who came hither on Tuesday to find the French Queen, followed and overtook her at Mons. At the ladies' departure a variance arose between the Viceroy and the Countie de Feria about Madame Massey, "she that the French king favoureth, as it is said, by Madame d'Estampes mediation." Feria had obtained of her that he should accompany her out of the town, but, being absent when she took horse, the Viceroy accompanied her. When Feria followed and saw that, he made no courtesy but rashly rode in between them; and such debate arose that the Emperor put them in custody in their own houses for two days.
	Have, since Tuesday, sent every day to Grandvela, and have daily hoped to speak with the Emperor. On Tuesday night received letters from Henry's Council instructing them what to say to the Emperor. On Thursday morning Mons. Darras arrived, and this morning visited them, and by him they have sent a message to his father for their despatch, who had before made excuse that the Emperor had called the estates of the Low Counties and caused propositions to be made to them, in his presence, for money. Heard today from a good quarter that the French Queen and Orlyaunce departed dissatisfied because the Emperor said that the estates of Spain would nowise agree to the marriage between Orlyaunce and the Emperor's daughter and that he would keep his league with Henry. Have heard otherwise that Orlyaunce should be at the Diet in Almayne, as if he should have the King of Romaynes' daughter.
	This afternoon the Viceroy visited them and, declaring Henry's liberality to him, discoursed of many things, especially of Bolen, dispraising the Frenchmen's fond enterprise to recover it. In reply, told him how Henry and all his subjects esteemed it. Of Orlyaunce he spoke very indifferently, saying he could "evil see, and how one of his eyes is eaten with a small pock," and that with his pretended knowledge of war he was not so wise to foresee a thing as "to tell after what might have been done." The Viceroy told how the Frenchmen were astonished when the Emperor's army marched from Shalon, but he spake nothing of Henry's army not coming forward. He said that in conversation Orlyaunce seemed to find lack in his brother the Dolphin, that the Admiral of France "is not with the French as himself would be," that the French king longed for the return of the ladies, and that one of them was his mistress, and that he himself would depart in six days towards Italy. This communication Hertford and Winchester had with the said Viceroy.
	Trust to speak with the Emperor tomorrow. Brucelles, 7 Nov.
	The Queen of Hungary is well reco[vered]. Signed.
	In Gardiner's hand, pp. 7. Add. Endd.: 1544.
R.O.	2. Modern copy of the portion at the beginning of the above describing proceedings on the Sunday.
	P. 1. Endd.: "Their entertainment at a triumph. The Cardinal of Lorraine goes on y^e right hand and y^e D. of Orleans on y^e left hand of y^e Emperour."
7 Nov.	569. Hertford and Gardiner to Suffolk and the Privy Council at Calais.
R.O.	Our letters to the King show that we can yet get no answer, and, by the letters we received by Francis and at this hour from you by Hammes, we perceive that we shall not depart so soon as we trusted. We pray, therefore, to have, of you Master Ryche, payment of our diets and post money laid out in coming hither, which, to make diligence, was very chargeable. Everything is here unreasonably dear. Brucelles, 7 Nov. Signed.
	In Gardiner's hand, p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1544.
7 Nov.	570. Carne to the Council.
R.O.	The French Queen departed hence on the 3rd inst., in the afternoon, with the duke of Orleance and cardinal of Loreyn. On the 4th the Duchess of Loreyn entered here; and departed next morning to overtake the French Queen. The Emperor gave jewels amongst the French ladies to the value of 60,000 cr., including a jewel worth 12,000 cr. to the Queen, one worth 6,000 cr. to Madame du Tamps, 3,000 cr. to the Countess du Vertue, her sister, and 3,000 cr. to Madame Massye. There remain here Cardinal du Medonne, Mons. du Valle and the Admiral of France's son.
	(fn. n5) On the 4th inst. the Emperor had all the states of these countries before him, and, through President Score, made a proposition thanking them for their help in his wars, whereby he had obtained a perpetual peace with France, and had made peace with the elected king of Denmark and pacified the Geldres, so that henceforth these parts should live quietly; and now he would repair to the Diet in Germany to reform the diversity of opinions in Christendom and then set forth against the Turk, and for this he would desire their benevolence and would declare his demand to Brabant, Flanders and the other states particularly. On the 6th the state of Brabant were called before the Emperor, who demanded of them 100,000 ducats to be paid before St. John Baptist's Day next. Then the state of Flanders were called and 150,000 ducats demanded of them. Holland, Zealand, Haynawde and Artoys and the rest were not then called, but must follow; so that the whole demand will draw to 400,000 ducats. One Franciscus van Delph is here named "to come to be ambassador resident there for the Emperor." The Lady Regent has been sick of an ague since the 28th ult., and now amends. Heard Dymock, the King's servant, say that a secretary of the French king had passed Andwarp for Handboroghe to pass into Scotland. The 26th inst. at Gawnt is the day appointed for the states to make answer to the Emperor's demands.
	The saying is that the Emperor removes shortly to Gaunt, some say on Monday next, and thence to Andwarp, Gelders and Germany, to the Diet. Bruxelles, 7 Nov. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add. Endd.: 1544.
7 Nov.	571. Parliament of Scotland.
Acts of P. of Sc., ii. 445.	Held at Edinburgh, 7 Nov. 1544, by James earl of Arran, Governor. Lists (given) of those present and of those chosen to the articles, for discussion of dooms and for discussion of causes. Business:—Summonses of treason against Archibald earl of Angus, Patrick earl Bothwell, Sir George Douglas, upon proof of execution, continued till the following day. All acts of the pretended parliament proclaimed by the Queen Mother and certain lords, to be held at Stirling on 12 Nov., annulled, and, similarly, all acts made at Stirling anent suspending or discharging the Governor from his office. All lieges forbidden to attend the said pretended parliament.
	The same day after noon. Present the lords of articles. Business:—As there are matters which cannot be hastily concluded, and attemptates which require the Governor's absence from Edinburgh, Parliament is ordained to run continually, without any special continuation, and the Three Estates to re-assemble at Edinburgh on 17 Nov. Mr. Thos. Kincragy appointed Queen's advocate in the absence of Mr. Henry Lauder, principal advocate.
7 Nov.	572. French Appeal to Rome.
Add. MS. 26,837, f. 35b. B. M. Baronius xxxiii. 84	Note that in Consistory, 7 Nov. 1544, were read letters of the French king dated 28 Oct. to George bp. of Rodez (Ruthenensis), his ambassador, desiring assistance of his Holiness in the war against England, viz. the pay of 6,000 footmen monthly, and that his Holiness should exhort the Emperor to consent that the Catholics might proceed to the destruction of the King of England and should within three months accelerate the Council already indicted at Trent.
	Lat. Modern transcript from the Vatican.
R.O.	2. Another modern copy, referring to Francis's letters as dated 23 Oct.
8 Nov.	573. The Privy Council to Sir Thomas Seymour.
R.O. St. P., i., 773.	The King understands by your letters of the 6th inst. your desire, after taking order in all things according to the memorial delivered here, to pass to the coasts of Bretayne; and therefore "to have the greater number of the ships appointed by the later order to keep the Narrow Seas to meet with you about the Wight," thinking that six ships should suffice for the Narrow Seas "according to the first appointment." His Majesty is pleased that, order taken for the victuals and the seas cleansed, you may pass into Bretayne, and thinks "the number appointed by the later order to remain always with you" sufficient, and will have the 14 sail remain upon the Narrow Seas. If the Jesus of Lubeck, the Great Galion and the Nue Barke be thought not strong enough for the Narrow Seas, you shall appoint three others, of 300 and upwards, to supply their place. Doubtless, in passing to the Wight you will visit the French fishermen, who are said to be on the seas in great number.
	Draft by Petre with corrections in another hand, pp. 2. Endd.: M. to Sir Thomas Seymour, viij. Novembris, 1544.
8 Nov.	574. Sir Henry Savill to William Plumpton. (fn. n6)
Plumpton Corresp. 247, (Camden Soc.)	Cousin Plumpton, you shall be most welcome to come and hunt with me as my son Robert's servant tells me that you propose. "Ye shall see your arrow fly and your greyhound run and all those that comes with you, winter and summer, when it please you to come, as long as I live. For the other matter, I have weighed it with my counsel and there are many doubts. I have sent my servant to engage a man in your country that can kill otters, which are here very troublesome. Sothill, 8 Nov.
	P.S.—My son has just come home from London. On Wednesday (fn. n7) my lord of Norfolk came to Court. The Spanish Duke (fn. n8) is gone. The Earl of Hertford and the Bp. of Winchester with the French ambassador are gone to the Emperor; the Duke of Suffolk with others remain at Calais. "The Frenchmen that wear of sea ar gon to Depe haven, and the Inglishmen ar of the sea, but the cold weather will sufer no man long to continue of the water." For news of Scotland give credence to bearer.
8 Nov.	575. Shrewsbury and Others to the Council.
Add. MS. 32,656, f. 26. B.M. Hamilton Papers, ii., No. 357.	Enclose letters from the Warden of the West Marches, with others to him from Robert Maxwell and from an espial in Scotland. As to Robert Maxwell's request to send a servant to his father, have written to Wharton in accordance with the Council's last letters. The matters which in the beginning of his letter Wharton refers to the declaration of his son, who now repairs to Court, are private suits, which please consider and advance. Darneton, 8 Nov. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.
	In Sadler's hand, p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1544.
8 Nov.	576. Parliament of Scotland.
Acts of Parlt. of Sc., ii. 448.	Held at Edinburgh, 8 Nov. 1544. Business:—The Governor agreed to send lord Setoun, Robert master of Symple and Sir James Leyrmonth of Balcomy with the earls of Merschell and Montrose to Stirling to declare his desire for unity among all the Queen's lieges, so that justice may be administered and they be stronger to resist the English and the thieves and traitors of the realm; answer to be brought by Monday. The Three Estates and other noblemen and gentlemen in Edinburgh assured the Governor of their support in case the Queen and noblemen with her refused to agree to unity. Proclamation ordered for all Edinburgh and the sheriffdom of Lothian to meet the Governor at Edinburgh on Monday next (fn. n9) with four days' victuals. The summons of treason raised against Angus, Bothwell and George Douglas continued to 17 Nov.
8 Nov.	577. Charles V. and Henry VIII.
R.O. [Spanish Calendar, vii. 257.]	"1544, Novembre:—Copie de la copie des raisons alleguées par le Roy d'Angleterre pour obliger l'Empereur à declarer la guerre à la France, et les raisons de l'Empereur au contraire."
	Upon the request, in which the Earl of Hertford and bp. of Winchester persist, that the Emperor declare himself enemy of the king of France by virtue of his treaty with England, and seeing that the king of France since his treaty with the Emperor has made war on England at Guysnes, the English reasons are:—
	By the treaty (fn. n10) with England, in its 13th and 14th articles, neither contrahent may make peace or truce without the other's consent; so that the Emperor could not make peace with France, after war was begun, without the King's consent, and admitted as much by seeking that consent. It follows then that that consent was null unless with the condition imposed upon it by the King, viz., that the peace should be treated with reservation of their amity, and, consequently, that the English pretension is established, because France has moved war against him at Guisnes and in England, as the ambassadors depose. The words of the 7th article of the treaty are general and absolute—'whosoever shall invade,'—and nowhere is there mention of taking cognisance whether the invasion be just or unjust, and the 17th article expressly stipulates that the words of the treaty are to be taken without glosing or interpretation. The Emperor is the more bound to observe the treaty, seeing that the King entered war in pursuance of it; and it ought to be held certain that, in delivering his said consent and reservation, he did not intend the Emperor to get out of war and leave it to him. That last year England not only declared against France, but sent the Emperor an aid which did good service, binds the Emperor the more to the said declaration and likewise to aid England.
	The reasons to the contrary are as follows:—
	The King of England did not fulfil his agreement for the common invasion of France as expressed in the treaty, and especially in the subsequent treaty of the month of January (fn. n11) with the Viceroy of Sicily. Moreover a determination was afterwards made in writing at Spire (fn. n12) with Secretary Paget, which the King tacitly approved. It is notorious that the King did not fulfil the treaty with the Viceroy, and Paget's charge implies that he did not wish to do so, and because the Emperor insisted that if he did not wish to send the whole number he should at least send 30,000 Paget accepted that. Allowing that he began to march as soon as the Emperor, and was constrained to besiege Montreul in order to get victuals to march onward (and there is enough to be said to the contrary), that cannot excuse him, since it was capitulated with the Viceroy that his army should march to the river Somme. The words of the treaty are so clear that it cannot be said but that England infringed it; nor is there anyone of good judgment who does not understand that the persistent besieging of Montreul and Boulogne was not for the march on Paris, or the constraining of France to reason, which was the sole cause for making the army, but that, from the beginning to the end, the King aimed at his own profit. By not observing the treaty for the invasion he gave the Emperor more than sufficient cause for making peace without him; for otherwise the Emperor might have received irreparable harm. And he cannot take advantage of the Emperor's having required his consent, but rather it is further to his blame that not having fulfilled [his part] he again excused himself when Arras was with him; and the more so as he was advertised of the Emperor's prosperity and the opportunity of soon attaining the end for which the enterprise was made, and excused himself because of the said sieges (for his own profit), and the expiration of the four months and approach of winter.
	If, however, the Emperor were unwilling to give them occasion to break and, because one ought always to aim at keeping and acquiring friends, would not insist with the said English ambassadors upon this inobservance of the treaty (which is, however, the true cause for refusing the declaration), it seems [well], at the least, not to pass lightly by a point so substantial and important for all present and future dealings with the English, who are troublesome (difficiles) and selfish friends, especially seeing that they already wish to take to their advantage that no mention was made of it. It cannot be said that by the reservation of England in the peace with France the said "inobservance" is tacitly given up (departy), for, being treated with another party it remains at the Emperor's will to use it as it suits him with regard to the King of England, who, with his kingdom, would by the said inobservance be bound for all damages—under the 16th article of the treaty with England, which states that in case of inobservance or contravention the infringer and his countries and subjects may be hostilely proceeded against. Apart from rebutting the pretension of the English, the said contravention supports the Emperor's power to make peace with France, even without the King's consent, who did not send his army by way of the Somme against Paris as agreed (his excuses admitted), considering that the Emperor had fulfilled his part and found himself without assistance, and much more in view of the King's answer that he could not assist because of hindering other private enterprises. The common invasion was capitulated, in articles distinct from the rest of the treaty, as to be made, within two years, at a time settled by the Princes, in order to force France to leave the Turk and satisfy them, and was to last four months. It follows that when the Emperor, advancing against the enemy, was not assisted by the King, and little of the four months remained, and there was no likelihood of constraining France further than as treated by the Emperor with him, the Emperor might so treat even without the King's consent; and since the King intervened with the aforesaid excuse the Emperor is justified both towards the King and all the world.
	Having thus fulfilled his part and made peace (for sufficient reasons and with the King's consent) and the four months being expired, the Emperor is not bound to re-enter at the King's request the same war which he went out of with the King's consent; and, moreover, having thus treated peace with France, he must use good faith and not let France say that, having treated in good faith, he was circumvented by the Emperor's renewing war in favour of England.
	To the saying that France has proceeded to war against Guisnes, and therefore, by the reservation, the Emperor may declare himself, and by his treaty with England is bound to do so, the answer is that the cause was for Boulogne, (fn. n13) to the defence of which the Emperor was not bound by the treaty, and at all events, that the war is the same as that of the common enterprise.
	As to the English saying that it is not likely that they would consent to the Emperor's treating and their own remaining in war, else the treaty would for them be fruitless, the answer is that the Emperor was not bound to remain in war more than four months, and the continuance of the war between England and France is for a thing not concerning the common enterprise but rather (failing in that) to gain and retain Boulogne; and the treaty profits the English in that the Emperor will not assist France with men or victuals, and will assist England against all other enemies.
	Moreover, the King of England wishes the Emperor to declare war against the King of France, who has submitted his dispute with England to the Emperor's decision; and it would be strange if the Emperor declared war upon him to make him do what he offers to do amicably; and much more when the Emperor is busied with the matter of religion and against the Turk. And what confidence can the Emperor, so declaring himself, have in England when that King already distrusts him and will not consent to his using the said submission?
	If the Emperor does not hold these reasons sufficient for absolutely refusing the declaration or does not find that he ought to make it at present, it may be excused or delayed, seeing that France has at present no formed army and the invasion against Guisnes and England was only an incursion, and therefore the King ought to be satisfied that the Emperor forbade his subjects to serve France or victual the French while continuing his horse and foot in the King's service as long as the King wished and giving the English every assistance here. The Emperor has already, at the King's request, declared himself enemy of the Scots; whereas the King long delayed and dissembled towards the elect king of Denmark, who had intimated war upon these countries and the Emperor, upon pretence that the said elect king made no actual war notwithstanding his preparations and his seizure of several vessels of these countries.
	The King of England cannot demand aid for the present year, even if the French had an army of over 10,000 against him, for, by the treaty, only one particular aid may be demanded in the year.
	All the above is under the good pleasure and better advice of his Majesty "et des bon personnaiges ausquelz elle consultera cesluy affaire."
	Fr. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 21.
R.O. [Spanish vii. 246]	2. "Du viij^e de Novembre":—After the English Ambassadors had been answered as contained in the writing, they said that they did not pretend only that the Emperor ought to declare himself for the invasions made since the treaty with France, but in virtue of his obligation to hold for enemies the enemies of England; and the answer was insufficient (trop court); they persisted on knowing if the Emperor would declare himself or not; the language held by the Emperor as to his wish to accomplish that whereto he was bound was honorable, but he must declare himself specifically; what they said of the invasion against Guynes and England was to demonstrate that he was the more bound, and could avail himself of it in virtue of the reservation made in his peace with France.
	They were answered that the Emperor had caused the treaties to be ripely examined and considered, but did not find that there was need at present for going to the length of determining as to the declaration; since the reservation to which they referred had been made by the King's consent it was not reasonable that the Emperor should re-enter it, and indeed there had been no cause; what the treaty said of declaration in case of invasion specified certain places, and this was for Boulogne, a place not therein comprised. It seemed best that the Emperor should not enter upon the question of declaration, that he might be the better able to contrive the agreement, for which he would very willingly work.
	The English praised the Emperor's willingness to set them at peace, but they saw no likelihood of it, and therefore wished forthwith to know if he was willing to declare himself enemy of France, since the treaty stated that one of the princes being, for any cause, enemy of anyone, the other was bound to hold that one as enemy. They were answered that that was not found in the treaty; he was to be held enemy in case of invasion, but the invasion ought to be such as to give cause for asking aid or requiring the declaration, not such as that against Guynes (and the treaty was not to be understood so rawly as that for an incursion of fifty horse or a few footmen declaration should be made, or, again, for a greater number going solely to reconoitre or to seek forage), seeing moreover that that was past, and also there were other things to say which were left out; in view of the season and the state of affairs, it would be better to leave for the present the consideration of the request for declaration. The English ambassadors persisted that by the text of the treaty the Emperor was bound to declare war for any molestation whatsoever, and showed the copy of the treaty; but they did not find in it what they affirmed, but rather what had been said to them as to invasion.
	Afterwards they said that, since the treaty had been so well examined, they would like to know if the Emperor wished to say that he was not bound to declare himself; the invasion of Guynes was with 20,000 men, who burnt churches and planted artillery in one of them to assail Ghynes; and moreover there still were upon the sea fighting vessels, of which they had fresh news three days ago; and, being come on the King's behalf, they hoped that the examination of the treaty would be made in their presence, and that they would not receive so short an answer without what they wished to debate being heard.
	They were answered that there was no evidence of the invasion indicated (qu'il ne constoit de l'invasion signaliffiée) and it had ceased, and was on account of Boulogne; and that the communing with them upon the treaty was done by Praet and Grantvelle, not with the treaty before them, because they themselves would not look at that of France, nor that of Don Fernande, nor the reply to Paiget, as if not concerning them; the Emperor having examined the whole at length would have them answered as above, and the rest that had been said or should be said was without the Emperor's charge and by way of conversation.
	They replied that they had not wished to see the treaty with France, which did not concern them, but had not objected to the other treaties or writing; and, as to the invasion against Ghynes, if there was no evidence of it (s'il ne constoit) yet it was notorious, also the landing in England; they were not debating it, but wished to know whether, if there was invasion, the Emperor would declare himself, as bound, and they would then see to the proof of the fact; that all was on account of Boulogne might be said of every enterprise of France against England for a hundred years to come and the treaty would be of no use to them.
	They were told that it would be of much use, for there might be another enemy and another cause of war with France; at present all was for recovery of Boulogne, which was not specified in the treaty. They at once replied that they they did not ask for defence of Boulogne; they were not at war because of it, but for the joint invasion; and the Emperor could not withdraw from that enmity without them, since the treaty stated that the one should not treat without the other. Being answered that the King's consent effaced that, they replied that the King did not consent except with condition that he should be also satisfied, which was his reason for declaring to Arras to what terms he would condescend, relinquishing much that he had asked and even that had been offered him.
	To that it was answered that the cause of Arras' coming to their master, although it had another colour, was to show the Emperor's position, how far he had advanced, what means there were of bringing the King of France to reason if, in accordance with the treaty, the King of England would enter the country without stopping at the frontiers (and in default, because he said that he could not, to know how he stood with Cardinal de Belay and his intention as to peace), and the risk of the Emperor's position. The King answered that the Cardinal had only spoken generally, but had letters of credence from his master upon which he promised to say things which would content him; and that, for the sake of peace and fear of misfortune to the Emperor, he would relinquish not only some of his demands but even some things that had been offered him. Afterwards he said that he would write to his ambassador, and would insist upon the prompt payment of the arrears of his pension; but since it perpetuated his claim to France he would, for peace and for the Emperor's sake, renounce it for the future if the King of France, leaving him Boulogne (which he had already conquered) would give him Montreul (which he hoped also soon to have by starvation), and Ardres (which the French could not keep without the other two and which was about to surrender for lack of victuals); he would also be content not to ask the expenses of the war, although they had been offered him, and would consent, because consultation was difficult and delay impossible, that the Emperor should treat on his side and he on his own, reserving the treaty of amity between them. That was the condition and no other; and it was observed, as appears by the treaty. He did not charge Arras to say that the above conditions must be obtained for him, but wished to treat his own claim himself with the Cardinal de Belay and other French ministers.
	They replied that the King was a wise Prince and also had a wise Council and all the world would understand, whatever was said, that it could not be the King's will that, having jointly commenced war, the Emperor should be out of it and he not; what was thought and said of it might be imagined; Arras had no letters of credence for saying that, and what they said was written to their ambassador. The amity of England had been useful to the Emperor last year and this and throughout the past, and together they had always worked well and, especially, taken the [French] King; times might change, and they spoke of it the more warmly as they were promoters of this amity; they must write to their master, and it should be considered whether they ought to write such things.
	The answer was, approving the wisdom of the King and his Council, that that the Emperor's doings could be justified throughout the world; not only Arras but the other ambassadors were witnesses to the consent to treat, and the King had since confirmed it, and his Council at last communications did not deny it, and this peace would prove the contrary; the amity was held in due estimation and reserved. As to what they said, however, of the taking of Francis, they might remember that the 40,000 angelots, after being long at Besançon, were taken into Italy and taken back again without being used. They might write to the King what they pleated, who would not take it ill that the Emperor wished still, at this season, to seek means of peace. This was the answer which the Emperor had commanded to be made, as they heard at the beginning; and he would return next evening and on Monday (fn. n14) report should be made to him of what had passed.
	Fr. Modern transcript from Vienna, pp. 13.
9 Nov.	578. Stephen Vaughan.
R.O.	Bill of receipt, 9 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII., by Stephen Vaughan from Sir John Williams, treasurer of Augmentations, upon a letter from the King's Council, of 50l. in prest towards the charges of his abode in Flanders.
	Hol., p. 1.
9 NOV.	579. Fotheringhay college.
R.O.	Two bills of receipt, 9 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII., by John Russell, clk., master of the college of Fodryngaye, from Mr. Nic. Arnold, by the hands of Ric. Hyll his servant, (1) of rents of Newent 41l. 15s. 0½d. and (2) of the farm of Dymmocke 11l. 17s. 6d.
	Copy, p. 1. Endd.
9 Nov.	580. [Sir] T. Seymour to the Council.
R.O. St P., i.774.	After the writing my last letters from Dover on Thursday last, the wind blew up at the East so that we were fain to forsake Dover Road for Bowllen; but the ebb cast us so much westward, that it was 2 o'clock next afternoon ere we reached it. It was resolved thence to make slack sail towards Deepe where, Lord Saint Jone showed me, were 17 Frenchmen, and thence along the French coast, where we should meet with fishermen, and so to the head of the river Sayne where also lay 17 great ships. That night the wind rose at E.S.E. so extremely that we had to try the seas and had much ado to fall next night with Wyght. There followed me the Mynyon, Salamander, Jenett and others, 17 sail in all: but we have lost all our boats. The rest that took not way with us have tried the seas this night past in as sore a storm as ever I saw; howbeit, having sea room they will get Dartmouth haven. As for putting the soldiers on board wages at Portsmouth, I know not if Wynter have any money, and am sure the soldiers have none. As for setting forth the ships to keep the Narrow Seas, I will take such boats as I can get at Hampton and Portsmouth and send them forth as shortly as I can. My lord Saint Jone told me at Dover that most part of the victuals for Boullen were already gone and the rest ready. A ship with 2 mizzens, the Mary James of Calais, on Wednesday last met a Frenchman (fn. n15) from Scotland wherein were divers Scots, and fought with him, "who, perceiving that he should take the worst, fell aboard of a Fleming which wafted the fishermen, near to the coast of Dunkerke, who claimeth the goods for that, as he said, they had war with the Scots, as we had; but as for that that belongeth unto the Frenchmen they said it should be rendered again to us." Our man, having taken a Scot out of the ship whom we have, is gone to Dunkirk with them. The ship is of Deepe. Thinks the Greate Barke, the Gallyon of Hambrugh, and the Swallow are still at Dover. From the Peter within Wyght, 9 November. Signed.
	P.S. in his own hand.—There is arrived and gone into Portsmouth harbour ten sail more, the Pauncie, the Lesser Galle, the Swepestake and three other of the King's ships; nine sail more were descried, which I think ride about Chall bay on the S.W. part of the Island.
	Pp. 3. Add. Endd.: 1544.
9 Nov.	581. Border Expenses.
R.O.	Indenture witnessing receipt, 9 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII., by Sir Ralph Sadler, high treasurer of wars against Scotland, from Thos. Hungat, of 5,000l., sent by the King's Council for the garrisons on the Borders and other affairs in the North. Signed: By me Thomas Hungat.
	Small paper, indented, p. 1. Seal broken.
9 Nov.	582. Paget to Petre.
R.O.	At last you shall receive letters from my lords with the Emperor, albeit of no great importance. Herewith also I send letters from Dr. Chr. Mownt which will show the King some of the occurrents of those parts. The man has served the King fourteen years, and never had but 20l. a year, although both I and my lord Chancellor have made means to increase his living with some honest prebend. If the King should have to do in Germany (and it seems not amiss to entertain them with practice) I know no man better able to serve than Dr. Mownt. Calais, 9 Nov., 6 a.m.
	P.S. in another hand.—My lord of Suffolk, being ill at ease, has required me to write to you to move the King for the Frenchman that brake out of prison. (fn. n16) He has told the truth, is of good wit and learned in the three tongues, and, if the King will take pity upon him, will become English. My lord of Suffolk would, with the King's pleasure, have him to wait upon his children. The stormy weather has delayed these letters.
	Hol., p. 1. Add. Sealed. Endd.
9 Nov.	583. Hertford, Gardiner and Wotton to Henry VIII.
R.O. St. P., x. 182.	Wrote on the 7th of the delay of the answer promised them. On Saturday, the 8th, early, the Emperor went to an abbey two miles oft, and returns not till Sunday night. It is said that he withdraws to be shriven and communicate; which he could not do at All Saints for the presence of his sister (fn. n17) and the ladies.
	Yesternight, late, Granvela sent word that he was commissioned to make them the Emperor's answer, and required them to repair to him as he was confined to his chamber with a catarrh. Went to him at 5 p.m. and found there De Praet, Arras and Secretary Joyse. "And when we were all set, the Secretary Joyse standing by, Mons. de Granvela, excusing the Emperor's delay in this answer for the great business he hath had," said that, being required to declare himself enemy to the French king because of the invasion of Guisnes, the Emperor found, by the treaties, that it "was not requisite he should do so," but he would travail with the French king for the making of a good peace, which he trusted would take effect shortly, and the Emperor would observe and keep all his leagues with Henry. Replied that general good words to observe the treaty had been reported to Henry, both by Wotton and by Arras, and were agreeable to Henry's opinion of the Emperor, but the writers were sent to deduce them to some special certainty; and the Emperor had promised to do so and that they should jointly peruse the treaties, which is not done. And in this answer they found two lacks:—(1) that where they had noted that Henry's consent to the peace was accompanied by a condition, like God's promises, this principal matter was not spoken of (for, as for the Frenchmen's invasion since, it was only mentioned to show that the Frenchmen had procured again their own trouble) and (2) that the words did not perfectly express whether the Emperor meant that he was not bound to declare himself or that he thought it not expedient. To this they made no answer; and, after consulting together, Granvela, with a protestation that they now spoke of themselves, said that the Emperor made peace with Henry's consent (which was signified by Arras, verified by the Emperor's ambassador and agreed to " by us at Calais"). We replied that reports, without letters of credence, should not defeat a treaty so solemnly made; "and as for the approving at Calays we denied it." And albeit we each spoke of it without the addition of any word that might reasonably move them, Granvela said it was not the fashion of that Court to speak so. We told him he esteemed us very slenderly that he would not quietly reason with us, and that, after so long delay, he would not directly consider the treaties, as the Emperor appointed. Granvela then cooled himself and said he would commune with us gladly, but he had showed us the Emperor's answer, who debated the matter with his Council on Friday. We then repeated what you affirmed concerning your contentment signified by Arras, and how you wrote to your ambassador here resident concerning the damages, asking them why the articles should have been shown to Arras unless it were that the Emperor might provide for your satisfaction in them, and showing them that in your treating with the French ambassadors you made special provision for the Emperor; and we asked Arras, as his message was to learn what moderation of the articles you would grant to relieve the Emperor's necessity, how could they now fashion his report as though, destitute of all prudence, you should answer that the Emperor might make his own bargain without respect to you? To that Arras answered little, making a slender qualification of the cause of his sending, "and to the reservation of the treaty your Highness, he said, did plainly say, and that he affirmed stoutly, and to the rest said little." We then told them "how that generality contained the other specialty," for by the treaty you must be satisfied. To this they did not answer. Granvela said the French invasion was for Boloyn. We replied that the occasion mattered not; but Granvela argued that the words quacumque occasione were not in the treaty. We then produced the treaty on paper, and pointed out that the words were even more general, viz. casu quo. Granvela then said that the Emperor did not see that there was any such invasion; and we replied that it was notorious, and could easily be proved, and that it still endured; whereat Granvela "said he marvelled." We reminded them how the Emperor has ever had his good fortune by your means; by which, in last war, the French king was taken prisoner and now was brought to reason. Granvela would have denied that the French king was taken prisoner by your means, "but Mons. de Praet would not sothe him in it; and when we said the French king feared now as much your Majesty as th'Emperor, he could not abide it." We said you had stood the Emperor in good stead, and might again. This we said we would report, that the Emperor himself had spoken reasonably, but their manner was not friendly, and that "the matter is as such it were expedient for them to answer the world well in it." Granvela said that they trusted to satisfy the world; but, pour maintenant (using these words for the first time), the Emperor thought it not requisite to declare himself. We then told them precisely how you took your message by Arras, and would take it both general for the treaty and special for the conditions, and joined thereto the invasion of Guisnes since the treaty, and asked whether we should write their answer to your Majesty. After consulting together, they replied that the Emperor would return hither on the Sunday night and they would then report to him what we said; and we might write as we thought good. They then repeated that they had spoken of themselves and how, pour maintenant, the Emperor thought it not requisite to declare himself and would travail for a peace. To this we listened coldly, and, to cheer us, they offered us wine; and so, with as good countenance as the matter would suffer, we departed.
	As the Emperor travails to "attempre" the French king, we suppose that they fly the direct answer, fearing that you would use the confession of their obligation, either to bring them into war again or to attain greater conditions than they can induce the French king to. If you would signify by your letters the invasion of Guisnes or other part of your realm, we think it would do good. We have put the article of the treaty in French to show the Emperor that howsoever his Council would abuse him, he may know the truth; and from his words "we cannot despair but he will regard as appertaineth"; and yet we must write this melancholy matter.
	The French Queen fell sick at Mons, and Madame Destampes, with certain other ladies, forthwith departed towards the French king.
	Captain Poleyn, the French king's agent with the Turk, escaped from Barbarousa with five galleys and is now sent hither to the Emperor to report "those affairs." It is said that he is appointed vice-admiral of France, and already vaunts that he will do wonders against you on the seas. Brucelles, 9 Nov. Signed.
	In Gardiner's hand, pp. 9. Add. Endd.: 1544.
Add. MS. 25.114, f. 312. B.M.	2. Contemporary copy of the above without the last paragraph.
	Pp. 5. Endd.: To the King's Majesty, 9 Nov. 1544.
9 Nov.	584. Hertford, Gardiner and Wotton to Suffolk and the Privy Council at Calais.
R.O.	By our letters to the King you "shall perceive a froward answer, which we have also, in the leaves of the letter, disordered," but, for haste, send it as it is; praying you, Mr. Secretary, to write to Mr. Peter therein. Brucelles, 9 Nov. Signed.
	P.S.—We send Francesco, the bearer, to remain at Calais and bring us "with the more diligence that shall be sent unto us out of England."
	In Gardiner's hand, p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1544.
9 Nov.	585. Gardiner to Arras.
R.O. St. P., x. 193.	Although unwilling to treat privately of public matters, he is so troubled by yesterday's assembly that he relieves his mind by writing this. Protests his regard for the Emperor and for Arras and his family, viz. his father and brother; and expresses, at great length, concern that the Emperor's honor is endangered by the course which he is now taking. Disproves arguments used yesterday by Granvelle touching Arras's mission to the King and the French invasion for the sake of Boulogne. Ex hospitio nostro, nono Novembris.
	Lat. Copy, pp. 3. Endd.: "Copie of my lord of Winchester's l'res to the bisshop of Arras, ix^o Novembris 1544."
10 Nov.	586. Sale of Crown Lands.
R.O.	"All such sums as is rising to your Majesty of the lands bargained and sold by the Commission" (fn. n18) from 26 June to 10 Nov. 36 Hen. VIII.
	June.—Sir Ric. Lee, 336l. 16s. 2d.; Edm. Clerk, 489l. 15s. 10d.; Wm. Aleyn, 160l. 16s. 8d.; Ric. Cicelie, 373l. 9s. 4d.; Sir Ant. Seintleger, 99l.; Robt. Draper, 276l. 11s. 8d.; Wm. Sackevile, 25l. 20d.; Ric. Ingeram and Ant. Forster, 946l. 8s. 4d.; Thos. Shelon (sic), 190l. 2s. 6d.
	July.—John Aylif, 236l. 13s. 4d.; Wm. Walker, 77l. 16s. 9½d.; Thos. Bisshipp, 270l. 6s. 8d.; Thos. Hawle, 113l. 20d.; Hen. Storie, 173l. 8s. 8d. Robt. Maye, 784l. 18s.; Sir Robt. Townesend, 108l; Ric. Andrewes, 75l. 10s.; Wm. Oxenbridge, 26l. 13s. 4d.; John Clerke, 254l. 10s. 3½d.; Thos. Denton, 30l.; John Arnyn, 33l.; Hen. Tracie, 161l. 10s.; Peter Aphoell alias Moustoune, 73l.; John Eire, 585l. 18s.; John Claytoune, 182l. 15s.; Thomas duke of Norfolk, 100l.; Wm. Rigges, 207l.; Robt. Brokellesbie, 127l. 4s. 2d.; Wm. Wixton, 342l. 11s.; Hen. Audeley, 511l. 7s. 2d.; John Broxhame, 20l. 8s; Laur. Powners, 82l. 13s. 8½d.; Wm. Reade, 212l. 8s. 4d.; Thos. Haule, 70l. 10s. 2½d.; Robt Brooke. 946l. 3s. 8d.; Sir Thos. Pope, 691l. 13s. 6d.; Wm. Portman 622l. 15s.; Hen. Cooke, 180l.; Wm. and Fras. Sheldon, 446l 11s. 0½d.; the lord Le Warre, 78l.; Thos. Percie, 138l. 6s. 8d.; John Knight, 115l. 16s. 8d.; Sir Geo. Throgmerton, 630l. 17s. 2d.; Hen. Girrey, 65l.; Wm. Farmer, 304l.; Robt. Taverner, 546l. 17s. 6d.; Geo. Rowles and Geo. Haydon, 681l. 6s. 4d.; Daniel Perte, 9l. 12s.; Geo. Purpoincte, 423l. 12s. 0½d.; Wm. Worwood, 791l. 6s. 8d.; Rowland Shakerley, 160l. 19s. 2d.; John Doyle, 843l. 20d.; Humph. Pagington, 644l. 16s. 8d.; Daniel Perte, 28l. 6s. 8d.; Cireck Petite, 63l. 10s.; Robt. Cursoune, 160l.; Rog. Higham and Wm. Greine, 198l. Oliver Leader, 239l. 17s. 2d.; Oliver Leader, 30l.; Hen. Webbe, 81l.; Ric. Browne. 37l. 10s.; Hen. Polsted, 12l. 12s.; Cirek Petite, 46l.; Geo. Ashe, 16l.; Robt. Lord, 24l.; Cireck Petite, 161l.; John Doyle, 36l.; Wm. Grene 86l.: John Howe, 386l. 2s. 8d.: John Howe, 122l. 9s. 8d.; Wm. Goodwyne. 195l. 6s. 8d.; Cireeke Petite, 16l. 16s.; John Cooke, 883l. 16s. 6d.; Ant. Stringer, 151l. 4s.; Robt. Taverner, 459l. 5s. 8d.
	August.—Sir Ph. Champernon, 255l. 11s. 6d.; John Pope, 257l. 20d.; Geo. Hurde, 80l.; Thos. Bell, 146l. 3s. 4d.; Ric. Buckelande, 237l. 2s. 1d.; Robt. Tavernour, 26l. 13s. 4d.; Ric. Powle, 86l. 13s. 4d.; Hen. Cooke, 201l 10d.; Chr. Campion, 29l. 12s.; Wm. Sheldon, 16l. 13s. 4d.; Wm. Wever, 200l.; John Finche, 205l. 17s. 11d.; Robt. Herries, 207l. 14s. 8d.; Chr. Campion, 27l. 18s.; Ric. Wattes, 30l.; the countess of Salop, 145l. 12s. 4d.; Thos. Brooke, 59l. 6s. 8d.; Sir Ric. Lee, 1,162l. 5s. 10d.; Sir Thos. Arundell,.2,609l. 13d.; Sir John Baldewin, 623l. 18s. 5½d.; John Sewster, 455l. 18s. 10½d.; John Master and Thos. Maister, 976l. 7s. 6d.; Wm. Grene, 187l. 4s.; Wm. Bretton, 66l.; Wm. Hamerton, 40l.; Rog. Medcalfe, 20l.; Thos. Bertlett, 48l. 12s.; John Pope, 9l. 6s. 8d.; John Baker, 129l. 15s.; John Wrothe, 185l.; Sir Robt. Turwit, 720l. 7s. 2d.; Robt. Curson, 366l.; Giles Bridges and Robt. Herries, 995l. 11s. 5d.; John Wrothe, 39l.; John Wrothe, 147l. 13s. 4d.; John Edmundes, 126l. 9s. 2d.; Rog. Tavernour, 492l. 14s.; Rog. Tavernour, 49l. 6s. 8d.; Robt. Drurie, 10l. 11s. 8d.; Walt. Blunte, 40s.; Hen. Bradshawe, 161l. 2s. 2d.; Thos. Graunthame, 93l.; Nic. Spackman, 400l. 16d.; John Broxhame, 21l.; Thos. Goodwine, 24l.; Hen. Bradshawe, 140l.; John Remes, 50l. 13s. 4d.; Hen. Clytherowe, 192l. 10s. 8d.; Wm. Wakefelde, 13l. 6s. 8d.; Sir Thos. Arundell, 43l. 4s.; John Thynne 313l. 19s. 7d.; Rog. Tavernour, 169l. 12d.; John Pope, 127l. 14s.; Hen. Audeley, 106l. 12s. 6d.; Geo. Duke, 56l. 13s. 4d.; Thos. Bocher, 611l. 9s. 4d.; John Pope, 65l. 16s. 0½d.; John Wrothe, 70l.; John Eire, 72l.; Wm. Austen, 104l.; Ralph Bulmer, 458l. 0s. 10d.; Thos. Archer, 117l. 6s. 8d.; John Eire, 79l. 10s. 10d.; Ric. Maunsell, 611l. 12s. 4d.; Thos. Boocher, 83l. 4s.; John Wrothe, 106l. 13s. 4d.; Wm. Wakefelde, 40l.; — Whiskerd, 8l.; Wm. Sheldon, 603l. 18s. 4d.; Wm. Sheldon, 108l. 5s.; John Babhame, 10l. 18d.; John (sic) Sidenhame, 173l. 18s. 4d.; John Wrothe, 13l. 8s. 4d.; Rol. Babington, 225l.; John Pope, 72l. 3s.; Sir Wm. Petre, 191l.19s. 5d.; Thos Boocher, 47l. 8s.; John Jenneman, 96l. 17s.; John Jenneman, 99l. 7s. 6d.; Edm. Welche, 24l.; John Pope, 66s. 8d.; Wm. Pynnock, 28l. 3s. 4d.; Thos. Babington, 387l. 18d.; Thos. Boocher. 10l.; Hugh Lee, 10l.; Thos. Goodwine, 959l. 9s. 2d.; Hen. Audeley, 153l. 18s.; John Pope, 292l. 4s.; Robt. Cursoune, 30l.; John Cordall, 178l. 8s.; John and Thomas Master, 57l 13s. 4d.; Robt. Cursoune, 549l. 6s. 8d.; Ric. Buckelande and John Bisse, 1,039l. 23d.; Thos. Goodwin, 42l. 13s. 4d.; Ant. Skynner, 37l. 10s.
	September.—Hen. Webbe, 55l.; Alex. Popehame, 132l. 20d.; Robt. Smarte. 27l.; Thos. Nortoune, 32l.; Steph. Cowle, 41l. 6s. 8d.; Cuthb. Coxston, 31l. 4s.; Edm. Goodwin, 60l.10s.; Robt. Tavernour, 59l. 20d.; John and Geo. Milles, 379l. 12s.; John Beneman, 48l.; Thos. Calton, 453l. 6s. 2d.; Robt. Chidley, 1,200l. 15s. 10d.; Walt. Hendley, 168l.; Robt. Cheseman, 6l. 13s. 4d.; Wm. Sheldon, 149l. 17s. 6d.; Edm. Welche, 44l. 5s. 4d.; Hen. Longefelde, 320l. 7s. 6d.; John Caurvernell, 103s. 6d.; Ric. Tavernour, 599l. 3s. 6d.; Wm, Tucker, 54l.; Thos. Norton, 24l.; Rog. Tavernour, 39l. 3s. 4d.; Walter Blunte, 74l. 15s. 8d.; John Marche, 1,014l. 17s. 6d.; John Brigges, 461l. 6s.; Nic. Bacoune, 127l. 15s.; Robt. Ledbetter, 6l. 13s. 4d.; Chr. Campion, 42l.; John Pope, 61l.; Wm. Goodwynne, 1,412l. 13s. 4½d.; Edw. Nalinghurst, 10l.; Fras. Pigot, 698l. 6s.; Ambrose Jermyn, 72l.; Wm. Hamerton, 50l. 8s.; Jas. Reignolde, 53l. 13s. 4d.; Jas. Mounforde, 84l.; Nic. Mynne, 26s. 8d.; Wm. Grene, 6l. 6s. 8d.; Mich. Gile, 13l. 16s. 8d.; John Tidnum, 21l.; Ric. Tracie, 334l. 12s. 8d.; Nic. Bacon, 174l. 2s. 8d.; Walter Hendley, 20l..; Ph. Lentall, 76l. 11s. 3d.; John Wilde and Steph. Mote, 668l. 18s. 4d.; John Bere, 83l. 3s. 4d.; Geo. Duke and John Sterre, 400l.; Ric. Cooper, 336l. 3s. 4d.; Thos. Calton, 156l. 12s.; John Wilde, 34l. 16s. 8d.; Cuthb. Coxston. 68l.; Hen. Clytherowe, 18l. 6s. 8d.; John Howe, 57l. 9s. 4d.; John Laurence, 116l; John Bere, 692l. 8s. 4d.; Gilb. Burfam, 21l. 16s.; Thos. Argall, 40l.; Edward earl of Hertford, 1,948l 6s. 7½d.; Robt. Curson. 92l. 10s.; Hen. Dowe, 271l.; Sir Ant. Kingston, 360l.; Matth. Whight, 21l. 12s. 1d.; Joan Hawerd, 4l. 10s.; Sir Wm. Herbert and Chr. Savage. 1,411l. 12s. 10d.; Wm. Stakeley. 12l.; Walt. Farre, 26l. 13s. 4d.; Wm. Bacon, 28l.; Wm. Marten, 13l. 6s. 8d.; The countess of Rutland, 130l. 13s. 4d.; Thos. Cooe, 202l. 8s.; Wm. Eire, 398l. 10s 10d.; Wm. Hamerton, 42l. 13s. 4d.; Wm. Goodwine, 8l. 14s. 4d.; Sir Ant. Denny, 76l. 8s.
	October.—Robt. Wincote, 96l. 18s. 4d.; Wm. Burnell, 69l.; Wm. Austen, 70l. 10s.; John Scouthcotte and John Tregonvell, 843l. 10s. 10d.; Fras. Constable, 134l.; — Robenson, 32l.; John Hide, 252l.; John Hatcher, 129l. 16s. 4d.; John Claytoune, 192l. 20d.; John Hide, 17l. 13s. 4d.; Edw. Garlonde, 45l. 17s. 4d.; John Williams, 79l. 15s. 8d; Thos. Coolpeper. 223l. 8s. 4d.; Clement Smithe, 464l.; Ralph Worsley, 63l.; Robt. Thurley, 33l. 13s. 4d.; Sir Edw. Mountague, 401l. 5s. 10d.; John Gilbert, 81l.; Sir Ric. Lee, 707l. 20d.; The countess of Shropshire, 236l. 2s. 6d.; Hen. Audeley, 37l. 16s.; John Gete, 56l.; John Pope, 40l. 3s. 4d.; Geo. Kinshame, 118l. 14s.; Wm. Staunforde, 160l; Sir Wm. Peter, 58l. 0s. 6d.; Alex. Upton, 424l. 5s. 5d.
	November.—Ric. Snowe, 189l. 18s. 4d.; Edw. Twynnowe, 331l. 16d.; Wm. Berif, 222l. 17s. 0½d.; Ric. Gunter, 116l. 16s. 8d.; Chr. Campion, 22l. 22d.; Hen. Isehame, 221l. 3s. 4d.; John Wade, 243l. 11s. 8d.; Ph. Wanwilder, 33l. 6s. 8d.; Wm. Prides, 327l. 14s. 7d.; John Clerke, 101l. 7s. 4d.; Edw. Stretburie, 30l.; Nic. Bacon, 846l. 12s. 7½d.; — Edlynne, 42l.; John Smithe, 40l. 13s. 4d.; Hamonde Claxton, 61l. 16s.; Thos. Standley lord Mountegle, 128l. 3s. 4d.; John Maynerde, 177l.. 20d.; John Carell, 700l. 20d; Ric. Marden, 276l. 13s. 9d.; Sir Geo. Gilford, 48l. 11s. 8d.; Robt. Burgoyne and John Skidmore, 588l. 12s. 4d.; Davye Claytoune, 28l. 18s. 4d.; The lord Chancellor, 1,318l. 18s. 4½d.; Sir Thos. Speke, 24l.; John Pottes, 42l. 13s. 4d.; Gerard Erington, 12l. 5s.; Edw. Harreys, 110s. 4d.; Robt. Townesende, 88l. 17½d.; Fras. Cunstable, 63l. 17s. 4d.; John Forster, 625l. 19s. 10d.; John Gilbert, 57l. 4s. 4d.; Humph Turrell, 447l. 13. 4d.; Nic. Tompson, 212l. 16s.; Ric. Duke, 900l.; Wm. Staundiche, 212l. 15s. 10d.; Robt. Marcie, 117l. 18s. 4d.; John Bellowe, 62l. 3s. 4d.; Sir Ric. Lee, 692l. 20d.; Thos. and Wm. Burnell, 171l.; John Diricke, 96l. 7s. 7½d.; John Eyre, 761l. 12s. 8d.
	Grand total, 73,226l. 4s. 2¾d.
	ii. Tabulated statement of the "days of payment" for the above (mostly in 36 and 37 Hen. VIII), showing 47,710l. 15s. 4¾d. in hand, and the amounts which will fall due at various terms from Sept. 36 Hen. VIII. to Christmas A.D. 1547.
	Large paper, pp. 12.
10 Nov.	587. [The Privy Council] to Suffolk and Others.
R.O.	——— "togethers taken a Scottish ship,) (fn. n19) now brought by them to Dunkyrk; forasmuch as his Majesty is informed that the said ship is very good, and of such burden as no other ship is in Scotland, except it be the Mary Willugby or one other, his Highness thinketh that the same was sent for some special purpose, and that either John a Barton or some other man of trust was sent with the said ship. And for that cause, being desirous to be advertised, as well of the certainty thereof as to know for what purpose she was sent, hath commanded us to pray you (?) your lordships to take such order, either by sending some special man to Dunkerk, or otherwise as you shall think best, that his Majesty may by your good means have as much knowledge as may be, both of the burden of the said ship, what ship it is, who was the captain of her, and for what purpose the same was sent, and also that such letters as [we] re or may be found within the same may be viewed and seen. Praying your lordships to take such order withal as they [yo]u shall appoint to be ministers in this behalf may advertise his Majesty of their proceedings accordingly."
	Fragment of a draft, much corrected, in Petre's hand, p. 1. Endd.: M. [to my lord of] Suff., etc., at Callys, x^o Novembris 1544.
10 Nov.	588. The Privy Council to Sir Thomas Seymour.
R.O.	Upon seeing your letters of the 9th inst., the King commands us to write to you that you have not had such respect to his pleasure, signified by our memorial and letters, as the importance of the affairs required. For, where you were told that your chief charge was to see victuals safely wafted to Bulleyn, you appear not to know what is become of the victuals, and have gone thence leaving them in danger of the enemies. And where you were to burn and bring away such ships as you found about Estaples, and afterwards, in passing towards Portysniowthe, to take the fishermen; although the wind and time served well, you have passed to Portysmowth without either going to Estaples or annoying the fishermen. You are with speed to take order that the 14 ships appointed to keep the Narrow Seas may be despatched thither with command to take the said fishermen on their way, if the wind will serve.
	Draft in Petre's hand, pp. 2. Endd.: M. to Sir Thomas Seymour, x^o Novembris 1544.
10 Nov.	589. Shrewsbury and Others to Petre.
Add. MS. 32,656, f. 28. B.M. Hamilton Papers, ii., No. 358.	Enclose letters from the Warden of the Middle Marches, with others to him from Farnyherst and a letter from Sir George Dowglas to the said Farnyherst. Darneton, 10 Nov. 1544. Signed by Shrewsbury, Tunstall and Sadler.
	P. 1. Add. Endd.