Henry VIII: January 1543, 11-15 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 18 Part 1, January-July 1543. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1901.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: January 1543, 11-15', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 18 Part 1, January-July 1543, ed. James Gairdner, R H Brodie( London, 1901), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol18/no1/pp21-32 [accessed 16 November 2024].

January 1543, 11-15



11 Jan. R. O.	35. Hier. Capo Di Ferro to Cardinal Farnese. The English Ambassador publishes a great defeat (fn. 1) of the Scots by the English; and also says that the King of Scotland and his wife have died of their sickness, and that a little daughter whom they have left is not well. The King keeps always on the move, wearying everyone, with the intention of making the carnival at Fontainebleau. Signor Horatio is very well and always follows the King, being pretty well in favour with the King and all these lords. Lately it has done nothing but rain in these parts, and now, for some days, there has been snow and such cold that it is impossible to sit on horseback. Could not wish anyone worse than to follow this Court in such weather. He would find it another thing than going "alla Magliana," and it would teach him not to judge others while he eats the bread of idleness beside the fire in well furnished chambers. Pottieres, 11 Jan. 1543. Signed : Hier. Nuntio. Italian. Modern transcript from a Vatican MS., pp. 2. Headed : Del Nuntio Capo di Ferro al R'mo Card. Farnese.
11 Jan. Hatfield MS. 231, f. No. 37. Haynes St. Papers, 8. [Cal. of Cecil MS. Pt. I. 99 (fn. 2).]	36. Lisle to Hertford. Thanks for his letter showing that by his advancement to the Great Chamberlainship the King gives Lisle the office of High Admiral of England. Will pray God for grace to serve well in this and all other the King's affairs. Alnwick, 11 Jan. Signed. P. 1. Fly-leaf with address lost. Headed in a later hand : To therle of Hertforde.
Add. MS. 32, 649, f. 56. B. M. Hamilton Papers, No. 276 (1).	37. The Scottish Lords. Articles gathered out of the King's instructions (fn. 3) "to be proponed unto the lords of Scotland now at Darnton." (1.) Whether all, at their arrival in Scotland, will repair to the Council with the King's letters, or send the letters by two or three of them? (2.) If the Council shall not conform to the King's pleasure, will these lords openly profess the delivery of the Daughter of Scotland to the King? (3.) What "undelayd dayez" they will take for planting meet persons about the King's pronepte and withstanding any stranger there assuming any kind of government? (4.) How they think to compass the strongholds into the King's hands? (5.) Whether the King's aid shall enter with them or remain on the Borders ready? (6.) If they cannot, without aid, serve the King's expectation viz., for the undelayed delivery of the Daughter, or the pretended Protector, or the Cardinal, where and how that aid may come and be victualled? (7.) In any case it is meet to describe in articles some rule to withstand the knot which the "other party" has made, and therein places whereto "to abide, go, or tarry." (8.) Their opinion touching the proclamation to be made upon the Borders? Pp. 2. Endd. : Articles proponed unto the lords of Scotland now at Darneton.
Add. MS. 32, 649, f. 64. B. M. Hamilton Papers, No. 277.	2. "The ansuer to certane artiklis proponit be Schir Rechert Sowthwell of the quhilkis the Kingis Majeste desyris answer." (1.) To the first, where the King has advertised them that Arran is chosen protector; purpose to reason with Arran and, if he will not be persuaded, to oppose him, and also to oppose any stranger that would pretend to have "covin" in their realm. Think all should go into Scotland together, because they trust to "break" certain of their friends who are of the Council to their purpose. (2.) At Edinburgh, for disappointing the cast made against them, they will try to persuade the lords to their purpose; and have signed and sworn to a writing to stand by each other ("to abyd at utheris"). (3.) As to the King's aid of 4,000 horsemen, think that, if the lords and they appoint not, a day for appointment will be assigned; and then, if they are not stark enough, they will send for aid. (4.) The fortresses are kept for the lords now in the realm, but they will labour for "recomprehending of the same" and report how they they proceed. (5.) Where the King has written concerning a proclamation to be made on the Borders, think it expedient to delay that until they have spoken both with the lords and the Borderers, when, if they find not conformity to the King's desire, they will advise the King's lieutenant to make the proclamation. Signed by Angus, Bothwell, Cassillis, Glencarn, Fleming, Maxwell, Somervile, Gray, Oliphant, and Erskine. In Cassillis's hand, pp. 2.
12 Jan. Add. MS. 32, 649, f. 73. B. M. Hamilton Papers, No. 279.	38. G. Earl Of Cassillis and Others to Henry VIII. Received his writings on the 11th inst. by Sir Ric. Southwell, with certain informations and credence. Thank him for his "gud information send till ws till informe our ingnorans tuiching our effaris" and remembrance for the welfare of their persons. Have answered the articles which required answer in writing; and for the rest of their opinions desire credence for Southwell. On their coming into Scotland, will report more amply. Derntown, 12 Jan. 34 Hen. VIII. Signed : G. erll of Cassillis: Erll of Glencarn : Malcome lord Chalmerlan : Robert Maxwell : Hew lord Somervell : Ar^d erl of Angus : Patrik erle Bothuile. In Cassillis's hand, pp. 2. Add.
12 Jan. Add. MS. 32, 649, f. 74. B. M. Hamilton Papers, 280.	39. Angus to Henry VIII. Received his writings at Berrawyk, 4 Jan., after 12 o'clock, and thereupon came to Darntown on the 9th, where he received a letter from the Council directed to him and the earls of Cassillis, Glencarne and other the noblemen of Scotland. Have "dressyt all materis" as Sir Ric. Southwell will report. Darntoun, 12 Jan. Signed. P. 1. Add.
12 Jan. R. O.	40. H. Lord Maltravers to Henry VIII. Sends a note of intelligence received from Normandy, part of which declares intelligence which he lately sent to the Council and part is "grown since." Encloses letters from the English merchants at Roan, showing what losses they sustain; also a letter received this morning from the captain of Arde, complaining of the restraint of the passage of their wines by the King's river between this town and Arde. Has deferred answering Mons. de Byes therein until he knows the King's pleasure, although daily "approached" therein; and so, likewise, with gentle words, he delays answering Mons. Saintchevall, saying he is occupied with business of more importance. Calles, 12 Jan. Hol., pp. 3. Add. Endd. : a^o xxxiiij^o.
R. O.	2. The paper of intelligence above referred to : About 11 Dec. last, a Scottish ship of 90 tons came into Newhaven, in Normandy, with salthides and salmon, merchant like, "howbeit in the said ship were xl. or l. tall men, and the capemerchaunt was named Wylly Blackey." At Newhaven, for 10 or 12 days, they prepared their ship for war, buying at Homfleur six or eight "big pieces of ships' ordnance called slings," with darts, firelances, and other necessaries, and went to sea, on Saturday after Christmas Day, with over 70 men, of whom 16 or 20 "were named to be men of Dieppe, speaking good Scottish, and disguising themselves accordingly in their garments, utterly given to do Englishmen displeasure more promptly and violently than the Scots themselves (as most men did suppose) for divers of them were banished men and evil disposed fellows." They remained betwixt Sayne Head (which the French name Chief de Caulx) and Fescamp, the Sunday and Monday, New Year's day, watching for English ships; so that I fear they have met some of the crayers and boats of this town of Calais which left on New Year's night for Newhaven with herring, "and they were sent (sic) to go by St. Waleries in Caulx and Feckam on Tuesday in the afternoon, as I learned there the same night and the day following." I heard at Newhaven a credible report from Bretayne that, in the Trade, about Conquet, Croyden, and Brest, were a couple of tall Scottish ships of war, of 160 or 180 tons each, called the Lion and the Mary Wylloby, with 140 or 160 tall men in each, and their captain John a Barton, now vice-admiral of Scotland, who stopped Breton and Norman ships coming from Bordeaux to know if any Englishmen had lading with them. At Dieppe I saw, on Wednesday night, a Scottish ship of 60 tons, which brought wares from Scotland and was lading herring for Burdeaulx, to leave this week in company with 5 or 6 tall ships of that place which I saw preparing themselves very defensibly. I saw at most places in Normandy French ships preparing for war, not by their King's command but for lucre's sake, for some of them have lately taken rich prizes. One with three tops left Humfleur on Sunday 31 Dec., but they do no hurt to the English, and Englishmen are honestly entertained as ever I knew since my first occupying in the country, which has been this 9 or 10 years. On Tuesday in the Christmas holidays, 12 English crayers and catches sailed from Newhaven for England, one of which was staid in the road and the master brought aland, for breaking one of the King's anchors ashore. Meanwhile the purser, hearing that the Scots then in the haven were manning a boat to board the ship in the road, applied to Mons. de Estamaville, lieutenant of Mons. de Mouy, viceadmiral of France and governor of Normandy, who straitly forbade the enterprise. Next day Mons. de Mouy himself came thither, who on the Thursday sent for the captain of the Scots and gave him like commandment, "and very gently welcomed us into those parties, which is th'end of all the matters that I have to instruct your lordship of at this present." Pp. 3.
12 Jan. R. O.	41. Oudart Du Bies to Wallop. Has just received his letter by Guignes, the bearer, and sent for the archer of his company and the four compaignons who, the day before yesterday, took the prisoners mentioned in the letter. The archer, in presence of Guignes and the prisoners, said that, on Monday last, he was going to water his horse at the village of Leubringhen when a woman cried "Burgundians!"; whereupon, in his doublet and with only his demi-lance, he went in the direction indicated, followed by the four compaignons, and saw the prisoners flying to gain the wood of St. Inglevert. Pricked after them crying, Rendez vous; but they stood on their defence, with the result that he has a hand almost cut off, one of the compaignons is wounded to death and one of the Englishmen killed. This was done far within French ground. Detains the two prisoners until the return of a man whom he sent to Calais, who says that the same day he saw Englishmen on the road to Calais, near St. Inglevert, who wished to untruss him. They were hidden in a ditch and one of them keeping watch on a hill. On his return, will confront him with the prisoners and send Wallop their depositions. Begs him to take order against such doings and that his men may not come in French ground without wearing the English cross. Would think it strange if he wrote this or any other matter to the King his master without first verifying it. As to the other point, of those of Ardre, has not sent news of it because he has been busy, but promises that Wallop shall hear of it in a few days. Has begun to enquire into it, as Guignes will relate. Boull. (Boulogne), 12 Jan. 1542. Signed. French, pp. 2. Add. Endd.; A^o xxxiiij^o.
14 Jan. R. O.	42. Henry VIII. to Sir Thomas Seymour. Has received his letters of 29 Dec. with the schedule enclosed, showing his proceedings with Baron Hedyk and Baron Flegesteyn and the charges for men of war. Considering how excessive the charge is, both in yearly pensions, amounting to near 3,000 mks. st., and in the time of service, and that neither Hedyk nor Flegesten will serve without exceptions, thinks it to small purpose to employ money upon men who cannot serve against all men except the Empire, or upon others he has never heard of, and who are, by all likelihood, men of small condition and unmeet for such a charge. Seymour shall say to Hedyk and Flegesten that the King commands him to thank them for their good will to serve him, and, having considered their communications with Seymour, with the rate of pensions, wages, and other charges they lately delivered, finds many difficulties as to where the men should be levied, how they must first obtain licence of other princes and states, and how they two, who are men of estimation, cannot serve without exceptions; and therefore he thinks it not convenient to establish such a charge upon such uncertainties and has resolved for this time to trouble them no further in it. For their charges in repairing to Nuremberge, and retaining some who may depend on this matter, sends 500 crs., of which 100 cr. is to be given to Hedyk, with declaration that, because he is the King's pensioner, it is not a reward but only for his costs, 200 cr. to Flegesten by way of reward for his costs, and 200 to be employed among such as were stayed for this matter. Seymour may then return home, and may declare to the King's servant Mr. Guldenfingre that his letter of 28 Dec. is taken in good part, and that the King will be glad of his repair in Seymour's company, according to his desire. Draft in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 5. Endd. : Minute to Sir Thomas Seymour, xiiij^o Januarii a^o xxxiiij^o.
14 Jan. Add. MS. 32, 649, f. 76. B.M. Hamilton Papers, No. 281.	43. Lisle to Henry VIII. On the 12th inst., at Newcastle, received his, dated Hampton Court on the 9th, showing that Sir Ric. Southwell should advertise Lisle of his proceedings with the lords of Scotland at Darnton. Hearing nothing from Southwell, when the lords of Scotland arrived here, late on the evening of the 12th, and he perceived that Southwell had parted from them, he spoke with Angus secretly, who said their conclusion was not to have any of the garrisons to enter Scotland with them and not to issue the proclamations, but to bring the King's purpose to pass by the aid of their friends (and perhaps of some money). As they meant to pass to Carlisle by Hexame and Tournekyppett More, a very dangerous passage where the Scots might easily attack them, Lisle invited them all to dinner on the morrow and meanwhile consulted the President and Sir Thos. Tempest, the elder, and concluded that they should not pass that way. Thereupon brake to the lords of Scotland that he durst not let them go to Carlisle that way unless he had 1,000 horsemen to send with them (which would take two or three days to collect); and persuaded them to go the other way, by way of Barney Castle and Piereth. Blamed Sir Hen. Savell for bringing them here almost 20 miles about; but he answered that he knew not the country and was commanded to deliver them at York to the President, who now chanced to be here. Has appointed Sir Thos. Hilton to go with them to Carlisle. Bothwell, being sickly and not appointed to lay in hostage, desires to go by easy journeys, and the writer has appointed three or four gentlemen of this country to conduct him past the danger of Rydesdale and Tynedale. Divers of the other lords with whom he communed seem earnest to advance the King's purpose and highly commend his bountifulness to them. Has, while writing, received letters from Southwell of the consultation at Darnton. Upon "reknowlege" of the King's determination the proclamations shall be set forth. The 2,000 horsemen are ready; but there is scarcity of horsemeat, the hay of this country being long since gone and this hard weather having consumed much of the straw. Mr. Stanhope wrote a month past that he had despatched three balingers to Ailmouthe and Hollie Island with pease, beans and oats, but as yet there is none come. Will this day finish with the mayor and his brethren touching the furnishing of the four ships; and will then return to the Borders; by which time he expects Hen. Raie out of Scotland with the answer of his letters to Arren. As to Cockborne and the others to be practised with, will do his best. Mr. Uvedale, treasurer here, is sick. An able man must be appointed to assist him or supply his place if he "miscarry," as at the writer's coming from Alnwik he himself feared. Here reigns a disease called the "land evill" from which few who have it escape, but none of the soldiers or garrison men have yet had it. At closing this received a letter from Berwick, from Sir Wm. Evre. Encloses it, although the intelligence therein is "scant to be credited." Newcastle, 14 Jan. Signed. Pp. 5. Add. Endd. : A^o xxxiiij^o.
15 Jan. R. O. [Spanish Calendar, VI., VI., No. 94].	44. Chapuys to Charles V. Regrets that since the departure of the Sieur de Holbeque he has been unable, for want of messengers, to write often; but he has written almost daily to the Queen Regent in Flanders, and also several times to Grandvelle since the bruit of his arrival in Italy, and, trusting that copies of most of the letters have reached the Emperor, makes this the more summary. After Holbeque's departure, viz. on the 22nd and 23rd Nov., the King's deputies came to him, and for two whole days they were in communication and made more progress than ever before, examining not only the bill of difficulties which the Emperor gave to the bps. of London and Westminster, but also the whole treaty carried by Westminster : and Chapuys expected a brief resolution, for they condescended to the three points upon which the Emperor stood most, provided that, in the article of defence, instead of the chapter they gave to De Courrieres and him, as inserted in his letters of 2 Nov., should be put that in the annexed bill, which seems better, for this article seems very apt to comprise Cleves and Holstein, whom they will not capitulate against. Made difficulty about accepting it and required them, as the Queen had written, to get their King to await the Emperor's answer. They said that perhaps the King would be content, as his affairs needed no haste; but of themselves, as much desiring this reconciliation and closer amity, they prayed him not to speak of it; for, apart from the intrigues current in the world, if any delay were put in this affair the whole might go to pieces. Offered then to pass the article subject to the Emperor's approval and, when they refused that, to pass it if they would accept his view in all the other difficulties, especially touching Cleves and Holstein and aid against the Turk. They answered, as heretofore, that it was no use talking of the nomination of the two dukes, that the aid was not being capitulated, and for the rest of the difficulties they would answer after speaking with the King. They left apparently very hopeful, and early next morning went to Hampton Court, and, after reporting all to the King, sent next day, 25 Nov., to say that, within two days, without fail, they would return to him with the answerbut they are still to come. Thinks they changed opinion because of letters which came from the King's ambassador in France and news of an unexpected and miraculous victory which his men of the Borders had over the Scots, which might have set him thinking so much of making the enterprise for Scotland that he forgot all other affairs, or perhaps, though it may be rash to interpret it so, he has derived so much glory from it as to feel no need of his neighbours; nevertheless he has used his victory modestly, attributing it to God and not permitting public rejoicing for it. Has sent more than ten times to the deputies to solicit the answer, and they have always excused themselves because of business about Scottish affairs, adding sometimes that the King was moving about, hunting or visiting his houses, that they must wait for Norfolk or some other of the Council, and such other excuses; by which it may be conjectured that they wish to temporise. Thinks it impossible to persuade the King to move against France this year, seeing the great expense which he has made for the enterprise of Scotland (which he means to follow out to the end), and the opportunity which is offered to him to seize the crown of Scotland, by the death of the King his nephew, with the force which he has already prepared and the intelligence he has in Scotland. Even without that occasion it seemed that the King would not be induced to move war against France next summer; for the deputies, who formerly urged more extremely than anything else that the common invasion should first be capitulated to be made before 1 July next, in the last communications proposed to omit prefixing the time, and remit that to be settled afterwards by the Princes. Not only do these Scottish affairs make the English temporise, but also French intrigues, which awoke when the French despaired of taking Perpignan and were much warmed by the victory of (i.e. over) the Scots. Hearing of the death of the King of Scotland, the French will do their best to win this King over or lull him to sleep, and he will give them good words to amuse them and keep them from troubling his Scottish enterprise. The French practices cannot be small, seeing that the bp. of Westminster told Chapuys's man that they were strange and marvellous, and showed the French to be more crafty and clever than the Emperor and the King and all their ministers, lamenting that the treaty had not been concluded, but still expressing hope and promising every good office. He is marvellously bent upon it, and is the personage of all the Court most truthful and without dissimulation, or Chapuys would have thought this only said to make profit. The French ambassador was at Hampton Court on Christmas Eve, but did not speak with the King, and was coldly received by the Council in public, perhaps in order not to make Chapuys suspicious. One occasion of his going was to show a letter from his master, dated Cognac, 13 Dec., countersigned Bayard, which he showed to a friend (ung sien familier) who reported it to Chapuys, to the effect that, to contradict the tales of the Imperialists, he (the French king) would write the pure verity, and, beginning with Perpignan, he affirmed, to his own advantage, the greatest possible lies both about that and about Luxembourg, Piedmont, Sainct Jan de Luz, Picardy and elsewhere, certifying that Cleves had ready 30,000 foot and 4,000 horse and that he himself was as fresh as ever, and had a million and a half francs more than last year. The friend did not see the rest of the letter; but it is to be thought that such a preface was not without a sequel. Knows not what else the ambassador could negociate with the Council, but an usher reports that there was great strife between them and the ambassador got very angry. He returned on the third day of Christmas, and then spoke with the King. The Princess, whom Chapuys had asked for information, sent word that she could not perceive that the ambassador's practices would hurt the Emperor's affairs; and this morning she has sent to say that the King has said to one of his Council that the ambassador might be told that a quarrel was not sought, but if his master went about to trouble him, especially in Scotland, it would be found. Thinks that the French hare resumed the practice of the marriage of the Princess with Orleans; for the ambassador lately said that they were not so serupulous in France as in Spain, they would take her for bastard and "telle que Von la leur rouldra bailler." The ambassador hopes to leave soon and will be succeeded by the Sieur Mervilliers, who was in Scotland last year and came hither "par fortune de mer," haring been forbidden to pass this way; and Chapuys thinks that he carried the treaty of confederation of the Kings of France and Sweden and their adherents and went to stir the late King of Scotland to begin the war, as Chapuys then warned this King (which may hare diminished Morvilliers' credit with him). Is of opinion that although the King may not treat with the French he will not conclude with the Emperor until he sees the success of the Emperor's affairs and those of Scotland next summer, unless he perceires the French practising in Scotland to hinder his taking the crown of that realm; as it is to be expected that they will do, considering the advantage to them of having a King of Scotland in their hands as they have had hitherto. It is to be feared that, the King having temporised until now, new conditions will be put forward, and the treaty recommenced and prolonged. Yet this will not be so bad (sera le moings mal) provided that the King can be kept neutral, which for many respects would be almost as much for the Emperor's purpose as the conclusion of the treaty, presupposing that for his neutrality he would require a good sum of the arrears due, and by thus plucking a good feather keep the French from flying very far. Will, however, continue soliciting the completion of the treaty; and wonders that the man he sent to Court about it two days ago has not returned. Perhaps the Council wished to discuss certain representations which Chapuys sent them by his said man, whose return he desires before closing this. As to news from Scotland, the Emperor will have heard that the great army under Norfolk and Suffolk, after doing some damage and meeting with no resistance, retired because of winter and of the horrible rains which prevented carriage of victuals or munitions, leaving at Berwick, in charge of Mr. Dodelet, now called lord Lyl, 4,000 men to harass the Scots. Ships also were left in that quarter to keep succours from coming to the Scots. Afterwards the King of Scotland, displeased, like a young and spirited prince, that his men had not the boldness to meet the English, especially when sought in their own house, inspired them to make an enterprise against this realm in recompence of the damage done. Chief of this enterprise was lord Massuel, admiral of the sea and captain general of the frontiers of Scotland, with whom held charge two earls and certain other lords and gentlemen experienced in war, with about 18,000 men and 20 or 25 pieces of field artillery. These, after wasting the frontiers on the opposite side from Berwick and seeing everyone flying before them, thought all was theirs, and, on 23 Nov., rashly, without sending forward riders to discover the country, passed a little river which is fordable at low tide, near which were ambushed in a strong position about 4,000 English, hurriedly assembled by means of bonfires, as here accustomed in war time, among whom were 700 or 800 on horseback. These so surprised the Scots that, whether for the disadvantage of the place or for fear that it was the whole English army, their only thought was to fly towards the river, which they now found deep with the rise of the tide and so were compelled to make a stand, which was done by the said chiefs and the bravest of the army, while most of the rest escaped. But these, and all who feared to cross, were taken prisoners, except some slain, and the Scots lost the artillery and certain wagon loads of pikes and other munition, and all their horses, which were a great number, for some had no time to seek their horses and also they had had to leave them in order to cross the river. The English had only two killed. On 20 Dec. the said Admiral and other chiefs taken, to the number of 23, were led into this town and lodged in the Tower. Next day they were called before the Council and, having taken oath not to depart without the King's leave, were distributed amongst gentlemen here to be well entertained. Two days afterwards (when news came that the King of Scots, with grief for the said misfortune and for that, as it is pretended, some of his men came surlily to him to demand their pay with threats, was dead in the house of the Cardinal of Scotland, to which he had gone for solace, and that his Queen was, for trouble, delivered before her time of a daughter, who was dead, and the said Queen in great danger) this King began to deliberate about sending back the prisoners; which was finally resolved upon, and they were called to Court at Christmas and had great cheer, being permitted to carry swords and daggers and do as they liked, which did not displease the French Ambassador, who desired much to communicate with one of them and did so at some length. After using them with all possible courtesy, the King gave each a valuable chain according to his rank, and, besides providing them with good horses, gave each a good sum of money and leave to go into Scotland. And thus they departed on the 29th ult., promising to return before Easter or send hostages, and meanwhile to do every good office to attract men in Scotland to the King's devotion and help towards his promotion to the crown. Three days before them, Earl Douglas left this in post for Scotland, where his brother, being on the frontiers when he heard of the King's death, had entered and retaken possession of their property near the frontiers. On the 31st ult. Suffolk left Court, accompanied with a good number of gentlemen, for the said frontiers. He took with him no men of war and, what is more, the King has written to Lord Lyl, who has now in Berwick (which is not only a frontier town but within the said country) 8,000 men, not to make any movement without express orders; as if they thought by practices alone to obtain the kingdom, to which the late King left no heir, for his two sons died last year and his cousin german (fn. 4) is half witted, and if the daughter was still living, as some maintain, the kingdom would be the easier obtained by marrying this Prince with her. Suspects that, to advance his practices for Scotland and lull France to sleep, the King might propose marriage with the Queen, especially as before her re-marriage in Scotland he made suit to have her. Everyone thinks that he will easily attain his object, for the needful intelligences increase daily; and moreover, two days ago, arrived here an earl (fn. 5) who, being none of the least of Scotland, was banished two years ago for Lutheranism and has since then been in Italy and France. He is very welcome to the King, and will not be slow to follow the others, and that not without being more largely presented than any of them. These successes rejoiced the King, who, since he discovered the evil conduct of his last Queen, has been sad and disinclined to feasting and ladies; and he at once decided to make feasts to the ladies. This came very a propos for the Princess, who, in default of a Queen, was called to Court triumphantly, accompanied by many ladies. Almost all the gentlemen of the Court went out to receive her, and the King met her as she entered the park and received her most benignly. He treats and talks to her most amiably and at the New Year gave her jewels, plate and other things, including two rubies of great estimation. Many think that before the end of these feasts the King might think of marrying again, but hitherto there is no appearance of it. Forgot to say that the ambassador or agent of Cleves (for, though he calls himself ambassador, he lodges in a tavern and has only one servant) during the past month has been three or four times in Court, where he had not been for two years, and the last time, which was the third day of Christmas, he came upon summons. Cannot yet perceive wherefor, but the best is that lady Anne of Cleves (fn. 6), although she is three or four miles from the Court; nevertheless I do not hear that she has been summoned thither or that she has been there. Wrote on 2 Nov. of the King's answer touching the wheat for which the Emperor wrote. Has since solicited the Council for a precise answer and they have licensed the merchant who has charge of it to export 1,000 qr.; telling him that the King supposed that there was no great dearth in Spain and that the Emperor wrote at the importunity of the merchants who sought their own profit; and if the King knew that there was real necessity, he would gratify the Emperor with more. Has represented the necessity but no new order is taken; so that new letters will be necessary. Is grieved that the quantity is no greater, and still more that the merchant, who knows the necessity, makes no sign of sending the wheat. After Chapuys's man had been in Court four or five days, while the King and his Council were debating the affairs, the bps. of Winchester and Westminster came to say that, on their return to Court after last communications, they reported to the King all that had passed, and especially what Chapuys, by the Queen Regent's command, proposed, viz., that the King might await the Emperor's reply as to the new article which they projected, and how, after discussion, Chapuys condescended, out of zeal for the treaty, to pass the article without waiting, if the King would condescend to the rest being so made that the Emperor could not take ill the granting of the said article. The King asked to have in writing what it was that Chapuys desired to be altered in the rest of the treaty, and they gave it him. Three days later came news of the rout of the Scots, upon which, and others since, the King had no leisure to think of the said writing, and the Council still less to remind him of it, until Chapuys last sent. And the King had told them to say that he thought it best and safest to await the Emperor's answer, and was astonished that it had not already come, and must suspect that the Emperor cared little for the affair. Reminded them that, at their instance, he agreed to pass the article provided that the rest was reduced to reason; and told them that, if the King would consider what Chapuys demanded it would be found reasonable, and therefore there was no need to await the Emperor's answer; and the delay they sought might be interpreted as to gain time to see how the present wars went, or as a sign that their good fortune in Scotland made them heedless of their neighbours, but they now had more need of friends than before, and it more than ever behoved them to declare effectively against Francis and give him no leisure to think of the affairs of Scotland, or he would give them much trouble there, either by means of the Danes and Swedes, who were arming bravely, or, under pretext of his Holiness, by sending thither Italian arquebusiers or at least money; and, as the Emperor last wrote to his Holiness, the practices of the French were more to be feared than their forces; for they would doubtless try to lull the King to sleep with good words, to keep him from joining the Emperor, and meanwhile they would strive to provide for the affairs of Scotland, but chiefly to gain, if they could, with the aid of the French King's colleagues (confederates?) the Low Countries from the Emperor, reckoning well beforehand that if he (the French king) could achieve this it would be easy to chase their master out of Scotland, if he had occupied it, and out of this realm too. The French were beginning to publish "de par de l" that at all cost they would gain the King their master, but after having made some exploit against the Emperor they would cause restitution to be made to him (fn. 7); and therefore it was to be believed that the French King never had greater desire of peace with the Emperor, and his Holiness was bent on contriving it; but the Emperor would not listen, out of hope of the treaty in question, and should have been warned of the King's final intention in order to provide in time for his affairs. The wish to await the Emperor's answer was a wish never to conclude anything. The "zabre" which carried Chapuys's letters might hare perished, and for eight months there might be no answer from the Emperor. If that was the King's wish Chapuys should have been informed immediately after their communications, in order that he might send a duplicate of his letters of 2 Nov., but before the news from Scotland, two days after their communications, when all had been reported to the King, they never thought of it. If they wished to gain time so as not to be bound to invade France next summer, on account of the expedition which they were preparing against Scotland (and this he saw clearly when they proposed to remit the time of the common invasion to the arbitrament of the Princes), it seemed to Chapuys, as a servant of the King, that, nevertheless, the conclusion of the treaty should not be deferred; for, besides that the Emperor might be content to remit the invasion to another time (and before the treaties are ratified and sworn and the invasion arranged next season will be almost past), and besides that the King will have by the one of the said means the effect of his intention, he will remain assured of the rest of the treaty which he has long much desired, as also it is very suitable both for him and his posterity. As for doubting that the Emperor could disavow the article, seeing that the Queen had not expressly authorised it, she had since written that Chapuys might boldly pass it without other answer from the Emperor. At this they were very joyful, for it cancelled the grounds for awaiting the Emperor's answer, and indeed they showed themselves very inclined to the completion of the treaty; and they said that they would report all to the King and do their best. Said he would like to speak with the King and prayed them to show the King that he could not believe that they had made a full report, and would willingly represent the whole to him; and they promised to solicit his audience and meanwhile to shove at the affair. They told him that the King of Scotland's daughter, whom they thought dead, was alive; and that none in Scotland opposed them but the Cardinal, and thus it was evident that not without cause they had required their capitulation for defence against prelates and ecclesiastics, and that the Holy Spirit must have put it in their heads for they never thought that such a case could happen. The Cardinal is everything in Scotland and acts prudently, for, to have the entire administration, he got the late King before his death to depute as governor of the little daughter a cousin german (fn. 8) of his who is nearest to the Crown but, as already said, half foolish, besides that the English maintain him to be a bastard. The bruit runs that the Cardinal has put much better order in the affairs of the war than was in the late King's lifetime, and lately the Scots have killed some people in a foray and taken some English ships. Is told that the Cardinal and other rulers there (either beliering that the prisoners disloyally allowed themselves to be routed and taken, seeing the small number that attacked them, or else perceiring or suspecting that this King could win them to his devotion and use them to practise in Scotland to the prejudice of the Cardinal and his colleayues), have made prisoners the children, brethren and near kinsmen whom the prisoners could gire in hostage, and proclaimed them traitors; so that they stay at Berwick and will, it is said, return hither shortly, save one who has offered to go to Scotland to mend all (rabiller le tout) so that the others may safely go thither. The King has summoned his Estates, which commence in eight days. London, 15 Jan. 1542. French, pp. 23. Modern transcript of a Vienna MS., endorsed as rec. at Madrid, 26 Feb. 1542.
15 Jan. R. O. [Spanish Calendar, VI. VI., No. 95].	45. Chapuys to The Queen Of Hungary. Encloses copy of what he writes to the Emperor. Longs for answer from the bps. of Winchester and Westminster, as well upon their last conversation as upon the audience which they were to obtain; and has again, this morning, sent a man to them whom he expects back to-morrow. French, p. 1. Modern transcript from Vienna, headed, 15 Jan. 1543.
15 Jan. R. O.	46. H. Lord Maltravers to Henry VIII. This morning, received the letters and advertisements enclosed from the English merchants at Roan. The messenger says that the duke of Guyshe, appointed ambassador from the French King into Scotland, is at Newhaven, where three French ships, the least of 120 burthen, tarry but the next wind to conduct him and a Scot who has been ambassador in France into Scotland. The Scots brag that under this surety they will convey their prizes through the narrow seas and make merry with the wines provided for England. Cales, 15 Jan. Hol., pp. 2. Add. : A^o xxxiiij^o.