Henry VIII: December 1541, 21-31 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16, 1540-1541. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1898.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: December 1541, 21-31', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 16, 1540-1541, ed. James Gairdner, R H Brodie( London, 1898), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol16/pp681-696 [accessed 16 November 2024].

December 1541, 21–31



21 Dec.	1464. The Privy Council.
Nicolas' P.C.P., vii. 285.	Meeting at Westm., 21 Dec. Present: Suffolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Comptroller, Wriothesley, Chanc. of Augm. Business:—As, by letters of Westmoreland and otherwise, it was signified that the king of Scots was come to the Borders, letters were sent to Westmoreland and Cumberland to remain at home, for the safety of the Borders, and not repair to Parliament. Upon knowledge that Mons. de Morevillier, with one of the Grand Council of France (fn. 1) and a herald, were gone by sea to Scotland, letters were sent to Eure, Wharton, and Ratcliff to learn their commission. [*** The next entry is 24 Dec.]
21 Dec.	1465. The Council with the King to the Council in London.
R. O. St. P., i. 725.	Yesternight, received their letters and declared the contents to the King, who approves their determination for the arraignment on Thursday of lord William and his wife and the others indicted of misprision of treason, and also of the appointment of the Master of the Rolls, Mr. Attorney, Mr. Solicitor, Mr. Pollard, Mr. Moyle, and Serjeant Browne to give evidence. The King agrees that Sir Robt. Bowes should be sent for and that the earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland should tarry at home from the Parliament, and desires letters to be written to them accordingly. He also approves their device, with the lord Great Chamberlain, to send for the Mayor of London to appoint lodging for the ambassadors of Scotland. Draft in Sadler's hand, pp. 2. Endd.: Minute to the Council at London, xxj^o Dec. 1541.
21 Dec.	1466. Sadler to Southampton and Wriothesley.
R. O. St. P., i. 724.	This night I received your letters and declared the contents to the King, who approves your doings and that lord William and D[amporte] should be arraigned in the afternoon and Lady Howard and the rest in the forenoon, thinking it not convenient that lord William and his wife “should be called to the bar together.” As for the money and plate, the King is doubtful whether it is at his palace at Westminster or at Wriothesley's house. It is to be delivered to James, Mr. Denny's servant, in bags and chests sealed. Bedyngton, 21 Dec. Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1541.
21 Dec.	1467. Southampton and Wriothesley to Sadler.
R. O. St. P., i. 722.	Immediately after the despatch of the letter written yesterday from the whole Council here, they two went to the Tower. Began with the lady of Norfolk, whom they found on her bed and apparently very sickly, urging her to reveal more of the lewd demeanour of the Queen and Deram. Describe, at great length, her sorrowful protestation that she never suspected anything more than a light love between them, and thought that Deram gave her money only because he was her kinsman. Also how she prayed the King's pardon for not having told of it before the marriage, and for breaking Deram's and Damporte's coffers, confessed where 800l. more was hidden in her house (which Wriothesley, with Mr. Attorney, Mr. Pollard, and Mr. Brystowe, found this morning), and begged that the King would not give away her house at Lambeth, for she could not long live in the Tower. Spoke then with Wylkes, Bulmer, Tylney, and Anne Haward, “who be women much changed and very repentant.” Spoke then with lady Haward, who seems a very simple woman, and neither thought she had offended nor lamented her imprisonment. However, when shown her offences, she was very repentant and said she would have no other trial than the King's mercy. Comforted her, as they did the others, and departed. Are now going thither again to speak with the rest, and see lord William's state, who is said to be wonderfully troubled. Tomorrow, as they wrote, will proceed to their arraignment, lady Howard and the others in the forenoon and lord William and Damporte in the afternoon; for to bring lord William and his wife to a bar together would trouble the woman and hinder expedition. There is now at Westminster 5,000 mks. in money and 1,000l. worth of plate. Wriothesley would sleep better if the King would appoint it to other hands or have it brought to him at Greenwich. Hampton Place, St. Thomas's Day. Signed. Pp. 4. Add. Endd.: xxj Decemb. 1541.
R. O.	2. Draft of the preceding, undated. In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 6. Endd.: “Minute from my L. P. S. and Mr. Secr., Mr. Wrioth.”
22 Dec.	1468. The Council at Westminster.
R. O.	Book of the expenses of the diets of the King's Council at Westminster in the Council Chamber, giving details for each day upon which the Council sat, mostly twice or thrice a week, during the four law terms, from Wednesday, 25 Jan. 32 Hen. VIII. to Thursday, 22 Dec. 33 Hen. VIII. For instance on Saturday, 27 Jan.:— “In brede ijs. vjd., ale ijs. iiijd., flowre xijd. In lynge ijs. viijd., haberdyn viijd., iij youlles of salmon xviijd., white hering viijd., bacon herynge viijd., ij gornerdes iiijs., vj greate rochettes iijs., whitynges xvjd., fresshe salmon vs., a syde of salmon ijs. viijd., j^c (100) gogyons viijd., ij pykes to boyle vjs., ij. pykes to frye iijs., shrympes viijd., eles to bake xijd., eles to roste ijs., oysters viijd., butter ijs., egges ijs., spyces vs. iiijd., onyons and herbes iiijd., sawce and salte viijd., cuppes and trenchers vijd., pypens to eate vjd., appulles to roste iiijd., orynges iiijd., j quarterne lamprons xxd., cookes wages ijs. iiijd., botehyer xiiijd.” Or on Thursday, 16 July (to which is the marginal note: “Here began the lords to sit by virtue of their commission”). “In brede ijs. vjd., ale ijs., bere iiijd., and flowre xijd. In boillynge beff ijs. viijd., ij loynes of mutton xiijd., j necke of motton viijd., ij loynes of veale xvjd., iiij marybones xijd., j rompe of beff viijd., iij bristes of veale ijs., iij capons vijs., xiiij quayles iiijs. viijd., creme for tarte vjd., benes iiijd., peason iiijd., v gese iijs. iiijd., iiij shovelardes viiijs. viijd., viij conyes ijs., egges xxd., butter ijs., spyces vs. viijd., onyons and herbes iiijd., sawce and salte viijd., cuppes and trenchers vijd., cherreys to eate vjd., xij chekyns to bake ijs., straberyes xd., cookes wages ijs. iiijd., bote hyere xiiijd., and wyne xijd.” Or on Friday, 17 July;— “In brede ijs. vjd., ale ijs., bere iiijd., and flowre xijd. In lynge ijs. iiijd., grenefisshe xd., haberdyne viijd., ij pykes vs. viijd., eles to bake xxd., roches ijs., floundres xvjd., ij dorreys vjs., j conger iijs., fresshe salmon to boylle iijs. iiijd., fresshe salmon to broylle ijs., freshe salmon to bake ijs., viij soles ijs., j turbutt ijs. iiijd., straberyes to eate xvd., cherryes vjd., creme vjd., spyces vs. iiijd., egges ijs., butter ijs., onyons and herbes iiijd., sawce and salte viijd., cuppes and trencheres vijd., cookes wages, ijs. iiijd., botehyer xiiijd., and wyne viiijd.” “In beff ijs. iiijd., ij loynes of veale xxd., iij brystes of veale ijs., iij loynes of motton xvd., ij nekes of motton viijd., j legge of veale viijd., marybones xijd., suytt xd., iiiij pestelles of porke ijs., iij fatte capons vs. viijd., creme for tarte xijd., butter ijs., egges ijs., j crane vijs. vjd., spyces vs. iiijd., ij geese xxd., x cockes vs. vjd., xiiij plovers iiijs. viijd., iij dozen larkes iijs., xij redshankes ijs., xviij snytes iijs., quene appulles vjd., flowre xijd., pearys iiijd., xij teles iijs., cookes wages ijs. iiijd., portage of the meate to my lord Chancellor viijd. At the end of each term is a brief account of fuel, repairs, &c. Book of 43 leaves, three of which are blank, in vellum cover.
	1469. Katharine Howard's Friends.
R. O.	Evidence against those implicated with Katharine Howard, viz.:— The duchess of Norfolk:—Ashby confesses that she told him “she mistrusted there was love between the Queen and Deram.” Deram confesses that she found him with the Queen in his arms and “struck one Joan Bulmer that stood by, and took the Queen with her and all to corned her.” Kath. [Tilney], Joan Bulmer, and Alice Wilks confirm this. She herself confesses that when she missed Deram she would say “Where is Deram now? An you seek him in Katharine Howard's chamber or in the gentlewomen's chamber, there shall you find him.” Tylney and Wylkes “confess the same, and by Edward Walgrave.” She herself grants that when Kath. Howard was gone to Court “to serve in the room of one of the maids there,” Deram sought means to go from her, and she said “As long as Katharine Howard was here he desired not to be hence, but ever since she went he is desirous [to be gone].” Which is also affirmed by Kath. Tylney [and by Edw. Walgrave and Robt. Damport] (fn. 2). “When Deram was gone into Ireland, without her knowledge as she pretendeth, she examined Katharine Howard specially where Deram was become, as she granteth herself, and as Deram confesseth of the Queen's saying to him; and Stafford affirmeth the hearing of the same either of the Duchess of Norff. or the lady Haward that she said once in the Queen's chamber to a lady or gentlewoman This is he that went into Ireland for the Queen's sake.” The gist of the confessions of lady Howard and of Wm. Ashby as given in No. 1416 (2 i., ii.), with the addition that when she took the writings to read at leisure she did it by night, without making the King or Council privy to it until my lord of Norfolk “went to her house to search those coffers, which was three or four days after she had opened them.” She confesses giving a doublet and white satin coat of Deram's to young Rice. In a conference with the Queen about her porter, the Queen used the words “So did you mistrust me and Deram.” The lord William Howard:—Tylney and Wylkes depose that one Mynster Chamber told him of the unseemly behaviour of the Queen and Deram, but he made light of it, saying, “What mad wenches! Can you not be merry amongst yourselves but you must thus fall out?” He himself allows most of this, “denying nevertheless suspect of evil. It appears by the deposition of his own wife that he knew it, and has been a great maintainer of Deram since the Queen's marriage. The lady Howard:—Knew the story of Mynster Chamber, and twice told her husband what she mistrusted between the Queen and Deram, and yet she sued to bring him again to her service. Anne Howard, [Edw. Walgrave], Robt. Damporte, Malyn Tylney, Marg. Benet:—Evidence as in No. 1339, showing that they knew of the familiarity between the Queen and Deram before the marriage. The lady Bridgewater:—Bulmer and Wylkes depose that she knew of the banquetting by night, and she “herself confesseth it upon the report of one Philip sometime her maid, whereupon she saith she told the Queen that if she used that sort it would hurt her beauty. And [yet she w]as one of the chief that sued for him to come into the Queen's service.” Kath. Tylney, Alice Wylkes, Joan Bulmer:—Proofs that they knew of the familiarity before the marriage. Wm. Ashby:—Heard the duchess of Norfolk three years past say she mistrusted the love between the Queen and Deram; and was at the breaking of Deram's and Damport's coffers. In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 7. Mutilated. Endd.: “Th'abridgment of such things as either be confessed of themselves or else deposed of other against the Duchess of Norf., the lord William, and certain other.”
22 Dec.	1470. Trial of lord William Howard, and Others for Misprision of Treason.
R. O.	File of documents in Baga de Secretis Pouch XIII., Bundle 2, (fn. 3) consisting of three special commissions, each directed to Sir Edw. Mountagu, Sir Ric. Ryche, Sir Ric. Longe, Sir Thos. Pope, Sir Roger Cholmeley, serjeant-at-law, Ric. Pollard, Robt. Chydley, and Robt. Acton, and each dated 12 Dec. 33 Hen. VIII., to hold sessions of oyer and terminer in cos. Surrey, Midd., and Kent, respectively; with precepts, jury panels, &c., made thereupon. The indictments taken before these Commissioners, at Southwark 16 Dec., Westm. 15 Dec., and Deptford 16 Dec., all similar in effect, viz.:— That Katharine queen of England, formerly called Kath. Howard, one of the daughters of lord Edmund Howard, before her marriage with the King, led an unlawful, carnal, voluptuous, and licentious life with divers persons, in the house of Agnes duchess of Norfolk, at Lambeth, Surr. (where she was brought up), especially with Francis Derham, of Lambeth, and Henry Manak, of Streteham (instances given); which, after the marriage, the said Katharine and Francis confessed, alleging in excuse a secret contract of marriage between them; which evil life and contract they did, 31 May 32 Hen. VIII., and at other times, traitorously conceal from the King, until the said Katharine (the King believing her to be chaste and free from other matrimonial yoke), at Otelands, 28 July 32 Hen. VIII., arrogantly contracted and coupled herself in marriage with the King. And after the marriage the said Katharine traitorously retained the said Francis, and one Kath. Tylney, who was procuratrix between them and knew of their carnal life, in her service, at Otelands, 29 Nov. 32 Hen. VIII., and appointed Kath. Tylney one of her chamberers, and favoured them and gave them gifts, employing the said Francis in her secret affairs more than others. Moreover the said Kath. Tylney, Alice wife of Ant. Restwold, Joan wife of Wm. Bulmer, Anne wife of Hen. Howard, Robt. Damporte, Malena Tylney, and Marg. wife of John Benett, knowing of the said evil and carnal life of the said Katharine with Derham and others, and also that the King intended to marry her, and that the Queen had after her marriage retained Derham in her service, falsely concealed the same. And Agnes duchess of Norfolk, widow (with whom the said Katharine Howard was from her youth brought up), lord William Howard and Margaret his wife, Katharine wife of Henry earl of Bridgewater, Edw. Walgrave, and Wm. Asshby, knowing of the said misconduct of the Queen, falsely concealed it, and so commended her pure and honest conditions that the King believed her to be chaste. And moreover, after the said Katharine and Derham were apprehended, and Derham and also Damporte put in the Tower, the said Duchess and Wm. Asshby broke certain coffers of the said Derham and Damporte in the Duchess's custody at Lambeth, 14 Nov. 33 Hen. VIII., and took out divers goods, writings and letters, which they detained and concealed four days. Special commission to lord chancellor Audeley, the duke of Suffolk, the earls of Southampton, Sussex, and Hertford, lords Russell and St. John, Sir Thos. Cheyney, Sir John Gage, Sir Thos. Wriothesley, Sir Ric. Riche, Sir Edw. Mountagu, Sir John Baker, and Sir Thos. Pope; for the trial of lord William Howard, of Lambeth, uncle of Katharine, queen of England, and one of the King's councillors, Margaret Howard, his wife, Kath. Tylney, gentlewoman, Alice wife of Ant. Restwold, gent., Joan, wife of Wm. Bulmer, gent., Anne wife of Henry Howard, esq., Robt. Damporte, gent., Malena Tylney, widow, Margaret wife of John Benett, gent., Edw. Waldegrave, gent., and Wm. Assheby, gent., all described as of Lambeth, who stand indicted, before justices (named) in cos. Midd., Surr., and Kent, of misprision of treason. Westm., 21 Dec. 33 Hen. VIII. Writs of venire, habeas corpus, &c., thereupon and — Record of pleas at Westm., 22 Dec. 33 Hen. VIII., reciting the indictments, &c. Kath. Tylney, Alice Restwold, Joan Bulmer, Anne Howard, Malena Tylney, Marg. Benett, Marg. Howard, Edw. Waldegrave and Wm. Asshby being brought to the bar by Sir John Gage, respectively pleaded Guilty and had judgment, viz., perpetual imprisonment and loss of goods. Likewise lord Wm. Howard, and Robt. Damporte were brought to the bar, and pleaded Not Guilty. Venire awarded instanter and jury of Surrey sworn, (fn. 4) but before they retired to consult upon their verdict and after evidence given, lord William withdrew his former plea and pleaded Guilty and the jury proceeded to the trial of Damporte, whom they found Guilty. Verdict on both as before, viz., imprisonment and loss of goods. Endd. as delivered of record by lord Chancellor Audeley, on Monday after the quinzaine of St. Michael 34 Hen. VIII.
22 Dec.	1471. The Council in London to the Lord Admiral and the rest of the Council with the King.
R. O. St. P., i. 726.	Require them to inform the King that they have finished their work this day to his honour. In the forenoon, lady Howard and the rest were arraigned and submitted to the King's mercy. They are so sorrowful and changed that some cannot live long unless they have some liberty within the Tower. Desire to know the King's pleasure in this; for the lord Privy Seal and Wriothesley are to go tomorrow morning to the Tower to give them some further hope and cause Mr. Lieutenant to give them some liberty and let honest friends visit them. In the afternoon they had lord William and Damporte. Lord William first pleaded Not guilty, but when the jury were charged (names herewith), he confessed in such lowly and repentant sort, with advice to all men to beware by his example, that, the jury never passed upon him. He cried mercy for his offences, and for his light demeanour when committed, in words much to the King's honour, and all the Council promised to intercede for him. When he had his judgment, Damporte, who stood thoroughly to his trial, was condemned; with such declaration of his offences as made all bystanders detest both the man and the matter. Have written to the earls of Westmoreland and Cumberland, and Sir Robt. Bowes, as commanded. Enclose a letter with a view sent from Ant. Rous to be shown to the King. Westminster, Thursday night. Signed by Suffolk, Southampton, Sussex, Hertford, Gage, Wriothesley, and Ryche. In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 3. Add. Endd.: 22 Dec. 1541.
	ii. List of “the jury of Surrey that passed upon Damporte,” viz.:—Sir Ric. Gresham, Sir Wm. Forman, Sir Ralph Warren, Sir Arth. Darcy, Sir John Gresham, Thos. Heron, Robt. Johnson, John Mayne, John Broun, Adam Beston, Ralph Muschamp and Robt. Cokkeyn. On a small slip of parchment attached to the preceding, p. 1.
Dec.	1472. Russell and Sadler to the Council in London.
R. O. St. P., i. 727.	Read their letters to the King, who thanks them for their proceedings this day. As to the sorrow of the women, his Majesty, though he seems to intend to show them mercy, thinks they should not be so soon restored to liberty within the Tower, and desires the lord Privy Seal and Wriothesley to forbear going thither tomorrow for that purpose. The King intends to be tomorrow night at Greenwich, and will at their repair to him, either tomorrow night, or on Saturday morning, declare his further pleasure in that behalf. Bedyngton, 22 Dec., 11 p.m. Signed. In Sadlers hand, p. 1. Add. Endd.: 1541.
23 Dec.	1473. Card. Pole to Card. Contarini.
Poli Epp., iii. 43.	Received his letters this evening, and therefore could not earlier answer about the office (logo) of the Penitentiary void by the death of M. John, (fn. 5) and his advice to confer it on D. Erasmo. Can only say that he thinks him well qualified. Upon M. John's death he asked the appointment of His Holiness, intending to confer it upon an Englishman, and offered it to one well learned in both laws, who is now at the Hospital, but he declined. Perhaps he feared the place was fated to be an equus Sejanus (qu. Trojanus?) to the English, two worthy and learned men having died there in succession. Has done nothing further, and willingly defers to Contarini's opinion. Thanks for the pleasure Contarini expresses at his contentment. As for Contarini's low state, observes that to be entirely dependent upon God is not a low state. As to writing about the manner of preaching, grants that it does seem like pride not to obey so many requests; but it is really humility, for, after he had begun to write, the matter seemed too great, and he broke off, and afterwards, conferring With a man who is very zealous for the edification of the Christian people, and finding their opinions much at variance, he set himself to examine the thing better. When he does write he will ask Contarini to read and correct. All here rejoice at the prospect of his presence after Epiphany (as intimated in his last letters, which arrived while this was waiting for a messenger). Viterbo, 23 Dec. 1541. Thanks him for writing to M. Pamphilo in the cause of the auditor. Explains that he intends to leave the matter to the auditor's discretion, whose wife, living at Orvieto, does not wish him to go so far. Italian.
23 Dec.	1474. Aguilar to Charles V.
Add. MS. 28,593, f. 104. B. M.	The Emperor's voyage. The Pope glad of the Emperor's offer to help him against Barbarossa; but Aguilar said the Emperor was now in greater need of money, and hoped the Pope would assist him and Ferdinand. Letters from the bp. of Fossombrone report his first audience of king Francis—not at all satisfactory. He would not listen to the terms offered for peace. He is emboldened by the failure of the Algiers expedition. The Avignon prisoners, &c. Rome, 23 (fn. 6) Dec. 1541. Modern copy from Simancas, pp. 13. See Spanish Calendar, VI. i., No. 218.
24 Dec.	1475. The Privy Council.
Nicolas' P.C.P., vii. 286.	Meeting at Greenwich, 24 Dec. Present: Suffolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Comptroller, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler. Business:—Letters exhibited from the Welsh Council, with a certificate of depositions touching “misdemeanours pretended against Sir Nicholas Poyntz.”
25 Dec.	1476. The Privy Council.
Nicolas' P.C.P., vii. 286.	Meeting at Greenwich, 25 Dec. Present: Suffolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler. Business:—Letters exhibited from Deputy and Council of Calais, declaring corruption of the grain provided for the store of the town. [*** The next entry is 28 Dec.]
25 Dec.	1477. Robert Morton.
Harl. MS. 99, f. 35. B. M.	A sealed receipt by Robert Morton, landlord of Mylbourne Styland, and Symondston, for a quarter's rent (15s. 2d.) from John Jacobbe, farmer there. Christmas, 33 Hen. VIII. Small paper, p. 1.
27 Dec.	1478. Aguilar to Charles V.
Add. MS., 28,593, f. 111. B. M.	Was glad to receive the Emperor's letter of the 4th inst. from Cartagena, in order to contradict the lies of the French. On hearing of the Emperor's arrival there, the Pope prepared to despatch Juan de Montepulchano to Spain to congratulate him and inform him of the result of his Datary's mission to France. The Datary had been delayed on his return by illness, but had sent an express to Home. Unsatisfactory answer of Francis. Will urge the Pope to insist on the liberation of the abp. of Valencia and the Avignon prisoners. Has written to the Viceroy of Naples to be on the alert. Proposed marriage of the Pope's granddaughter to the son of the duke of Savoy. The duke of Camarino. Rome, 27 Dec. 1541. Modern copy from the Archives of Simancas, pp. 9. See Spanish Calendar, VI. i., No. 219.
28 Dec.	1479. The Privy Council.
Nicolas' P.C.P., vii. 286.	Meeting at Greenwich, 28 Dec. Present: Suffolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Mr. of Horse, Comptroller, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler. Business:—Dr. Peter delivered abridgment of depositions against Sir Nic. Poyntz, as commanded the day before. Carter, bailey of Westm., exhibited a book of confessions of two suspected persons (in margin—Shankes, Pourdieu) and they were remitted to the further examination of lord St. John and Dr. Peter, who afterwards declared that Shankes and Powrdew had committed sundry felonies and robberies, and that a great nest of their accomplices remained. Carter was commanded to arrest these accomplices and put their goods in surety. The wardens of the goldsmiths having entered a stranger's house within the King's palace of Westm., and carried away certain pieces of work which they judged forfeit, were roundly admonished for so malapertly searching what the King had in making.
29 Dec.	1480. The Privy Council.
Nicolas' P.C.P., vii. 288.	Meeting at Greenwich, 29 Dec. Present: Abp. of Cant., Suffolk, Privy Seal, Gt. Chamb., Hertford, Gt. Admiral, Comptroller, Mr. of Horse, Vice-Chamb., Wriothesley, Sadler. Business:—Paskall, a stranger, was taken in the night by the watch, for lewd words touching the King, sent to the Counter and to Newgate; but, upon information by the secretary of Venice and others that the accusation was forged and malicious, Sir John Alen and Sir Ric. Gresham were appointed to examine the matter. Supplication exhibited by lady Poyntes, that the Commissioners upon the misdemeanours of her husband, Sir Nic. Poyntes, were not indifferent; desiring that the witnesses should be re-examined before the Council. [*** The next date on the Register is 1 Jan.]
29 Dec.	1481. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Spanish Calendar, VI. i., No. 220.	Went last Monday to the King and had a long conversation on various subjects, especially that mentioned in her letters of the 4th and 15th inst. On Wednesday morning, when about to close his letter to her, the clerk of the Privy Council came to ask him to Court and to delay the courier till he had heard an important communication from the Council. Went accordingly this Tuesday (Thursday), to Greenwich, and had a long conference with the Councillors about trade. Found them better informed than on previous occasions, no doubt because he had sent them, at their request, copies of his papers. Has even sent them copies of the Queen's reply to the English ambassador at Brussels, and of her letters to himself. They, meanwhile, have promised to send to Calais for the registers of the tonlieu in order to ascertain whether, as stated in the replies, the Flemings paid no more than the English in 1415. In the afternoon the King, though he had taken medicine that day and was not well, had a long conversation with him, which he will report in next despatch. On returning to his lodgings found the courier, bearer of this, already in the saddle, and could scarcely have time to write these few words. The King informed him of part of the conversation he had with the French ambassador on Tuesday last, and the offers and promises he had made him. The Queen will hardly conceive the persuasions that he used. But Chapuys still believes no one will get this King to let any one know his intentions on any subject unless he find that ambassadors have full powers, and have heard what they have to say. Otherwise he will use the most gracious language without letting you divine his thoughts. He now seems to desire ardently the Emperor's friendship; but Chapuys believes it is only to gain time and sell himself higher. London, 29 Dec. 1541. Original at Vienna.
30 Dec.	1482. Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Spanish Calendar, VI. i., No. 221.	As the King did not return to Greenwich before Christmas eve, could not speak with him so soon as he expected at the date of his last. (fn. 7) On hearing that he was back, sent to Greenwich to enquire when he could pay his respects. His secretary saw the lord Privy Seal, who, after visiting the King's Chamber, inquired whether Chapuys had news from the Emperor or letters to deliver, which the secretary said he could not exactly tell. The lord Privy Seal then went again into the King's Chamber and after a half hour's conference said that Chapuys might come to Court on the second day of the holidays, (fn. 8) which was yesterday. Meanwhile, on the night of the very day on which this King arrived at Greenwich, came the Queen's letters of the 15th and the Emperor's of the 4th inst., with the good news of his landing in Spain. Sent word of it early next morning to the King, who, with his Councillors, seemed glad and desired him to keep the appointment already fixed. Was at Greenwich yesterday, the 29th, (fn. 9) at the appointed hour, when the King received him most graciously, congratulated him on his recovery from the illness he had last summer and thanked him for the good news sent him the previous day. He inquired about the Emperor's health, in what part of Spain he would pass the winter, and whither the men and war material had been sent. Replied according to his information and told him, as to his own ambassador, about whom he was anxious, that if anything had happened to him the Emperor would have written. Conversation with the King about the Emperor's voyage and casualties. Said, but that he had promised the German diet to hold a conference with the Pope and then felt the expedition to Africa necessary, he would certainly have visited England on his way back to Spain. Got the King into very high spirits by such flattering words, which, the lord Privy Seal says, are never thrown away upon him, and said that he had things to tell him in confidence in return for his information of French intrigues; for which the King appointed him an audience after dinner. After dinner he was again introduced into the King's chamber by the lord Privy Seal, the only other attendance being two more Privy Councillors and gentlemen of the Chamber, viz., the Admiral and the Grand Esquire. Took a seat at the King's request, who assured him he might be quite unreserved, and spoke of the letter which Francis had caused his Queen to write, almost by force, in favour of a marriage between his son Orleans and the Infanta Maria of Portugal and of the bp. Dade's (fn. 10) mission about it. The King seemed surprised and changed colour, and that he might have time to answer, made Chapuys repeat the statement two or three times. He then said that might be so, and that Francis probably wished to get the Infanta into his power, not to marry her, as she was not yet of marriageable age, but for objects of greater consequence than people imagine. Told him the Infanta was old enough, but he maintained his opinion; nor was he likely to give in, seeing that the French are soliciting the hand of the Princess for the Duke and would have sent an embassy for the purpose if he had allowed one of his Privy Councillors to negotiate with the French ambassador, who, however, had no sufficient powers. The ambassador, the King said, was to come to him next day, furnished, as he supposed, with such powers, and the King would hear what he said, being perfectly free in the matter. Chapuys protested that he spoke as one devoted to his service, and told him he might be sure the French did not expect his consent to the marriage, especially under conditions to which they themselves would never subscribe, such as declaring the illegitimacy of the Princess and some others. Indeed, they would never entertain it sincerely even if the King granted all their conditions. Here the King interrupted him and said he was mistaken, pointing to the possibility of her succession, though a bastard, as he could enable her to succeed by the powers given him by Parliament. Replied that he had often heard Frenchmen of experience say that on no account could France wish the duke of Orleans to succeed to the English crown through such means, as it would revive the old enmities between the countries, and apart from the Princess's claim to legitimisation, Henry might interfere for his son-in-law's rights in Brittany, to say nothing of the payment of the pensions. Added that he was sorry the French embassy had not yet arrived, as the King would have seen their deceit, for the French themselves were quite persuaded that without payment of arrears of the pension, now amounting to upwards of 1,200,000 ducats, a closer alliance with England was impossible. Henry said Francis was even then soliciting an interview with him. Chapuys said he knew it from a Gascon merchant, who told him that it was already settled; but that was no proof of Francis' sincerity. Moreover, at the very time of the said bp.'s despatch [to Portugal], Francis had sent the Sieur de Morvilliers to Scotland, with express orders to go thither direct and not touch at any English port. At this the King changed colour, and, after a few minutes, said that as to the Scots, they were now very humble and seemed afraid of him, to judge by the embassy James had sent him when he was in the North. (fn. 11) Replied that he must know that the frequent visits of the Scots to France of late had made them crafty, and they probably thought the marriage of the Princess to the duke of Orleans was settled; but that Morvilliers might cause James to change his mind. Henry said he was prepared. Chapuys then informed him of the agreement between the King of Sweden and the duke of Holstein, who calls himself King of Denmark, which Francis or his ministers had promoted to obtain supremacy in the Northern seas and prevent the Easterlings and others who navigated the German ocean from unlading elsewhere than in France, though they might perhaps, for Henry's sake, exempt England at first. The King replied that the king of Denmark was his good friend. Chapuys said, then the other must profess to be his friend also; yet he had been told by one of Henry's own men that while residing for the King at Lubeck, he had heard him of Denmark say in public to his soldiers that he would make them all rich with the spoils of England, and that he had often repeated this, especially at the storming of a castle (fn. 12) that Mark (fn. 13), a captain of Lubeck, once held for this King. The King said, though the king of Denmark might not be his friend just now and might have a league with France, neither the king of Sweden nor he (Denmark) could do him much harm, especially as the latter was so old. Chapuys replied that he was a young man, but Henry would not give in. When Chapuys spoke of the way in which Francis had snatched Astenay from the duke of Lorraine the King shrugged his shoulders and afterwards said he wondered how, after the reasons he had himself laid before Chapuys, the Emperor could have consented to the marriage of the dowager duchess of Milan to the duke of Bar. As to the herald sent to Liege and the French intrigues there, the King said it was only a claim for a certain lady. The King would hardly listen to what he said about Francis' intelligences with the duke of Lorraine, declaring that his intrigues in Germany were of far greater importance; where, in spite of the orders made at the last sitting of the Regensburg diet, he will be able to recruit any day as many men as he pleases,—whilst in Italy, besides engaging captains of his own, he will have both the Pope and the Venetians, in his favour. He said he believed Francis would invade Flanders next spring, and that if he himself had accepted the hand of Francis' daughter, (fn. 14) Francis would have offered him a share of his conquests, as he did a few years before. That, he assured Chapuys, was a fact, though Francis had intimated in Spain that Henry was the author of that war, as the Emperor told Wyatt reproachfully. He thought things were badly ordered in the Low Countries, and regretted that the Emperor had not listened to the advice he sent him in Spain through Philip Hoby. But his councillors in Spain, who cared not a fig for the rest of the world, had caused him to offer Flanders to Francis I. that he might relinquish his claims on Milan. Indeed, one of the Imperial Councillors had made such an offer to the French ambassador, and Francis had refused, saying he would not sacrifice a right that he possessed for the sake of what he might get at any time. Chapuys said the report was absurd, for the Emperor would sooner give away ten Milans than sacrifice the Low Countries, which, moreover, would not be so easy to conquer as Francis had insinuated. Chapuys also said that he quite believed the French had offered a partition of conquests, but it was in the hope of expelling the English afterwards as easily as the French had been driven from Naples. He believed also that Holstein and Cleves were very likely offered shares. The King returned to the Algiers expedition and imputed its failure to the Spaniards. The Emperor should have had some experienced sailor to warn him of the dangers of the African coast, where he could find no harbour of refuge; and as it was rumoured that he and Francis wished to make war on England, his chief hope was that the fleet would have to return in disorder to the ports of Sicily whence it had sailed, or be wrecked on the coast of England and take shelter under the bulwarks he had himself erected on the coast. Could not convince him by any arguments that the ships fitted out by M. de Bossu in Zeeland (fn. 15) were never intended for the invasion of England, which he maintained had been planned along with France and only abandoned when his own warlike preparations had rendered attack impossible. The King went on to say that, considering the state of Europe and the danger which the possible failure of the Algiers expedition might involve to the Emperor's dominions, he wondered that you (fn. 16) had not tried to come to a closer friendship with him instead of putting it off for 10 months, (fn. 17) and why, since the failure of the expedition, the Emperor had not written a single word or made any application to him. The 10 months would expire next March, and then he would be obliged to look to his own affairs. Chapuys excused the Emperor by his urgent business and begged the King, not to lose time in the negotiations, to declare briefly his intentions, which Chapuys would write to the Emperor. But he refused to say whether he would have a defensive and offensive alliance till Chapuys showed full powers, lest he should be treated, he said, as on former occasions, when people said he looked everywhere for friends and found none. He was quite independent, he said; if people wanted him they might come forward with offers. Chapuys said if he were to choose by convenience he must lean to the Emperor rather than to France. This he would not admit at first, but in the end he began to be more open. Showed him that the danger from the Turk was pressing and that those princes who have solicited him to invade Christendom will take the opportunity while he attacks on one side to seize the Low Countries, and after that England, the conquest of which would be far more profitable to Francis. Pointed to reasons for this and the precedent of King John's time; cited also declarations of the Turk himself and of King Francis, as to their particular aims, and defended the Emperor against the charge of seeking universal monarchy by his conduct as regards Milan, Florence and Genoa, while Francis was detaining lands not his own in Savoy, Guienne, Normandy, and (lately) Avignon. Yet the French knew how to lull people to sleep with flattering words; which, however, made Chapuys suspect all the more that they were now plotting mischief against England. The King said he was on his guard and would not allow his ships to remain in French ports at the end of January next; but he justified the seizure of Avignon, which he held had always belonged to France, and thought there had been some colour in the past for the imputation against the Emperor of seeking universal monarchy. And if Francis was not to invade England until he had conquered the Low Countries, Henry would be well warned and Francis too poor then to molest him. Told him when that time came they would find riches enough in the Low Countries. As to the Turk, the King said he would have given aid against him if the Emperor had consented to treat for an alliance, but since he did not care for that he himself was not concerned to provide the means; and unless Chapuys's powers arrived by a fixed date he would act as above stated, for he had been cheated before and laughed at both by the Emperor and Francis for having declared his will prematurely. Chapuys said if he referred to the edict about navigation he was mistaken, and he was ready to discuss the matter with his Privy Councillors when Henry pleased. He replied that there was no need of renewing old quarrels, as Granvelle had lately spoken to the bp. of Winchester and to his other ambassador. Chapuys said he did not mean those troublesome matters, but the business on which he had lately sent his ambassadors to the Queen of Hungary. He replied that be would be glad if Chapuys met his Privy Councillors at the first opportunity, as his ambassadors had frequently written from the Low Countries begging him to get Chapuys written to on the subject; that he was sure the matter would have been settled long ago if the Emperor had ministers like Chapuys in those parts; but as his ambassadors were merely wasting time he had recalled them. He flattered Chapuys so as to make him feel ashamed and said it was not flattery, for Chapuys had given him more trouble than any man. Apologised that it was owing to the nature of his business and the way such matters (formerly) passed through the Cardinal's hands. He seemed gratified and said he never saw or expected to see a wiser man than the Cardinal. Begged the King not to tax him with importunity in having made so long a discourse or with rashness in venturing, as it were, to preach to Franciscans or to teach Minerva, but to believe him one of his humblest servants, and begged that he would give orders, as Chapuys had had no opportunity as yet of speaking to his Privy Councillors on the affair, that as soon as they had examined the papers from Flanders, he might be sent for. This the King readily granted and took everything in good part. Had some conversation then in an adjoining room with the lord Privy Seal, Suffolk, the Admiral, and the bp. of Winchester, who each promised to consider the affair; but they were summoned by the King while talking with him. The day after, (fn. 18) the French ambassador went also to Court and was received more coldly than usual. Next day (Wednesday) in the morning, as he was about to close this despatch, the clerk of the King's Council came to request his presence at 8 o'clock on Thursday morning and beg him to delay the courier till after seeing them. Yesterday, as agreed, appeared before the Council, when one of them read a paper on the edict published by the Queen against English vessels lading goods in the Low Countries. In addition to old arguments it stated that the edict was given under a false pretence, and that Chapuys must know it was not true that the King had forbidden foreign vessels to lade in English ports in violation of treaties. No doubt, the King's ordinances forbade transport of victuals, but that was no infraction of treaties, for in one of the treaties with King Philip power was reserved to either party to forbid export of victuals when there was good cause to do so. Nor was the expulsion of Flemings a violation of treaties, for though by the letter of one article Flemish merchants are allowed to come, reside, and go away at pleasure, this must be understood of merchants, not of mechanics and workmen, who might multiply so as to drive away the natives and yet call themselves Englishmen. And though by the commercial treaty of 1506 King Philip had power to revoke it after giving one year's notice, yet that power was virtually abrogated by the treaty of 1520 until a fresh treaty be made; and nothing was so certain as that they intended it to be perpetual; moreover, that even if the Flemish commissioners had not special powers to treat and conclude the articles agreed by them, the ratification by subsequent treaties, both expressly and tacitly, made them good. Replied, as he believes, with some effect, and the discussion lasted from before dinner till 4 p.m. The conference ended, as he wrote yesterday, in the Privy Councillors asking for a copy of the advice and direction given him by the Queen's Privy councillors for their better information, and saying that if they thought an answer was needed they would have their registers and tonlieux examined to ascertain what duties the people of Flanders had been paying for the last 60 or 70 years, when a resolution would be taken. After dinner the lord Privy Seal came to tell him that the King, hearing he was still within the palace, although he had taken medicine that morning, would not let him go without speaking to him again. On entering was received as graciously as before, and the King asked him if he knew what the Emperor intended doing after holding the Cortes of Castile. The prelates and nobility, he had no doubt, would urge him to repeat the expedition against Algiers; but the enterprise was too hazardous for such a prince, and Algiers was but a small town, against which one of his lieutenants might be sent. Under that excuse he might get a large sum of money from the Cortes; and that done he should come to Flanders, appointing a Council for the Prince, who, however, should conclude nothing important without the Imperial seal. The Prince should have a body guard to protect him from the insolence of the Spanish grandees. Two arguments that he used will show the discreet tendency of his speech: (1) that an armed force was needful to prevent rebellion against the Emperor in the Prince's favour; and (2) that to avoid disturbances the Emperor should secretly bring his mother with him to Flanders. It was in vain to tell him there were no such dangers now. Told him that he did not know what route the Emperor would take or what he intended to do next spring; that most likely he would act as the pressure of affairs required, and with due regard to the advice of friends like Henry. Fancies his wish is that the Emperor in coming to Brussels or Germany may visit England and perhaps hold an interview with him. Tried to discourage such ideas by representing the cost of a voyage by this sea as compared with the Mediterranean; besides, the Emperor would have to visit Arragon—the nearest point to his Italian dominions—in order to receive the usual grant of 600,000 ducats. The King went on to say that the French ambassador seemed at his last audience to suspect something of what is going on between the Emperor and himself—that matters are far advanced, and perhaps on the eve of a treaty; and the ambassador was so dejected that he could scarcely utter a word in his presence, or speak to any of his Privy Councillors, whom he avoided as much as he could. Indeed, he heard that this very morning, if any of the Councillors approached him he would get up and change his place. Chapuys said he thought such conduct betokened haughtiness (braveté) rather than dejection, and the King said he believed he was right, describing the ambassador's manner at a conference with himself, in which he (the ambassador) imparted to him the news contained in the duplicate of Chapuys's letter to the Emperor. Thinks, notwithstanding his secretary's information, that he has no powers to treat of the duke of Orleans' marriage, or the King would have been sure to tell him. Indeed, the King said he had offered to produce a letter of credence authorising him to negociate the marriage as the equivalent of full power; which the King refused as he had had trouble enough with such letters already, and in France the master was not ashamed to disavow the minister, and the ministers to disavow what they had said. The King regretted that the Emperor had not attacked the Grand Turk with the formidable army he had led against Algiers, for he would certainly have crushed him, whereas, now, owing to his neglect of Henry's advice, the Turk is as formidable as ever. He also said that if he himself had been on as good terms with the German Lutherans as he was some time ago he might have assisted the Emperor wonderfully in the pacification of Germany, but he was unable owing to the Cleves affair. Chapuys said he thought the Duke could not be much concerned about his sister's divorce, else he would not have found in France so advantageous a marriage as that offered to him. Indeed, the French would never have set eyes on him, but that they knew he was Henry's enemy; nor would they ever have allied themselves so ignominiously with Pope Paul, but that he, too, was Henry's enemy; and knowing, as Henry did, their bragging and dissimulations, he should consider how they would treat him if they had their way; for as I told him before, they were not preparing to present him with part of the spoil, but rather had disposed of his kingdom. Chapuys would be a rich man if he had as many gold crowns as the French had formed projects against England during the last three or four years. The King said he believed what Chapuys said, but he was prepared, and only wished other countries were equally so; but he feared that a French invasion of Flanders would be serious, and that the men of Ghent might do some foolish thing unless great care were taken. In replying to this, took occasion again to speak of the commercial treaty, and begged the King to make some sort of overture, at least to declare whether he was disposed to enter a league defensive and offensive, or merely one of the two. Cannot describe how earnestly he besought him, but could obtain no other answer than a recapitulation of what he had said during the audience. If angels had come from Heaven they would not have moved him to declare anything till he saw sufficient power and overture from the Emperor. In short, he will temporise with both sides in order to avoid spending money in preparing for war. If the Emperor wishes to gain the King, he must send at once an able person with full powers to take charge of this negociation, for Chapuys does not feel strong enough. He should also send letters to all the members of this King's Council, thanking them for their good offices in this affair and others. Forgot to say that one of the Councillors asked him the other day what the Emperor and the people of the Low Countries would think if the King were to issue an edict on navigation like the Emperor's. Replied that he was sure both the Emperor and the queen of Hungary would be very glad of it, and he begged them to procure it as it would at once put an end to all disputes on trade and secure the people of the Low Countries against the uncertainty what goods they could safely lade or bring to England without danger of seizure. Was asked also whether the merchants of Flanders would complain if the King wished his subjects to navigate the seas and offer to take freight one-half cheaper than the Flemish, so that the latter could no longer lade in the ports of England? Replied that they would not, if the English only lowered freights without expressly forbidding the lading of vessels here, for the indemnity of which they had means enough of providing. London, 30 Dec. 1541. Original at Vienna, partly in cipher.
30 Dec.	1483. Chapuys to Granvelle.
Spanish Calendar, VI. i., No.222.	Hopes the Queen Regent has fully informed the Emperor of his conference with the King on the 29th, else his despatch to the Emperor will not be thoroughly understood. Sorry that want of health and leisure has prevented him from writing fully to the Emperor himself, but not having a secretary to keep his cipher—and if he had he should never trust to him—he could not cipher the contents of his long letter to the Regent. He therefore sends Granvelle a duplicate of the substance of his despatch to the queen of Hungary, requesting him to make any needful excuse to the Emperor. This will show Granvelle all the news except of the imprisonment of lord William, of which he wrote nothing to the Queen. On Thursday before Christmas lord William, his wife, his sister, two other gentlewomen, three female servants, and three gentlemen of no very high rank were sentenced to confiscation of goods and imprisonment for life for merely having (as he learns by his man whom he sent to the Privy Council to inquire) known of the Queen's misconduct before her marriage and not revealed it. The duchess of Norfolk, mother of the said lord, has not yet been tried and sentenced, but it is believed her trial and the Queen's will be before the two Houses of Parliament which will meet on the 16th prox. The Queen is still confined in the convent (fn. 19) mentioned in a previous despatch, and the duke of Norfolk is already at his house in town, with orders, no doubt, not to quit it or attend Council until the Queen's case be investigated. This he mentioned before, but repeats lest his letter should have miscarried. Has no words to describe the King's high praises of Granvelle. He was quite convinced by Chapuys's explanation of the reasons for leaving him in Rome, and said that there was one more, viz., that he might not be present in such a rash enterprise, which he would bet had been planned without Granvelle's advice. Suggests, in case the Emperor think fit to abandon the English altogether and prevent them making alliances elsewhere, that within a fixed time full powers should be sent and a person appointed to carry out these instructions and replace Chapuys, for the air of this country disagrees with him and living is very costly; and since the Emperor is not pleased to increase his salary, begs at least that the arrears may be paid, with what is due of his ecclesiastical pension in Flanders, to enable him to get out of debt. Difficulties about his pensions on the bprics. of Osma and Malaga and the abpric. of Toledo. Suggested in his letter to the Queen Regent that the person who is to come here should bring letters of commendation for these Privy Councillors—not that they should be presented at once, as that might cool those here instead of warming them, if they saw us pressing them so hard; but they might be of use if the negociations took a favourable turn. (fn. 20) Original at Vienna, partly in cipher.
30 Dec.	1484. James V. to Paul III.
Royal MS., 18 B. vi. 134. B. M.	Desires him to commend the abbey of Kilwynning to Henry Sinclare, to whom Alexander, the abbot, has appointed to resign it. The said Henry is of a distinguished and ancient house, and one of James's councillors of justice. Edinburgh, 30 Dec. 1541. Lat. Copy, p. 1.
30 Dec.	1485. James V. to Cardinal Carpi.
Ib., 134b. B. M.	Asks him to favour the above suit. Edinburgh, 30 Dec. 1541. Lat. Copy, p. 1.
31 Dec.	1486. Sir Wm. Eure to the Council.
Add. MS. 32,646, f. 288. B. M. Hamilton Papers, No. 110.	Received, on 29th Dec. at 3 p.m., their letter dated Westminster, 13 Dec., and accordingly sends schedule of murders committed in the East Marches since the last peace. (fn. 21) As for reiving and stealing, sent copy of the bills lately by Harry Raye, pursuivant at arms. Berwike, 31 Dec. Signed. P. 1. Add. Endd.: 1541.
Ib.	2. Names of Englishmen slain by Scots within these East Marches since the peace, viz., a list of murdered and murderers in nine cases, but no dates. Two of them are described as slain in Scotland, while following their “lawful trodde” after their goods. P. 1.
	1487. Robert Cowley.
R. O.	Declaration by certain of the Council and Commissioners in Ireland as to a report which, they hear, Robert Cowley, master of the Rolls, has made, (fn. 22) viz., that Sir Ant. Sentleger, deputy, said in their presence at dinner in Kilmainham that the King's father had but a slender title to the Crown before he married king Edward's daughter. Cowley says he declared this to Ormond, justice Luttrell, and others to avoid the danger of concealment. Heard no such words at Kilmainham; but at Thomas Court by Dublin, Sir Anthony, in speaking of king Lewis (fn. 23) of France and the dissension in his time, cited the dissension between the houses of Lancaster and York, and said Henry VII. had no great title to the Crown before he married King Edward's daughter. Baron Walshe answered that he had a title by his mother, the duke of Somerset's daughter. Sir Anthony replied that he had no perfect title, for some about him advised him to take the realm by conquest. “But now, said he, thanked be the Lord, all titles be in the King our master.” Took it that these words proceeded of no evil intent, but only to the praise of God that wrought wondrously. Signed: John Alen, Chancelor: George Dublin': Will'm Brabazon: Thomas Lutrell, justice: Thomas Walssh: John Mynne: Will'm Cavendysh. P. 1. Endd.: 1541.